Archive for the ‘American Renaissance’ Category

100 Years Ago African-Americans Marched Down 5th Avenue to … – Afro American

(The Conversation is an independent and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts.)

(THE CONVERSATION) The only sounds were those of muffled drums, the shuffling of feet and the gentle sobs of some of the estimated 20,000 onlookers. The women and children wore all white. The men dressed in black.

On the afternoon of Saturday, July 28, 1917, nearly 10,000 African-Americans marched down Fifth Avenue, in silence, to protest racial violence and White supremacy in the United States.

New York City, and the nation, had never before witnessed such a remarkable scene.

The Silent Protest Parade, as it came to be known, was the first mass African-American demonstration of its kind and marked a watershed moment in the history of the civil rights movement. As I have written in my book Torchbearers of Democracy, African-Americans during the World War I era challenged racism both abroad and at home. In taking to the streets to dramatize the brutal treatment of black people, the participants of the Silent Protest Parade indicted the United States as an unjust nation.

This charge remains true today.

One hundred years later, as Black people continue to insist that Black Lives Matter, the Silent Protest Parade offers a vivid reminder about the power of courageous leadership, grassroots mobilization, direct action and their collective necessity in the fight to end racial oppression in our current troubled times.

Racial violence and the East St. Louis RiotOne of the great accomplishments of the Black Lives Matter movement has been to demonstrate the continuum of racist violence against Black people throughout American history and also the history of resistance against it. But as we continue to grapple with the hyper-visibility of Black death, it is perhaps easy to forget just how truly horrific racial violence against Black people was a century ago.

Prior to the Silent Protest Parade, mob violence and the lynching of African-Americans had grown even more gruesome. In Waco, a mob of 10,000 White Texans attended the May 15, 1916, lynching of a Black farmer, Jesse Washington. One year later, on May 22, 1917, a Black woodcutter, Ell Persons, died at the hands of over 5,000 vengeance-seeking Whites in Memphis. Both men were burned and mutilated, their charred body parts distributed and displayed as souvenirs.

Even by these grisly standards, East St. Louis later that same summer was shocking. Simmering labor tensions between White and Black workers exploded on the evening of July 2, 1917.

For 24 hours, White mobs indiscriminately stabbed, shot and lynched anyone with Black skin. Men, women, children, the elderly, the disabled no one was spared. Homes were torched and occupants shot down as they attempted to flee. White militia men stood idly by as the carnage unfolded. Some actively participated. The death toll likely ran as high as 200 people.

The citys surviving 6,000 Black residents became refugees.

East St. Louis was an American pogrom. The fearless African-American anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells traveled to the still smoldering city on July 4 and collected firsthand accounts of the aftermath. She described what she saw as an awful orgy of human butchery.

The devastation of East St. Louis was compounded by the fact that America was at war. On April 2, President Woodrow Wilson had thrown the United States into the maelstrom of World War I. He did so by asserting Americas singularly unique place on the global stage and his goal to make the world safe for democracy. In the eyes of Black people, East St. Louis exposed the hypocrisy of Wilsons vision and America itself.

The NAACP takes action The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People quickly responded to the massacre. Founded in 1909, the NAACP had yet to establish itself as a truly representative organization for African-Americans across the country. With the exception of W.E.B. Du Bois, one of the NAACPs co-founders and editor of The Crisis magazine, the national leadership was all White. Branches were overwhelmingly located in the North, despite the majority of African-Americans residing below the Mason-Dixon line. As a result, the NAACP had largely failed to respond with a sense of urgency to the everyday horrors endured by the masses of Black folk.

James Weldon Johnson changed things. Lawyer, diplomat, novelist, poet and songwriter, Johnson was a true African-American renaissance man. In 1916, Johnson joined the NAACP as a field secretary and made an immediate impact. In addition to growing the organizations southern membership, Johnson recognized the importance of expanding the influence of the NAACPs existing branches beyond the Black elite.

Johnson raised the idea of a silent protest march at an executive committee meeting of the NAACP Harlem branch shortly after the East St. Louis riot. Johnson also insisted that the protest include the citys entire Black community. Planning quickly got underway, spearheaded by Johnson and local Black clergymen.

A historic day By noon on July 28, several thousand African-Americans had begun to assemble at 59th Street. Crowds gathered along Fifth Avenue. Anxious New York City police officers lined the streets, aware of what was about to take place but, with clubs at the ready, prepared for trouble.

At approximately 1 p.m., the protest parade commenced. Four men carrying drums began to slowly, solemnly play. A group of Black clergymen and NAACP officials made up the front line. W.E.B. Du Bois, who had recently returned from conducting an NAACP investigation in East St. Louis, and James Weldon Johnson marched side by side.

The parade was a stunning spectacle. At the front, women and children wearing all-white gowns symbolized the innocence of African-Americans in the face of the nations guilt. The men, bringing up the rear and dressed in dark suits, conveyed both a mournful dignity and stern determination to stand up for their rights as citizens.

They carried signs and banners shaming America for its treatment of Black people. Some read, Your hands are full of blood, Thou Shalt Not Kill, Mothers, do lynchers go to heaven? Others highlighted the wartime context and the hollowness of Americas ideals: We have fought for the liberty of white Americans in six wars; our reward was East St. Louis, Patriotism and loyalty presuppose protection and liberty, Make America safe for Democracy.

Throughout the parade, the marchers remained silent. The New York Times described the protest as one of the most quiet and orderly demonstrations ever witnessed. The silence was finally broken with cheers when the parade concluded at Madison Square.

Legacy of the Silent Protest ParadeThe Silent Protest Parade marked the beginning of a new epoch in the long Black freedom struggle. While adhering to a certain politics of respectability, a strategy employed by African-Americans that focused on countering racist stereotypes through dignified appearance and behavior, the protest, within its context, constituted a radical claiming of the public sphere and a powerful affirmation of Black humanity. It declared that a New Negro had arrived and launched a Black public protest tradition that would be seen in the parades of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the civil rights demonstrations of the 1960s and the Black Lives Matter marches of today.

The Silent Protest Parade reminds us that the fight against racist violence and the killing of Black people remains just as relevant now as it did 100 years ago. Black death, whether at the hands of a Baton Rouge police officer or White supremacist in Charleston, is a specter that continues to haunt this nation. The expendability of Black bodies is American tradition, and history speaks to the long endurance of this violent legacy.

But history also offers inspiration, purpose and vision.

Ida B. Wells, James Weldon Johnson and other freedom fighters of their generation should serve as models for activists today. That the Silent Protest Parade attracted Black people from all walks of life and backgrounds attests to the need for organizations like the NAACP, following its recent national convention, to remember and embrace its origins. And, in building and sustaining the current movement, we can take lessons from past struggles and work strategically and creatively to apply them to the present.

Because, at their core, the demands of Black people in 2017 remain the same as one of the signs raised to the sky on that July afternoon in 1917:

Give me a chance to live.

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article here: http://theconversation.com/100-years-ago-african-americans-marched-down-5th-avenue-to-declare-that-black-lives-matter-81427.

This is a link to an original AFRO, August 4, 1917 article on the Silent March in New York: https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=jiUmAAAAIBAJ&sjid=7P0FAAAAIBAJ&pg=2444%2C277811

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100 Years Ago African-Americans Marched Down 5th Avenue to … – Afro American

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July 31, 2017   Posted in: American Renaissance  Comments Closed

Group with race agenda is met by protesters at conference – WZTV

Protesters say American Renaissance is a hate group (WZTV).

BURNS, Tenn. — A group that claims to protect the rights of white people is met with resistance, as its members gather for their annual conference at a Tennessee State Park Saturday.

For six years and counting, the American Renaissance Conference has claimed to come in peace to Montgomery Bell State Park.

“American Renaissance is standing up for the rights of white people just like every other race, says Jared Taylor, The biggest misconception about American Renaissance is that we are some kind of threat to any other group.

But a strong group of opponents, believe their mission has other motives.

They routinely go after people of color whether they be black, Hispanic, Muslim, and try to encourage people to be just as hostile to them as they are, says Daryle Lamont Jenkins, Executive Director of One Peoples Project. You’re basically looking at the klan, you’re basically looking at neo Nazis.

Jenkins, along with many other opponents, argue members of an organization that’s been labeled a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center have no place congregating on public land.

“This is wrong. You’ve got a hate group, they are a hate group, I dont care how many times they say theyre not. They are having a conference, bringing all those haters to a state park that belongs to all of us, says Kat Hitchcock, of Nashville.

The group counters it is their right to be there.

“What I find contemptable about these protesters, is that they want to shut us down. They want to prevent the State of Tennessee from allowing us to gather and express ourselves, says Taylor.

Over the years, both sides have claimed to engage in a dialogue of their differences with no luck.

They may just have to agree to disagree for now.

The state says as long as they follow the rules, the American Renaissance is allowed to stay.

At last check, there were no reported incidents between the American Renaissance Conference, and those protesting it.

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Group with race agenda is met by protesters at conference – WZTV

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July 30, 2017   Posted in: American Renaissance  Comments Closed

From the Silent Protest Parade to Black Lives Matter: 100 years on, the First Mass African-American Demo Remains … – Newsweek

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

The only sounds were those of muffled drums, the shuffling of feet and the gentle sobs of some of the estimated 20,000 onlookers. The women and children wore all white. The men dressed in black.

On the afternoon of Saturday, July 28, 1917, nearly 10,000 African-Americans marched down Fifth Avenue, in silence, to protest racial violence and white supremacy in the United States.

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New York City, and the nation, had never before witnessed such a remarkable scene.

The Silent Protest Parade, as it came to be known, was the first mass African-American demonstration of its kind and marked a watershed moment in the history of the civil rights movement. As I have written in my book Torchbearers of Democracy, African-Americans during the World War I era challenged racism both abroad and at home. In taking to the streets to dramatize the brutal treatment of black people, the participants of the Silent Protest Parade indicted the United States as an unjust nation.

This charge remains true today.

One hundred years later, as black people continue to insist that Black Lives Matter, the Silent Protest Parade offers a vivid reminder about the power of courageous leadership, grassroots mobilization, direct action and their collective necessity in the fight to end racial oppression in our current troubled times.

One of the great accomplishments of the Black Lives Matter movement has been to demonstrate the continuum of racist violence against black people throughout American history and also the history of resistance against it. But as we continue to grapple with the hyper-visibility of black death, it is perhaps easy to forget just how truly horrific racial violence against black people was a century ago.

Prior to the Silent Protest Parade, mob violence and the lynching of African-Americans had grown even more gruesome. In Waco, a mob of 10,000 white Texans attended the May 15, 1916, lynching of a black farmer, Jesse Washington. One year later, on May 22, 1917, a black woodcutter, Ell Persons, died at the hands of over 5,000 vengeance-seeking whites in Memphis. Both men were burned and mutilated, their charred body parts distributed and displayed as souvenirs.

Even by these grisly standards, East St. Louis later that same summer was shocking. Simmering labor tensions between white and black workers exploded on the evening of July 2, 1917.

For 24 hours, white mobs indiscriminately stabbed, shot and lynched anyone with black skin. Men, women, children, the elderly, the disabled no one was spared. Homes were torched and occupants shot down as they attempted to flee. White militia men stood idly by as the carnage unfolded. Some actively participated. The death toll likely ran as high as 200 people.

The citys surviving 6,000 black residents became refugees.

East St. Louis was an American pogrom. The fearless African-American anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells traveled to the still smoldering city on July 4 and collected firsthand accounts of the aftermath. She described what she saw as an awful orgy of human butchery.

The devastation of East St. Louis was compounded by the fact that America was at war. On April 2, President Woodrow Wilson had thrown the United States into the maelstrom of World War I. He did so by asserting Americas singularly unique place on the global stage and his goal to make the world safe for democracy. In the eyes of black people, East St. Louis exposed the hypocrisy of Wilsons vision and America itself.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People quickly responded to the massacre. Founded in 1909, the NAACP had yet to establish itself as a truly representative organization for African-Americans across the country. With the exception of W.E.B. Du Bois, one of the NAACPs co-founders and editor of The Crisis magazine, the national leadership was all white. Branches were overwhelmingly located in the North, despite the majority of African-Americans residing below the Mason-Dixon line. As a result, the NAACP had largely failed to respond with a sense of urgency to the everyday horrors endured by the masses of black folk.

James Weldon Johnson changed things. Lawyer, diplomat, novelist, poet and songwriter, Johnson was a true African-American renaissance man. In 1916, Johnson joined the NAACP as a field secretary and made an immediate impact. In addition to growing the organizations southern membership, Johnson recognized the importance of expanding the influence of the NAACPs existing branches beyond the black elite.

Johnson raised the idea of a silent protest march at an executive committee meeting of the NAACP Harlem branch shortly after the East St. Louis riot. Johnson also insisted that the protest include the citys entire black community. Planning quickly got underway, spearheaded by Johnson and local black clergymen.

By noon on July 28, several thousand African-Americans had begun to assemble at 59th Street. Crowds gathered along Fifth Avenue. Anxious New York City police officers lined the streets, aware of what was about to take place but, with clubs at the ready, prepared for trouble.

At approximately 1 p.m., the protest parade commenced. Four men carrying drums began to slowly, solemnly play. A group of black clergymen and NAACP officials made up the front line. W.E.B. Du Bois, who had recently returned from conducting an NAACP investigation in East St. Louis, and James Weldon Johnson marched side by side.

The parade was a stunning spectacle. At the front, women and children wearing all-white gowns symbolized the innocence of African-Americans in the face of the nations guilt. The men, bringing up the rear and dressed in dark suits, conveyed both a mournful dignity and stern determination to stand up for their rights as citizens.

They carried signs and banners shaming America for its treatment of black people. Some read, Your hands are full of blood, Thou Shalt Not Kill, Mothers, do lynchers go to heaven? Others highlighted the wartime context and the hollowness of Americas ideals: We have fought for the liberty of white Americans in six wars; our reward was East St. Louis, Patriotism and loyalty presuppose protection and liberty, Make America safe for Democracy.

Throughout the parade, the marchers remained silent. The New York Times described the protest as one of the most quiet and orderly demonstrations ever witnessed. The silence was finally broken with cheers when the parade concluded at Madison Square.

The Silent Protest Parade marked the beginning of a new epoch in the long black freedom struggle. While adhering to a certain politics of respectability, a strategy employed by African-Americans that focused on countering racist stereotypes through dignified appearance and behavior, the protest, within its context, constituted a radical claiming of the public sphere and a powerful affirmation of black humanity. It declared that a New Negro had arrived and launched a black public protest tradition that would be seen in the parades of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the civil rights demonstrations of the 1960s and the Black Lives Matter marches of today.

The Silent Protest Parade reminds us that the fight against racist violence and the killing of black people remains just as relevant now as it did 100 years ago. Black death, whether at the hands of a Baton Rouge police officer or white supremacist in Charleston, is a specter that continues to haunt this nation. The expendability of black bodies is American tradition, and history speaks to the long endurance of this violent legacy.

But history also offers inspiration, purpose and vision.

Ida B. Wells, James Weldon Johnson and other freedom fighters of their generation should serve as models for activists today. That the Silent Protest Parade attracted black people from all walks of life and backgrounds attests to the need for organizations like the NAACP, following its recent national convention, to remember and embrace its origins. And, in building and sustaining the current movement, we can take lessons from past struggles and work strategically and creatively to apply them to the present.

Because, at their core, the demands of black people in 2017 remain the same as one of the signs raised to the sky on that July afternoon in 1917:

Give me a chance to live.

Chad Williams, associate professor of African and Afro-American Studies, Brandeis University.

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From the Silent Protest Parade to Black Lives Matter: 100 years on, the First Mass African-American Demo Remains … – Newsweek

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Pro-Trump trolls silent after "alt-right" ship detained in Mediterranean for apparent human trafficking – Media Matters for America (blog)


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Pro-Trump trolls silent after “alt-right” ship detained in Mediterranean for apparent human trafficking
Media Matters for America (blog)
According to HOPE Not Hate, pro-Trump propaganda outlet Breitbart, white nationalist site AltRight.com, racial nationalist organization American Renaissance, Nazi website The Daily Stormer, and former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke have also voiced …

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Pro-Trump trolls silent after "alt-right" ship detained in Mediterranean for apparent human trafficking – Media Matters for America (blog)

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Traveling to Cologne to Find Klsch’s Ancient Roots – VinePair

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Photo Credit: Flickr.com Blogging Dagger

On the patio of a brewery founded in 1318, I discovered what Klsch beer is all about, and its not fancy hops, new recipes, or top-fermenting yeast. Its also when I realized the way we think about Klsch in America is all wrong.

O.K., so top-fermenting yeast is part of it. But this light-bodied German ale centers more on history and attitude than on a mix of malts. Klsch somehow manages to be incredibly flavorful and feathery light at the same time. In essence, its the recipe for happy summertime drinking.

Lighter, low-alcohol craft beers are having a moment, maybe as a backlash to intensely hoppy beers, or perhaps its because hot days are more bearable with mild, chuggable beers instead of ones that cause you to feel full and tipsy after only two. Despite this American renaissance though, Klsch isnt new; in fact, its ancient.

Theres no better place to discover the time-honored tradition of this sudsy drink than its birthplace of Cologne, Germany. Though Cologne feels petite, the city on the banks of Germanys Rhine River is the countrys fourth largest, and home to one of Europes most cherished Cathedrals. Wandering alone through the old city, or Aldstadt, beer is literally everywhere.

Klsch developed here centuries ago thanks to an abundance of water, travelers, and barley, and today its name is protected by the E.U. in the same manner as Champagne. So the Klsch-style darlings taking over the U.S. are Klsch-style, not true Klsch, though Ill gladly welcome more beers that mimic the charming German original.

Klsch is a pale, agreeable beer thats better defined by what brewers dont do than by exacting or fancy brewing techniques. The straw-colored ale uses a top-fermenting yeast, brew-speak for yeasts that work from the surface of the liquid downward, rather than from the bottom up (like the yeast used in well-known lagers like Budweiser and Stella Artois). After fermentation, Klsch is treated like a lager in a process called conditioning, where the beer is chilled for a few days or weeks before being served. This combination of styles is what beer nerds call a hybrid, because it combines elements of the two major brewing styles. The result is a golden-hued beer thats crystal clear and mild, without the bitter aftertaste that comes from the hops and yeast used in lager-style brews. The process makes Klsch incredibly crisp and citrusy, a beer defined by minimalism and delicacy.

Drinking Klsch at the source is an exercise in community. From the way its traditionally served in small, flute-like glasses on circular trays, it is meant to be an experience of sharing from the beer itself to small plates, to tables with strangers, and hanging with friends new and old.

On my wandering from one brewery patio to another or Brauhaus, as they say in Germany every type of German could be seen knocking back a glass or three. At Brauhaus Sion, which has been serving up Klsch since 1318, slender, gorgeous blondes neighbored jovial, white-haired men, middle-aged couples, bros in soccer jerseys, and even some kids.

Unlike other German beers that quickly approach room temperature thanks to their being served in massive steins, Klsch comes in petite, 20- centiliter glasses just under 7 ounces so the beer never gets warm, and the waiters are always busy.

I snagged a seat in the bar area known in Cologne as the swimming pool where waiters and swarms of thirsty people mingle and youll take whatever chair you can find and within five minutes was sharing my spot with six German men aged 20 to 70. There was a distinct lack of English, despite being in a touristy location just warm smiles, probably some laughs at my expense, and a bill made up of tally marks on my coaster, another Cologne tradition.

Here, cardboard coasters are considered legal documents, and the standard bar tab. Waiters rushing through busy swimming pools with dozens of beers at a time keep track of your consumption with a simple tally. Until the coaster is placed on top of the glass, the Klsch keeps flowing. Meant to be a quick refresher, its all too easy to drink three in 30 minutes or less, but the roughly 5 percent ABV means enjoying multiple beers is easy and you can still see straight.

My next experience at Gaffel Klsch, an iconic brewery across from Colognes massive Gothic cathedral was much the same. Here, shiny copper tanks stood in the distance, and the beer was again cold, fast, and fresh.

In the shadow of Colognes cathedral, its easy to feel the history of beer and Germany from a single bar stool. Monks and secular brewers banded together in this city in the Middle Ages to support the local beer style, which has been protected by their brewers guild since 1396. Unlike darker, heavier beers that are synonymous with Germany for many drinkers, Klsch has always been a light beer designed for quick consumption that relies wholly on barley and just a sprinkling of traditional hops. As light, easy-drinking beers became popular and easier to produce, these brewers petitioned to keep their local style of beer local and succeeded, a few hundred years before the official Klsch appellation became local. Through two wars that devastated Cologne, and modernization thats fundamentally changed how we eat and drink, the brewers of Cologne have never stopped standing together, and the guild still exists today.

While history plays a large part in the identity of Klsch, the characteristic of these modern brews is whats driving their popularity at home and abroad. The mild flavor and slight bitter edge make Klsch an easy pairing with almost anything. Whether I had it with bratwurst, currywurst, tartar, or bread, the pairing worked Klsch is as much for every food as for every person.

Bar after bar, with snacks or not (but mostly with) the same scene unfolded. With every, heady pour, Klsch worked its way into my days, and I started to believe the coasters that read: Klsch, its healthy beer.

Wherever you find a Klsch or Klsch-style ale this summer, give it a try. And for an authentic taste test, be sure to have at least three.

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Traveling to Cologne to Find Klsch’s Ancient Roots – VinePair

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Destroying the English Language – Somewhat Reasonable – Heartland Institute (blog)

Alexandra York

Alexandra York is an author and founding president of the American Renaissance for the Twenty-first Century (ART) a New-York-City-based nonprofit educational arts and culture foundation. She has written for many publications, including “Readers Digest” and The New York Times. Her latest book is “Adamas.”

Hi guys! I mean its, like, awesome when you a**h**** f*** it up so a** bad it becomes, like, totally cool, but then, one of you goes, like, The world sucks anyway, so Holy S***! it, like, really, really doesnt, like, make an a**-whooping difference, does it? Why cant any of yougetthat? I gotta, like, split now. Love you!

Guy (Random House American dictionary): Slang for a fellow. . .Hes a nice guy.

Awesome (Oxford English dictionary): . . .the attitude of a mind subdued to profound reverence in the presence of a supreme authority, moral greatness or sublimity, or mysterious sacredness. . .the feeling of solemn or reverential wonder. . .

Cool (RHA dictionary): Moderately cold; neither warm nor very cold; also, not excited, calm, unmoved. . .

Suck (RHA): To draw into the mouth by action of the lips and tongue which produces a partial vacuum,to suck lemonade through a straw.

Go (RHA): To move along: proceed

Like (RHA): Resembling (followed by a noun or pronoun);he is just like his father.

Love (RHA): A strong or passionate affection for a person . . .

Get (RHA): To obtain, gain, or acquire by any means;to get a good price.

Split (RHA): To rend or cleave length wise; separate or part from end to end or between layers, often forcibly or by cutting.

What to make of the hourly abuse of the complex and beautiful English language exemplified in the opening paragraph? Slang has been around for generations, e.g. Swell was a popular 1930s approval word, and dozens more descriptive words become trendy but then fade away. Today, however, slang has acquired a new and disturbing quality by ignoring the difference between sexes (guys), grossly overstating (awesome), and adding a different meaning (cool). Much of it is disgustingly vulgar. Worse, its everywhere and used by people of all ages, backgrounds, educational and economic levels.

In the past, young people always used fun language twisters, but when reaching maturity grew out of them and talked like adults. This maturation is no longer happening. Sixty-year-olds spout the same descriptive words as kids, e.g. Awesome to describe every mundane thing from ice cream to automobiles and Cool to sound appreciation for whatever one favors no matter the subject. Obscenities are ubiquitous. What used to be called four-letter or curse words now appear in mainstream magazines, newspapers, and books. When profanity becomes the norm, what words are left to describe truly blasphemous things?

Aside from noting the obvious paucity of vocabulary and lack of individualism displayed by the constant babbling of misused and dirty words, research into the habitual (and annoying) injection of like after every third word uncovered a possibility for its origin. If accurate, this is pathetic: The introduction apparently began in the early 1980s with the song Valley Girl, a Frank Zappa parody on adolescent, white, upper class, females residing in San Fernando Valley, who developed their own vernacular by staccato-punching like into their lingo to spice up their prattle in order to spike up their boring little rich-kid lives. Zappas daughter sang his send-up song, withlyricsinterrupted by the word like at short intervals, which made the song hilarious by its ludicrousness.

Unfortunately, the repetitious word-break caught on with Zappas following and then spread to the general population. So what began as a nonsensical put-down became nonsensical public-speak.

Words can be meaningful expressions of thoughts, but they also can stunt the process of thinking. If the same words are used habitually, the mind slows down its creative center and coasts along passively. Like muscles not used regularly thus allowing atrophy to set in, the brain can also diminish its capability to generate or assimilate new information through disuse.

Furthermore, words lose meaning from constant repetition. Notice how many people end conversations by chiming Love you, which rapidly becomes a mere sign-off phrase. What does one say, then, when passionate feelings of love swell up and cry out for verbal expression? The word love has lost its powerful meaning of strong affection, so what is left?

Losing the richness of language is losing thought, and losing thought is losing reason. Since reason is an active faculty of our mind and our main tool for survival, an individual who robotically repeats the same words, consequently dulling the acuity to reason and judge, can become vulnerable to others stepping into the mental void and manipulating behavior by manipulating a stagnant mind. This is how a lazy populace that looks alike, speaks alike, and soon thinks alike begins to accept political slogans that can lead to oppression over both mind and body. Mass robotic repetition of words in the mind can lead to mass robotic behavior in general, and this is what we are witnessing today as clueless Americans become interchangeable in apparel and language.

Parents and teachers, of course, should not permit these brain-numbing word habits in home or school, which would force youngsters to monitor their words at least part of the time and, perhaps, break the cycle. Sadly, most parents and teachers speak as thoughtlessly as kids, so life for too many Americans has become never-ending worthless chatter. Listen around. Maybe even to yourself?

[Originally Published at Newsmax]

Destroying the English Language was last modified: July 28th, 2017 by Alexandra York

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Tired of Protesting Young Quasi-Racists? – Nashville Scene

Go protest old unquestionable racists!

If you got out to the protest at the werewolf cult gym this past week, but wish you could do more, theres a protest planned for Saturday against old fart racists at their annual picnic at Montgomery Bell State Park.

A bunch of do-gooders will be headed out for a day of protests and speakers and lunch or lunch-time sit-ins. You can learn more at their Facebook page for the event.

The American Renaissance hate picnic (NOTE: probably not an actual delicious food picnic) used to be held in privately-owned conference centers, but for the past few years, theyve been holding their yearly meetings at the park, where and though its annoying, its a good thing they are free to spout their nonsense and the state cant boot them.

But whats good for the goose is good for the gander and the state also cant shut up the lawful protesting of said racist picnic.

If you do go, be careful. Werewolf cultists can, I presume, be stopped by wolfsbane or the silver tea cup you got from your grandmother. But theres no magical protection against regular old racists.

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Tired of Protesting Young Quasi-Racists? – Nashville Scene

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Unite the Right rally attracting increasingly radical attention – The Daily Progress

As Charlottesville anxiously approaches the date of a massive rally that could turn violent, two local conservative activists are now distancing themselves from the right-wing provocateur who invited anti-Semitic and white nationalist speakers to headline the event.

In interviews last week, David Caron and Isaac Smith expressed concerns about Jason Kesslers decision to invite inflammatory personalities to speak at his Aug. 12 Unite the Right rally in Emancipation Park, which until recently was named Lee Park.

Many of those selected to speak at the event were involved in a provocative torch-lit demonstration last May to protest the planned removal of the citys Robert E. Lee statue.

In a Daily Caller report, Kessler, who considers himself a pro-white activist-journalist, described the protests as two flash mobs led by white nationalists Richard Spencer and Sam Dickson. Kessler also spoke at the rally, praising the event organizers and describing a cultural, second American Civil War.

Spencer is commonly cited as a founder of the so-called alt-right, a loose political movement rooted in white nationalism and populism. Until recently, the movement included a broader swath of conservatives, but its seeing its former supporters disavowing the label over its overtly racist and anti-Semitic elements.

In recent months, Caron and Smith have shifted their attention to supporting Kenny Jackson, an outspoken independent candidate for City Council who ran as a Republican in 2004. Jackson, who is African-American, also has been critical of the councils decision to remove the Lee statue, which is being contested in court.

According to Smith, Kesslers continued associations with far-right activists such as Spencer, Dickson and groups like the Traditionalist Worker Party and the Warlocks Motorcycle Club is getting out of control.

Hes affiliated himself with people who are to put it mildly ideologically distasteful, Smith said. And now hes associated with people involved with organized crime. Its turning into a rabbit hole. And I want nothing to do with that.

With Spencers previous calls for the creation of a white ethno-state and the TWPs association with the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, Caron said: Im not trying to work with people like that.

Similarly to Spencer, Dickson has advocated for a White Ethno-State on the North American continent, a project analogous to the creation of Israel in the first half of the 20th century, according to Spencers National Policy Institute. At a 2013 American Renaissance conference, Spencer suggested that a peaceful ethnic-cleansing could be carried out to realize those ends.

Formerly the secretary of Kesslers conservative group, Unity and Security for America which advocates for tighter restrictions on immigration from non-Western nations Smith said he was not involved in the May 13 alt-right rally and quit working with Kessler shortly thereafter.

Caron said hes wary of Kessler becoming more embroiled in identity politics. He also said he was not aware that the May 13 rally was being planned.

Obviously, the way that Jasons been lately, hes made it more about race, Caron said. Unfortunately, thats why Ive had to distance myself. Im not into identity politics.

By seeking Wes Bellamys removal from City Council last fall after he discovered and publicized a litany of racist and misogynistic tweets the African-American councilman had written several years before he was elected, Kessler caught the attention of Smith, an aspiring political operative, and Caron, one of Kesslers lifelong friends.

In a blog post at the time, Kessler said he targeted Bellamy for being a black supremacist in his seeking the removal of the Lee statue and calling for a boycott against Bellas, an Italian restaurant whose owner, University of Virginia lecturer Doug Muir, criticized the Black Lives Matter movement in a Facebook post.

Kessler and his associates received a great deal of notoriety and enemies in the ultimately unsuccessful effort to unseat Bellamy. Left-wing social justice activists challenged Kessler and his colleagues, accusing them of running a racially motivated campaign to oust Bellamy.

Several weeks ago, Know Your Local Nazi fliers featuring the personal information of Kessler, Caron, Smith and several others were anonymously distributed in the downtown area. The fliers were created by Showing Up for Racial Justice Charlottesville activists, according to a source involved with the group.

Recently, another business owner has alleged that hes been targeted by the left-wing activists.

Im being threatened, Im getting phone calls from people saying theyre going to kill me and shoot me, said Lacy Weeks, owner of Mystic Tattoo and Body Piercing and a member of the Warlocks Motorcycle Club.

Weeks said hes been the target of a harassment campaign and has received many poor online reviews of his tattoo shop. A similar incident played out earlier this year when right-wing sympathizers targeted Cinema Taco for refusing service one night to a group of alleged neo-Nazis.

Earlier this month, Kessler asked Weeks to help organize a security detail for a news conference he held outside the Charlottesville Police Department to discuss his upcoming rally.

Kessler introduced the assembled group of bikers as members of the Warlocks, a 3-percent biker group. Kessler later corrected that assertion in an email, clarifying that the Warlocks are actually a 1-percent motorcycle club, and adding that members of a philanthropic-focused biker club, known as The Wrecking Crew, also were present at the news conference.

The 3-percent label is sometimes used to describe the right-wing, constitutionalist patriot movement. One-percent groups are generally outlaw gangs.

The email also included a statement from the bikers: Neither club affiliates as a white supremacist organization as individuals or clubs in whole. Nor do we support their beliefs. In interviews last week, Weeks vehemently denied harboring any kind of racist feelings.

And despite the historical connotation 1-percent or 3-percent biker clubs have with outlaw biker gangs, Weeks said neither he nor the club is involved in criminal activity. Weeks said only two members of the club attended the news conference, and that the 1-percent moniker is a reference to the clubs prestige among other motorcycle clubs.

Earlier this year, state law enforcement and the Virginia Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control started an effort to crack down on outlaw motorcycle gang activity in Central Virginia-area restaurants.

In March, town of Louisa Police Chief Ronnie Roberts told NBC29: Those 1-percenters, the ones that create the problems for us in law enforcement and the criminal activity, is the area we need to focus on.

Weeks said the head of the clubs mother chapter in Orlando, Florida, recently contacted him about attracting media attention to the club following Kesslers news conference. He said the clubs chief threatened to revoke his status in the group.

Our club were trying to get rid of that tarnished image, Weeks said. My national boss, he jumped my ass, man. I came this close to losing my center patch.

Weeks said hes sympathetic to Kessler and the cause to save the Lee statue, and that he agreed to arrange a security detail for Kesslers news conference to protect his right to free speech.

Its grossly unfair. Jason will sit there and say hes not with the KKK or a white supremacist, Weeks said. I did research and talked to him Jason is me. Hes guilty by the media.

In a tweet to an anonymous Twitter account that has attempted to expose many of the extreme neo-Nazi and white supremacist ties to Kesslers upcoming rally, one of Kesslers colleagues, Hannah Zarski, said, Jasons thing isnt an ethno-state.

Kessler has denied being a white nationalist, but his claims that there is a white genocide under the guise of multiculturalism and refugee resettlement from Muslim-majority countries has made it difficult for him to evade that label.

Anonymous Twitter user @Don_Chump, who goes by the nom de guerre Robert Lee and runs the blog restoringthehonor.blogspot.com, has been critical of Kessler associating with explicitly racist and white nationalist groups.

He said Kessler cannot say he is not a bigot while promoting groups whose leaders are attempting to make their views palatable to the public while their supporters openly espouse racist rhetoric and use Nazi imagery, such as the swastika and the Sieg Heil salute.

Alluding to the vitriolic and aggressive reactions to Kessler and those groups, Lee said anti-fascists and anti-racists need to realize theyre waging a public relations war.

Lee said the left-wing activists are bringing a gun to a knife fight, while the other side is using civil rights as a shield.

Its a brilliant strategy, he said about the alt-right. But their end game is a segregated society.

Last week, the Anti-Defamation League labeled Kessler a white supremacist in a list of alt-right and alt-lite personalities.

The alt-lite moniker represents right-wing activists who have rejected the overtly racist and anti-Semitic rhetoric of the alt-right, but they nonetheless embrace misogyny and xenophobia, and abhor political correctness and the left, according to the ADL.

The report described the alt-right as a loose network of racists and anti-Semites who reject mainstream conservatism in favor of politics that embrace implicit or explicit racist, anti-Semitic and white supremacist ideology.

Many seek to re-inject such bigoted ideas into the conservative movement in the United States.

According to the ADL report, Kessler last month spoke at an alt-right rally in Washington, and told the crowd that America would be better off if the South had won the Civil War, and advanced conspiracy theories about Jews controlling Hollywood and the media and promoting filthy propaganda.

The list included Spencer and several other alt-right figures, some of whom will be featured speakers at the Aug. 12 rally in Charlottesville.

The Unite the Right speakers on the ADL list include Traditionalist Worker Party co-founder and Nationalist Front co-chairman Matthew Heimbach.

The Nationalist Front is an umbrella organization for about a dozen nationalist organizations, including the National Socialist Movement, the tenants of which include the creation of an American state where only “those of pure wjohite blood” can be citizens.

Last week, a Louisville court gave Heimbach a suspended jail sentence on charges stemming from an incident last year in which he allegedly physically harassed a woman protesting a Donald Trump campaign rally.

Responding to the publication of the list, Kessler used his Twitter account to accuse the ADL of being a Jewish supremacist group instigating a harassment and blackmail campaign against prominent white activists.

Kessler did not respond to requests for an interview.

The alt-lite figures in the ADL list included Republican Senate candidate Corey Stewart, who visited Charlottesville several times during his unsuccessful gubernatorial campaign to support Kessler and protest the removal of the Lee statue, and Gavin McInnes, a conservative commentator and founder of the Proud Boys, a self-described Western chauvinist group.

The Proud Boys gained local attention last month after Kessler publicly invited the state chapter of the Fred Perry polo shirt-wearing group for a meeting downtown. Recently, McInnes has tried to distance his group from the alt-right label. Last week, he tweeted: ProudBoys VA are not alt-right If you are a VA PB who is AR, youre not a VA PB.

McInnes rejection of the alt-right title, and previous reports that he and other key figures with the Proud Boys requested that its members not represent the group at the Aug. 12 rally, parallel Caron and Smith attempting to distance themselves from Kessler. But their conservative views and opposition to Democratic politics remain.

Alluding to the involvement of anarcho-communist and anti-capitalist Antifa, or anti-fascist groups protesting the alt-right, Caron said hes worried that moderate liberals are ceding ground to far-left ideologies.

Its concerning to me that we dont have the same level of apprehension to communists that we do to Nazis, he said.

I am concerned that these people would prefer for me and Jason to not even exist, he added. They dont want us to even go out in public. They dont want us to leave the house. I dont know what their end goal is I believe its beyond politics. And thats how communists operate.

Although some see the response to a campaign to have the Aug. 12 rallys permit be revoked as totalitarian, social justice activists, such as Marc Mazique, think the city is sanctioning a rally where the speakers are hoping to incite and even commit acts of violence and sow racial hatred.

Acts of speech are exactly that acts, Mazique said at last weeks City Council meeting. When we treat all acts of speech as effectively neutral, we help normalize oppressive speech, and further oppressive acts.

People of color are continually expected to sacrifice their emotions, their hurt, their very humanity in the service of white comfort, which becomes abstracted out into the community at large under the label public order, he said. Instead of being empowered to draw on righteous anger and indignation at injustice, we are told to be smaller, calmer, quieter or just plain quiet.

While Caron, Smith and others are equally skeptical of both alt-right and leftist ideologues, a writer for Occidental Dissent, a Southern nationalist blog thats supporting the Aug. 12 rally, wrote Friday that it could be an opportunity to turn more moderate right-wingers on to their brand of nationalism.

The blog post predicted the Unite the Right rally could be the largest gathering of nationalists since George Lincoln Rockwell, founder of the American Nazi Party, rallied supporters in Chicago in the 1960s.

I encourage everyone who may be undecided to travel up to Charlottesville, and spend the weekend mingling with those who in spirit are already essentially our friends, the post read.

Talk to them, bond over common beliefs, and use the time given to you to educate others on issues such as the Jewish Problem, the Homosexual Problem, and the inherent evils that exist when the masses are granted overwhelming freedom and individualism.

See the original post here:

Unite the Right rally attracting increasingly radical attention – The Daily Progress

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July 23, 2017   Posted in: American Renaissance  Comments Closed

Can grassroots action neutralize the growth of the white supremacist movement? – Open Democracy

This article was first published byWaging Nonviolence.

Credit: By United States Department of Justice/Wikimedia. Public Domain.

A train pulled out of the quiet and quirky Portland, Oregon neighborhood of Hollywood on the evening of May 26th 2017, and thats when the yelling began. Targeting two young women, one wearing a hijab, 35-year-old Jeremy Christian went on an Islamophobic tirade, accusing them of terrorism, tax evasion and general un-Americanness. When three men stepped up to intervene in the assault, Christian was ready with a knife, stabbing each one, successively, in the jugular and killing two of them.

This brutal attack was not just the result of mental illness, as is often blamed in cases such as these, but rather the latest stop-over in white supremacist escalations. Christian, who was new to such politics, had been frothing with rage for several weekever since an April 30 free speech rally that a local ultra-conservative group had organized and modeled after other alt-right events happening around the country. Wearing an American flag cape and wielding a wooden baseball bat, Christian was stopped by police before he could take a swing at the counter protesters.

Tragedies like these inspire a sense of horror in the collective community, but it is not necessarily a surprise. The pattern of white supremacist violence has been consistent over the decades as fascist movements rise and fall, and disaffected members of their ranks follow suit with lone wolf violence. How the community responds to these moments of sorrow, and the ways in which those responsible are held accountable, is what determines the fate of movements like the alt-right.

A violent vision.

The history of the white nationalist movementof which the alt-right is the latest incarnationis one of violence from start to finish. As FBI reports confirm, radical right-wing combatants are still the primary terror threat in the United States, far outweighing the Islamic terror boogeyman that the Trump administration hopes to portray. In a 2015 survey of 382 law enforcement agencies by the Police Executive Research Forum, a full 74 percent of attacks came from far-right anti-government radicals.

In a U.S. Military AcademysCombating Terrorism Center study, far-right terrorists were responsible for an average of 337 attacks a year since 9/11. The Anti-Defamation League, which tracks hate groups, listed white supremacists as conducting more attacks in 2015 than any other ideology, and when combined with anti-abortion and anti-government groups, which often crossover, the number rose to a full 63 percent of all domestic terrorism.

The threat of white supremacist terrorism is a constant in U.S. history. During the civil rights movement, the Ku Klux Klan built a paramilitary assault on the American South, murdering hundreds in bombings, gun attacks and lynching. In the 1980s, the Order erupted as a revolutionary project out of the Aryan Nations, robbing banks and murdering Jewish radio host Alan Berg. The militia movement, which was becoming an increasingly violent force in the 1990s after the passage of the Brady assault weapons ban and blunders by federal agents at Ruby Ridge and Waco, hit its zenith when Terry Nichols and Timothy McVeigh detonated a fertilizer bomb in the Oklahoma City Federal Building.

Built on failure.

The pattern of white supremacist violence often fails to be associated with the movement itself because of the common lone wolf quality of individual attacks. Following the leaderless resistance model developed by white nationalist Louis Beam and championed by skinhead leaders like Tom Metzger, those on the fringes of the movement and society are often instigated to engage in acts of extreme violence against the state, minorities and their collaborators.

The model for this violence is one of desperation, attempting to mobilize those without strong social bonds. The failure of their ability to organize, to see growth from a seed idea into a mass populist movement, kicks it over the edge into a nihilist assault lacking in long-term vision. As the culture further turned left, and major white supremacist enclaves like the Aryan Nations compound and the National Alliance were disrupted, desperate acts of violence took placefrom the 2009 murder of a security guard at the Smithsonian Holocaust Museum to the 2012 shooting at a Sikh temple in Wisconsin.

A part of this pattern comes from the relationship that white nationalists have with those on the margins of the mainstream, like politicians, media outlets and other provocateurs. Because of the extreme nature of their ideas, white nationalists latch onto those whodespite not sharing their key ideological platformhave enough in common with them to help mainstream their message. People like Barry Goldwater and George Wallace held this role to the anti-integrationists active during the civil rights movement.

In the early 1990s, the campaign of Pat Buchanan and the broad paleoconservative movement did this as well, using dog whistle language railing against immigration, globalization and affirmative action. Today, this comes in the form of what many call the alt-light, the layer of anti-PC talking heads that populates the so-called deplorable-sphere around the Donald Trump campaign. Milo Yiannoupoulos, Lauren Southern and Gavin McGinnis all promote their talking points and political ideas, even if they would squirm when the full-bore racism and anti-Semitism is unleashed.

Historically, white nationalists ride their mainstream relationships as far as those with celebrity are willing to take them, and when the association becomes too toxic, those with careers to think about jump ship. As the true alt-right becomes more well known, and their history of violence becomes more commonly understood, this will further push those who have lent their celebrity to betray their allegiances.

It is this final push that relegates the fascist core back to their sub-cultural roots, validatingin their mindsa revolutionary perspective that had been compromised by the pursuit of beltway respectability. It is at this moment that the acts of lone wolf violence escalate, when the hope of a peaceful solution to the race problem has been dashed. As we enter the period when the alt-right breaks from Trump and is abandoned by their temporary colleagues, the potential for violence only magnifies.

A part of history.

What often blinds people to the alt-rights potential for violence is their branding, not their content. With fashionable swooped hair, pressed suits, and geeky Internet jargon, they seem more like an upper-middle-class wedding party than a nationalist cadre bent on a 21st century coup. This is only a mirage, as they are simply the latest generation in a lineage of white nationalist organizing, but with better youth appeal.

At American Renaissance, one of the largest alt-right conferences, the whos who of the movement is in attendance: U.S. Members of the Aryan Nations hobnob with the alt-right group Proud Boys, former KKK leaders like David Duke and Don Black hold Q&As, and politicians from far-right European political movements like the British National Party receive standing ovations.

While their language may be, at times, couched in academic jargon, they have the same effect of motivating their fringe towards acts of kamikaze violence. After Dylan Roof murdered nine in a flurry of automatic gunfire, his manifesto revealed that his inspiration was the propaganda of the Council of Conservative Citizensa neo-Confederate group that lists miscegenation as against Gods chosen order, and holds American Renaissance founder Jared Taylor as one of its spokesmen and board members. Taylors work at American Renaissance further inspired Jared Loughner, the 22-year-old man who shot Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords and several others in 2011.

As the alt-right coasts into its most contentious period since its 2015-2016 rise, the violence has risen among its disaffected periphery. James Harris Jackson went to New York City in March with the intent of finding and killing black men in relationships with white women. Instead, he settled on murdering a black homeless man with a sword. Weeks later, Sean Urbanski murdered Army Second Lieutenant Richard Collins in an act of racial revenge. Both men were following alt-right figures online, with Urbanski in the Alt-Reich Facebook group and Jackson following alt-right leaders like Richard Spencer. During the same period of escalation, Lauren Southern brought an entourage of alt-right celebritiesand others ready to attack community members and protestersto her speaking event in downtown Berkeley, California.

Us together.

While the historical behavior of white supremacists teaches us what to expect, there is also much to learn from the community responses that have neutralized their growth. For example, while the federal government went to war with the militia movement after the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995, it was growing public disgust that devastated the militia movements recruitment efforts and essentially forced them into retreat until Barrack Obama was elected president.

The final answer, though, is the creation of a mass response to this type of racist violence. With only hours notice the day after the Christian murders in Portland, a candlelight vigil drew thousands to the site of the attack. Meanwhile, the organizers of the April 30 free speech rally are organizing another event on June 4, and the response from the community promises to completely overwhelm them, showing that an iron wall has been built against alt-right recruitment. This is the way that a mass movement turns the tide of atrocity, letting the violence act as a reminder of what inaction can bring.

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Can grassroots action neutralize the growth of the white supremacist movement? – Open Democracy

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100 Years Ago African-Americans Marched Down 5th Avenue to … – Afro American

(The Conversation is an independent and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts.) (THE CONVERSATION) The only sounds were those of muffled drums, the shuffling of feet and the gentle sobs of some of the estimated 20,000 onlookers. The women and children wore all white. The men dressed in black. On the afternoon of Saturday, July 28, 1917, nearly 10,000 African-Americans marched down Fifth Avenue, in silence, to protest racial violence and White supremacy in the United States. New York City, and the nation, had never before witnessed such a remarkable scene. The Silent Protest Parade, as it came to be known, was the first mass African-American demonstration of its kind and marked a watershed moment in the history of the civil rights movement. As I have written in my book Torchbearers of Democracy, African-Americans during the World War I era challenged racism both abroad and at home. In taking to the streets to dramatize the brutal treatment of black people, the participants of the Silent Protest Parade indicted the United States as an unjust nation. This charge remains true today. One hundred years later, as Black people continue to insist that Black Lives Matter, the Silent Protest Parade offers a vivid reminder about the power of courageous leadership, grassroots mobilization, direct action and their collective necessity in the fight to end racial oppression in our current troubled times. Racial violence and the East St. Louis RiotOne of the great accomplishments of the Black Lives Matter movement has been to demonstrate the continuum of racist violence against Black people throughout American history and also the history of resistance against it. But as we continue to grapple with the hyper-visibility of Black death, it is perhaps easy to forget just how truly horrific racial violence against Black people was a century ago. Prior to the Silent Protest Parade, mob violence and the lynching of African-Americans had grown even more gruesome. In Waco, a mob of 10,000 White Texans attended the May 15, 1916, lynching of a Black farmer, Jesse Washington. One year later, on May 22, 1917, a Black woodcutter, Ell Persons, died at the hands of over 5,000 vengeance-seeking Whites in Memphis. Both men were burned and mutilated, their charred body parts distributed and displayed as souvenirs. Even by these grisly standards, East St. Louis later that same summer was shocking. Simmering labor tensions between White and Black workers exploded on the evening of July 2, 1917. For 24 hours, White mobs indiscriminately stabbed, shot and lynched anyone with Black skin. Men, women, children, the elderly, the disabled no one was spared. Homes were torched and occupants shot down as they attempted to flee. White militia men stood idly by as the carnage unfolded. Some actively participated. The death toll likely ran as high as 200 people. The citys surviving 6,000 Black residents became refugees. East St. Louis was an American pogrom. The fearless African-American anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells traveled to the still smoldering city on July 4 and collected firsthand accounts of the aftermath. She described what she saw as an awful orgy of human butchery. The devastation of East St. Louis was compounded by the fact that America was at war. On April 2, President Woodrow Wilson had thrown the United States into the maelstrom of World War I. He did so by asserting Americas singularly unique place on the global stage and his goal to make the world safe for democracy. In the eyes of Black people, East St. Louis exposed the hypocrisy of Wilsons vision and America itself. The NAACP takes action The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People quickly responded to the massacre. Founded in 1909, the NAACP had yet to establish itself as a truly representative organization for African-Americans across the country. With the exception of W.E.B. Du Bois, one of the NAACPs co-founders and editor of The Crisis magazine, the national leadership was all White. Branches were overwhelmingly located in the North, despite the majority of African-Americans residing below the Mason-Dixon line. As a result, the NAACP had largely failed to respond with a sense of urgency to the everyday horrors endured by the masses of Black folk. James Weldon Johnson changed things. Lawyer, diplomat, novelist, poet and songwriter, Johnson was a true African-American renaissance man. In 1916, Johnson joined the NAACP as a field secretary and made an immediate impact. In addition to growing the organizations southern membership, Johnson recognized the importance of expanding the influence of the NAACPs existing branches beyond the Black elite. Johnson raised the idea of a silent protest march at an executive committee meeting of the NAACP Harlem branch shortly after the East St. Louis riot. Johnson also insisted that the protest include the citys entire Black community. Planning quickly got underway, spearheaded by Johnson and local Black clergymen. A historic day By noon on July 28, several thousand African-Americans had begun to assemble at 59th Street. Crowds gathered along Fifth Avenue. Anxious New York City police officers lined the streets, aware of what was about to take place but, with clubs at the ready, prepared for trouble. At approximately 1 p.m., the protest parade commenced. Four men carrying drums began to slowly, solemnly play. A group of Black clergymen and NAACP officials made up the front line. W.E.B. Du Bois, who had recently returned from conducting an NAACP investigation in East St. Louis, and James Weldon Johnson marched side by side. The parade was a stunning spectacle. At the front, women and children wearing all-white gowns symbolized the innocence of African-Americans in the face of the nations guilt. The men, bringing up the rear and dressed in dark suits, conveyed both a mournful dignity and stern determination to stand up for their rights as citizens. They carried signs and banners shaming America for its treatment of Black people. Some read, Your hands are full of blood, Thou Shalt Not Kill, Mothers, do lynchers go to heaven? Others highlighted the wartime context and the hollowness of Americas ideals: We have fought for the liberty of white Americans in six wars; our reward was East St. Louis, Patriotism and loyalty presuppose protection and liberty, Make America safe for Democracy. Throughout the parade, the marchers remained silent. The New York Times described the protest as one of the most quiet and orderly demonstrations ever witnessed. The silence was finally broken with cheers when the parade concluded at Madison Square. Legacy of the Silent Protest ParadeThe Silent Protest Parade marked the beginning of a new epoch in the long Black freedom struggle. While adhering to a certain politics of respectability, a strategy employed by African-Americans that focused on countering racist stereotypes through dignified appearance and behavior, the protest, within its context, constituted a radical claiming of the public sphere and a powerful affirmation of Black humanity. It declared that a New Negro had arrived and launched a Black public protest tradition that would be seen in the parades of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the civil rights demonstrations of the 1960s and the Black Lives Matter marches of today. The Silent Protest Parade reminds us that the fight against racist violence and the killing of Black people remains just as relevant now as it did 100 years ago. Black death, whether at the hands of a Baton Rouge police officer or White supremacist in Charleston, is a specter that continues to haunt this nation. The expendability of Black bodies is American tradition, and history speaks to the long endurance of this violent legacy. But history also offers inspiration, purpose and vision. Ida B. Wells, James Weldon Johnson and other freedom fighters of their generation should serve as models for activists today. That the Silent Protest Parade attracted Black people from all walks of life and backgrounds attests to the need for organizations like the NAACP, following its recent national convention, to remember and embrace its origins. And, in building and sustaining the current movement, we can take lessons from past struggles and work strategically and creatively to apply them to the present. Because, at their core, the demands of Black people in 2017 remain the same as one of the signs raised to the sky on that July afternoon in 1917: Give me a chance to live. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article here: http://theconversation.com/100-years-ago-african-americans-marched-down-5th-avenue-to-declare-that-black-lives-matter-81427. This is a link to an original AFRO, August 4, 1917 article on the Silent March in New York: https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=jiUmAAAAIBAJ&sjid=7P0FAAAAIBAJ&pg=2444%2C277811

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Group with race agenda is met by protesters at conference – WZTV

Protesters say American Renaissance is a hate group (WZTV). BURNS, Tenn. — A group that claims to protect the rights of white people is met with resistance, as its members gather for their annual conference at a Tennessee State Park Saturday. For six years and counting, the American Renaissance Conference has claimed to come in peace to Montgomery Bell State Park. “American Renaissance is standing up for the rights of white people just like every other race, says Jared Taylor, The biggest misconception about American Renaissance is that we are some kind of threat to any other group. But a strong group of opponents, believe their mission has other motives. They routinely go after people of color whether they be black, Hispanic, Muslim, and try to encourage people to be just as hostile to them as they are, says Daryle Lamont Jenkins, Executive Director of One Peoples Project. You’re basically looking at the klan, you’re basically looking at neo Nazis. Jenkins, along with many other opponents, argue members of an organization that’s been labeled a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center have no place congregating on public land. “This is wrong. You’ve got a hate group, they are a hate group, I dont care how many times they say theyre not. They are having a conference, bringing all those haters to a state park that belongs to all of us, says Kat Hitchcock, of Nashville. The group counters it is their right to be there. “What I find contemptable about these protesters, is that they want to shut us down. They want to prevent the State of Tennessee from allowing us to gather and express ourselves, says Taylor. Over the years, both sides have claimed to engage in a dialogue of their differences with no luck. They may just have to agree to disagree for now. The state says as long as they follow the rules, the American Renaissance is allowed to stay. At last check, there were no reported incidents between the American Renaissance Conference, and those protesting it.

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From the Silent Protest Parade to Black Lives Matter: 100 years on, the First Mass African-American Demo Remains … – Newsweek

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article. The only sounds were those of muffled drums, the shuffling of feet and the gentle sobs of some of the estimated 20,000 onlookers. The women and children wore all white. The men dressed in black. On the afternoon of Saturday, July 28, 1917, nearly 10,000 African-Americans marched down Fifth Avenue, in silence, to protest racial violence and white supremacy in the United States. Daily Emails and Alerts – Get the best of Newsweek delivered to your inbox New York City, and the nation, had never before witnessed such a remarkable scene. The Silent Protest Parade, as it came to be known, was the first mass African-American demonstration of its kind and marked a watershed moment in the history of the civil rights movement. As I have written in my book Torchbearers of Democracy, African-Americans during the World War I era challenged racism both abroad and at home. In taking to the streets to dramatize the brutal treatment of black people, the participants of the Silent Protest Parade indicted the United States as an unjust nation. This charge remains true today. One hundred years later, as black people continue to insist that Black Lives Matter, the Silent Protest Parade offers a vivid reminder about the power of courageous leadership, grassroots mobilization, direct action and their collective necessity in the fight to end racial oppression in our current troubled times. One of the great accomplishments of the Black Lives Matter movement has been to demonstrate the continuum of racist violence against black people throughout American history and also the history of resistance against it. But as we continue to grapple with the hyper-visibility of black death, it is perhaps easy to forget just how truly horrific racial violence against black people was a century ago. Prior to the Silent Protest Parade, mob violence and the lynching of African-Americans had grown even more gruesome. In Waco, a mob of 10,000 white Texans attended the May 15, 1916, lynching of a black farmer, Jesse Washington. One year later, on May 22, 1917, a black woodcutter, Ell Persons, died at the hands of over 5,000 vengeance-seeking whites in Memphis. Both men were burned and mutilated, their charred body parts distributed and displayed as souvenirs. Even by these grisly standards, East St. Louis later that same summer was shocking. Simmering labor tensions between white and black workers exploded on the evening of July 2, 1917. For 24 hours, white mobs indiscriminately stabbed, shot and lynched anyone with black skin. Men, women, children, the elderly, the disabled no one was spared. Homes were torched and occupants shot down as they attempted to flee. White militia men stood idly by as the carnage unfolded. Some actively participated. The death toll likely ran as high as 200 people. The citys surviving 6,000 black residents became refugees. East St. Louis was an American pogrom. The fearless African-American anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells traveled to the still smoldering city on July 4 and collected firsthand accounts of the aftermath. She described what she saw as an awful orgy of human butchery. The devastation of East St. Louis was compounded by the fact that America was at war. On April 2, President Woodrow Wilson had thrown the United States into the maelstrom of World War I. He did so by asserting Americas singularly unique place on the global stage and his goal to make the world safe for democracy. In the eyes of black people, East St. Louis exposed the hypocrisy of Wilsons vision and America itself. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People quickly responded to the massacre. Founded in 1909, the NAACP had yet to establish itself as a truly representative organization for African-Americans across the country. With the exception of W.E.B. Du Bois, one of the NAACPs co-founders and editor of The Crisis magazine, the national leadership was all white. Branches were overwhelmingly located in the North, despite the majority of African-Americans residing below the Mason-Dixon line. As a result, the NAACP had largely failed to respond with a sense of urgency to the everyday horrors endured by the masses of black folk. James Weldon Johnson changed things. Lawyer, diplomat, novelist, poet and songwriter, Johnson was a true African-American renaissance man. In 1916, Johnson joined the NAACP as a field secretary and made an immediate impact. In addition to growing the organizations southern membership, Johnson recognized the importance of expanding the influence of the NAACPs existing branches beyond the black elite. Johnson raised the idea of a silent protest march at an executive committee meeting of the NAACP Harlem branch shortly after the East St. Louis riot. Johnson also insisted that the protest include the citys entire black community. Planning quickly got underway, spearheaded by Johnson and local black clergymen. By noon on July 28, several thousand African-Americans had begun to assemble at 59th Street. Crowds gathered along Fifth Avenue. Anxious New York City police officers lined the streets, aware of what was about to take place but, with clubs at the ready, prepared for trouble. At approximately 1 p.m., the protest parade commenced. Four men carrying drums began to slowly, solemnly play. A group of black clergymen and NAACP officials made up the front line. W.E.B. Du Bois, who had recently returned from conducting an NAACP investigation in East St. Louis, and James Weldon Johnson marched side by side. The parade was a stunning spectacle. At the front, women and children wearing all-white gowns symbolized the innocence of African-Americans in the face of the nations guilt. The men, bringing up the rear and dressed in dark suits, conveyed both a mournful dignity and stern determination to stand up for their rights as citizens. They carried signs and banners shaming America for its treatment of black people. Some read, Your hands are full of blood, Thou Shalt Not Kill, Mothers, do lynchers go to heaven? Others highlighted the wartime context and the hollowness of Americas ideals: We have fought for the liberty of white Americans in six wars; our reward was East St. Louis, Patriotism and loyalty presuppose protection and liberty, Make America safe for Democracy. Throughout the parade, the marchers remained silent. The New York Times described the protest as one of the most quiet and orderly demonstrations ever witnessed. The silence was finally broken with cheers when the parade concluded at Madison Square. The Silent Protest Parade marked the beginning of a new epoch in the long black freedom struggle. While adhering to a certain politics of respectability, a strategy employed by African-Americans that focused on countering racist stereotypes through dignified appearance and behavior, the protest, within its context, constituted a radical claiming of the public sphere and a powerful affirmation of black humanity. It declared that a New Negro had arrived and launched a black public protest tradition that would be seen in the parades of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the civil rights demonstrations of the 1960s and the Black Lives Matter marches of today. The Silent Protest Parade reminds us that the fight against racist violence and the killing of black people remains just as relevant now as it did 100 years ago. Black death, whether at the hands of a Baton Rouge police officer or white supremacist in Charleston, is a specter that continues to haunt this nation. The expendability of black bodies is American tradition, and history speaks to the long endurance of this violent legacy. But history also offers inspiration, purpose and vision. Ida B. Wells, James Weldon Johnson and other freedom fighters of their generation should serve as models for activists today. That the Silent Protest Parade attracted black people from all walks of life and backgrounds attests to the need for organizations like the NAACP, following its recent national convention, to remember and embrace its origins. And, in building and sustaining the current movement, we can take lessons from past struggles and work strategically and creatively to apply them to the present. Because, at their core, the demands of black people in 2017 remain the same as one of the signs raised to the sky on that July afternoon in 1917: Give me a chance to live. Chad Williams, associate professor of African and Afro-American Studies, Brandeis University.

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Pro-Trump trolls silent after "alt-right" ship detained in Mediterranean for apparent human trafficking – Media Matters for America (blog)

Media Matters for America (blog) Pro-Trump trolls silent after “alt-right” ship detained in Mediterranean for apparent human trafficking Media Matters for America (blog) According to HOPE Not Hate, pro-Trump propaganda outlet Breitbart, white nationalist site AltRight.com, racial nationalist organization American Renaissance , Nazi website The Daily Stormer, and former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke have also voiced … and more »

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Traveling to Cologne to Find Klsch’s Ancient Roots – VinePair

4 minute Read Photo Credit: Flickr.com Blogging Dagger On the patio of a brewery founded in 1318, I discovered what Klsch beer is all about, and its not fancy hops, new recipes, or top-fermenting yeast. Its also when I realized the way we think about Klsch in America is all wrong. O.K., so top-fermenting yeast is part of it. But this light-bodied German ale centers more on history and attitude than on a mix of malts. Klsch somehow manages to be incredibly flavorful and feathery light at the same time. In essence, its the recipe for happy summertime drinking. Lighter, low-alcohol craft beers are having a moment, maybe as a backlash to intensely hoppy beers, or perhaps its because hot days are more bearable with mild, chuggable beers instead of ones that cause you to feel full and tipsy after only two. Despite this American renaissance though, Klsch isnt new; in fact, its ancient. Theres no better place to discover the time-honored tradition of this sudsy drink than its birthplace of Cologne, Germany. Though Cologne feels petite, the city on the banks of Germanys Rhine River is the countrys fourth largest, and home to one of Europes most cherished Cathedrals. Wandering alone through the old city, or Aldstadt, beer is literally everywhere. Klsch developed here centuries ago thanks to an abundance of water, travelers, and barley, and today its name is protected by the E.U. in the same manner as Champagne. So the Klsch-style darlings taking over the U.S. are Klsch-style, not true Klsch, though Ill gladly welcome more beers that mimic the charming German original. Klsch is a pale, agreeable beer thats better defined by what brewers dont do than by exacting or fancy brewing techniques. The straw-colored ale uses a top-fermenting yeast, brew-speak for yeasts that work from the surface of the liquid downward, rather than from the bottom up (like the yeast used in well-known lagers like Budweiser and Stella Artois). After fermentation, Klsch is treated like a lager in a process called conditioning, where the beer is chilled for a few days or weeks before being served. This combination of styles is what beer nerds call a hybrid, because it combines elements of the two major brewing styles. The result is a golden-hued beer thats crystal clear and mild, without the bitter aftertaste that comes from the hops and yeast used in lager-style brews. The process makes Klsch incredibly crisp and citrusy, a beer defined by minimalism and delicacy. Drinking Klsch at the source is an exercise in community. From the way its traditionally served in small, flute-like glasses on circular trays, it is meant to be an experience of sharing from the beer itself to small plates, to tables with strangers, and hanging with friends new and old. On my wandering from one brewery patio to another or Brauhaus, as they say in Germany every type of German could be seen knocking back a glass or three. At Brauhaus Sion, which has been serving up Klsch since 1318, slender, gorgeous blondes neighbored jovial, white-haired men, middle-aged couples, bros in soccer jerseys, and even some kids. Unlike other German beers that quickly approach room temperature thanks to their being served in massive steins, Klsch comes in petite, 20- centiliter glasses just under 7 ounces so the beer never gets warm, and the waiters are always busy. I snagged a seat in the bar area known in Cologne as the swimming pool where waiters and swarms of thirsty people mingle and youll take whatever chair you can find and within five minutes was sharing my spot with six German men aged 20 to 70. There was a distinct lack of English, despite being in a touristy location just warm smiles, probably some laughs at my expense, and a bill made up of tally marks on my coaster, another Cologne tradition. Here, cardboard coasters are considered legal documents, and the standard bar tab. Waiters rushing through busy swimming pools with dozens of beers at a time keep track of your consumption with a simple tally. Until the coaster is placed on top of the glass, the Klsch keeps flowing. Meant to be a quick refresher, its all too easy to drink three in 30 minutes or less, but the roughly 5 percent ABV means enjoying multiple beers is easy and you can still see straight. My next experience at Gaffel Klsch, an iconic brewery across from Colognes massive Gothic cathedral was much the same. Here, shiny copper tanks stood in the distance, and the beer was again cold, fast, and fresh. In the shadow of Colognes cathedral, its easy to feel the history of beer and Germany from a single bar stool. Monks and secular brewers banded together in this city in the Middle Ages to support the local beer style, which has been protected by their brewers guild since 1396. Unlike darker, heavier beers that are synonymous with Germany for many drinkers, Klsch has always been a light beer designed for quick consumption that relies wholly on barley and just a sprinkling of traditional hops. As light, easy-drinking beers became popular and easier to produce, these brewers petitioned to keep their local style of beer local and succeeded, a few hundred years before the official Klsch appellation became local. Through two wars that devastated Cologne, and modernization thats fundamentally changed how we eat and drink, the brewers of Cologne have never stopped standing together, and the guild still exists today. While history plays a large part in the identity of Klsch, the characteristic of these modern brews is whats driving their popularity at home and abroad. The mild flavor and slight bitter edge make Klsch an easy pairing with almost anything. Whether I had it with bratwurst, currywurst, tartar, or bread, the pairing worked Klsch is as much for every food as for every person. Bar after bar, with snacks or not (but mostly with) the same scene unfolded. With every, heady pour, Klsch worked its way into my days, and I started to believe the coasters that read: Klsch, its healthy beer. Wherever you find a Klsch or Klsch-style ale this summer, give it a try. And for an authentic taste test, be sure to have at least three.

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Destroying the English Language – Somewhat Reasonable – Heartland Institute (blog)

Alexandra York Alexandra York is an author and founding president of the American Renaissance for the Twenty-first Century (ART) a New-York-City-based nonprofit educational arts and culture foundation. She has written for many publications, including “Readers Digest” and The New York Times. Her latest book is “Adamas.” Hi guys! I mean its, like, awesome when you a**h**** f*** it up so a** bad it becomes, like, totally cool, but then, one of you goes, like, The world sucks anyway, so Holy S***! it, like, really, really doesnt, like, make an a**-whooping difference, does it? Why cant any of yougetthat? I gotta, like, split now. Love you! Guy (Random House American dictionary): Slang for a fellow. . .Hes a nice guy. Awesome (Oxford English dictionary): . . .the attitude of a mind subdued to profound reverence in the presence of a supreme authority, moral greatness or sublimity, or mysterious sacredness. . .the feeling of solemn or reverential wonder. . . Cool (RHA dictionary): Moderately cold; neither warm nor very cold; also, not excited, calm, unmoved. . . Suck (RHA): To draw into the mouth by action of the lips and tongue which produces a partial vacuum,to suck lemonade through a straw. Go (RHA): To move along: proceed Like (RHA): Resembling (followed by a noun or pronoun);he is just like his father. Love (RHA): A strong or passionate affection for a person . . . Get (RHA): To obtain, gain, or acquire by any means;to get a good price. Split (RHA): To rend or cleave length wise; separate or part from end to end or between layers, often forcibly or by cutting. What to make of the hourly abuse of the complex and beautiful English language exemplified in the opening paragraph? Slang has been around for generations, e.g. Swell was a popular 1930s approval word, and dozens more descriptive words become trendy but then fade away. Today, however, slang has acquired a new and disturbing quality by ignoring the difference between sexes (guys), grossly overstating (awesome), and adding a different meaning (cool). Much of it is disgustingly vulgar. Worse, its everywhere and used by people of all ages, backgrounds, educational and economic levels. In the past, young people always used fun language twisters, but when reaching maturity grew out of them and talked like adults. This maturation is no longer happening. Sixty-year-olds spout the same descriptive words as kids, e.g. Awesome to describe every mundane thing from ice cream to automobiles and Cool to sound appreciation for whatever one favors no matter the subject. Obscenities are ubiquitous. What used to be called four-letter or curse words now appear in mainstream magazines, newspapers, and books. When profanity becomes the norm, what words are left to describe truly blasphemous things? Aside from noting the obvious paucity of vocabulary and lack of individualism displayed by the constant babbling of misused and dirty words, research into the habitual (and annoying) injection of like after every third word uncovered a possibility for its origin. If accurate, this is pathetic: The introduction apparently began in the early 1980s with the song Valley Girl, a Frank Zappa parody on adolescent, white, upper class, females residing in San Fernando Valley, who developed their own vernacular by staccato-punching like into their lingo to spice up their prattle in order to spike up their boring little rich-kid lives. Zappas daughter sang his send-up song, withlyricsinterrupted by the word like at short intervals, which made the song hilarious by its ludicrousness. Unfortunately, the repetitious word-break caught on with Zappas following and then spread to the general population. So what began as a nonsensical put-down became nonsensical public-speak. Words can be meaningful expressions of thoughts, but they also can stunt the process of thinking. If the same words are used habitually, the mind slows down its creative center and coasts along passively. Like muscles not used regularly thus allowing atrophy to set in, the brain can also diminish its capability to generate or assimilate new information through disuse. Furthermore, words lose meaning from constant repetition. Notice how many people end conversations by chiming Love you, which rapidly becomes a mere sign-off phrase. What does one say, then, when passionate feelings of love swell up and cry out for verbal expression? The word love has lost its powerful meaning of strong affection, so what is left? Losing the richness of language is losing thought, and losing thought is losing reason. Since reason is an active faculty of our mind and our main tool for survival, an individual who robotically repeats the same words, consequently dulling the acuity to reason and judge, can become vulnerable to others stepping into the mental void and manipulating behavior by manipulating a stagnant mind. This is how a lazy populace that looks alike, speaks alike, and soon thinks alike begins to accept political slogans that can lead to oppression over both mind and body. Mass robotic repetition of words in the mind can lead to mass robotic behavior in general, and this is what we are witnessing today as clueless Americans become interchangeable in apparel and language. Parents and teachers, of course, should not permit these brain-numbing word habits in home or school, which would force youngsters to monitor their words at least part of the time and, perhaps, break the cycle. Sadly, most parents and teachers speak as thoughtlessly as kids, so life for too many Americans has become never-ending worthless chatter. Listen around. Maybe even to yourself? [Originally Published at Newsmax] Destroying the English Language was last modified: July 28th, 2017 by Alexandra York

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Tired of Protesting Young Quasi-Racists? – Nashville Scene

Go protest old unquestionable racists! If you got out to the protest at the werewolf cult gym this past week, but wish you could do more, theres a protest planned for Saturday against old fart racists at their annual picnic at Montgomery Bell State Park. A bunch of do-gooders will be headed out for a day of protests and speakers and lunch or lunch-time sit-ins. You can learn more at their Facebook page for the event. The American Renaissance hate picnic (NOTE: probably not an actual delicious food picnic) used to be held in privately-owned conference centers, but for the past few years, theyve been holding their yearly meetings at the park, where and though its annoying, its a good thing they are free to spout their nonsense and the state cant boot them. But whats good for the goose is good for the gander and the state also cant shut up the lawful protesting of said racist picnic. If you do go, be careful. Werewolf cultists can, I presume, be stopped by wolfsbane or the silver tea cup you got from your grandmother. But theres no magical protection against regular old racists.

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Unite the Right rally attracting increasingly radical attention – The Daily Progress

As Charlottesville anxiously approaches the date of a massive rally that could turn violent, two local conservative activists are now distancing themselves from the right-wing provocateur who invited anti-Semitic and white nationalist speakers to headline the event. In interviews last week, David Caron and Isaac Smith expressed concerns about Jason Kesslers decision to invite inflammatory personalities to speak at his Aug. 12 Unite the Right rally in Emancipation Park, which until recently was named Lee Park. Many of those selected to speak at the event were involved in a provocative torch-lit demonstration last May to protest the planned removal of the citys Robert E. Lee statue. In a Daily Caller report, Kessler, who considers himself a pro-white activist-journalist, described the protests as two flash mobs led by white nationalists Richard Spencer and Sam Dickson. Kessler also spoke at the rally, praising the event organizers and describing a cultural, second American Civil War. Spencer is commonly cited as a founder of the so-called alt-right, a loose political movement rooted in white nationalism and populism. Until recently, the movement included a broader swath of conservatives, but its seeing its former supporters disavowing the label over its overtly racist and anti-Semitic elements. In recent months, Caron and Smith have shifted their attention to supporting Kenny Jackson, an outspoken independent candidate for City Council who ran as a Republican in 2004. Jackson, who is African-American, also has been critical of the councils decision to remove the Lee statue, which is being contested in court. According to Smith, Kesslers continued associations with far-right activists such as Spencer, Dickson and groups like the Traditionalist Worker Party and the Warlocks Motorcycle Club is getting out of control. Hes affiliated himself with people who are to put it mildly ideologically distasteful, Smith said. And now hes associated with people involved with organized crime. Its turning into a rabbit hole. And I want nothing to do with that. With Spencers previous calls for the creation of a white ethno-state and the TWPs association with the neo-Nazi National Socialist Movement, Caron said: Im not trying to work with people like that. Similarly to Spencer, Dickson has advocated for a White Ethno-State on the North American continent, a project analogous to the creation of Israel in the first half of the 20th century, according to Spencers National Policy Institute. At a 2013 American Renaissance conference, Spencer suggested that a peaceful ethnic-cleansing could be carried out to realize those ends. Formerly the secretary of Kesslers conservative group, Unity and Security for America which advocates for tighter restrictions on immigration from non-Western nations Smith said he was not involved in the May 13 alt-right rally and quit working with Kessler shortly thereafter. Caron said hes wary of Kessler becoming more embroiled in identity politics. He also said he was not aware that the May 13 rally was being planned. Obviously, the way that Jasons been lately, hes made it more about race, Caron said. Unfortunately, thats why Ive had to distance myself. Im not into identity politics. By seeking Wes Bellamys removal from City Council last fall after he discovered and publicized a litany of racist and misogynistic tweets the African-American councilman had written several years before he was elected, Kessler caught the attention of Smith, an aspiring political operative, and Caron, one of Kesslers lifelong friends. In a blog post at the time, Kessler said he targeted Bellamy for being a black supremacist in his seeking the removal of the Lee statue and calling for a boycott against Bellas, an Italian restaurant whose owner, University of Virginia lecturer Doug Muir, criticized the Black Lives Matter movement in a Facebook post. Kessler and his associates received a great deal of notoriety and enemies in the ultimately unsuccessful effort to unseat Bellamy. Left-wing social justice activists challenged Kessler and his colleagues, accusing them of running a racially motivated campaign to oust Bellamy. Several weeks ago, Know Your Local Nazi fliers featuring the personal information of Kessler, Caron, Smith and several others were anonymously distributed in the downtown area. The fliers were created by Showing Up for Racial Justice Charlottesville activists, according to a source involved with the group. Recently, another business owner has alleged that hes been targeted by the left-wing activists. Im being threatened, Im getting phone calls from people saying theyre going to kill me and shoot me, said Lacy Weeks, owner of Mystic Tattoo and Body Piercing and a member of the Warlocks Motorcycle Club. Weeks said hes been the target of a harassment campaign and has received many poor online reviews of his tattoo shop. A similar incident played out earlier this year when right-wing sympathizers targeted Cinema Taco for refusing service one night to a group of alleged neo-Nazis. Earlier this month, Kessler asked Weeks to help organize a security detail for a news conference he held outside the Charlottesville Police Department to discuss his upcoming rally. Kessler introduced the assembled group of bikers as members of the Warlocks, a 3-percent biker group. Kessler later corrected that assertion in an email, clarifying that the Warlocks are actually a 1-percent motorcycle club, and adding that members of a philanthropic-focused biker club, known as The Wrecking Crew, also were present at the news conference. The 3-percent label is sometimes used to describe the right-wing, constitutionalist patriot movement. One-percent groups are generally outlaw gangs. The email also included a statement from the bikers: Neither club affiliates as a white supremacist organization as individuals or clubs in whole. Nor do we support their beliefs. In interviews last week, Weeks vehemently denied harboring any kind of racist feelings. And despite the historical connotation 1-percent or 3-percent biker clubs have with outlaw biker gangs, Weeks said neither he nor the club is involved in criminal activity. Weeks said only two members of the club attended the news conference, and that the 1-percent moniker is a reference to the clubs prestige among other motorcycle clubs. Earlier this year, state law enforcement and the Virginia Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control started an effort to crack down on outlaw motorcycle gang activity in Central Virginia-area restaurants. In March, town of Louisa Police Chief Ronnie Roberts told NBC29: Those 1-percenters, the ones that create the problems for us in law enforcement and the criminal activity, is the area we need to focus on. Weeks said the head of the clubs mother chapter in Orlando, Florida, recently contacted him about attracting media attention to the club following Kesslers news conference. He said the clubs chief threatened to revoke his status in the group. Our club were trying to get rid of that tarnished image, Weeks said. My national boss, he jumped my ass, man. I came this close to losing my center patch. Weeks said hes sympathetic to Kessler and the cause to save the Lee statue, and that he agreed to arrange a security detail for Kesslers news conference to protect his right to free speech. Its grossly unfair. Jason will sit there and say hes not with the KKK or a white supremacist, Weeks said. I did research and talked to him Jason is me. Hes guilty by the media. In a tweet to an anonymous Twitter account that has attempted to expose many of the extreme neo-Nazi and white supremacist ties to Kesslers upcoming rally, one of Kesslers colleagues, Hannah Zarski, said, Jasons thing isnt an ethno-state. Kessler has denied being a white nationalist, but his claims that there is a white genocide under the guise of multiculturalism and refugee resettlement from Muslim-majority countries has made it difficult for him to evade that label. Anonymous Twitter user @Don_Chump, who goes by the nom de guerre Robert Lee and runs the blog restoringthehonor.blogspot.com, has been critical of Kessler associating with explicitly racist and white nationalist groups. He said Kessler cannot say he is not a bigot while promoting groups whose leaders are attempting to make their views palatable to the public while their supporters openly espouse racist rhetoric and use Nazi imagery, such as the swastika and the Sieg Heil salute. Alluding to the vitriolic and aggressive reactions to Kessler and those groups, Lee said anti-fascists and anti-racists need to realize theyre waging a public relations war. Lee said the left-wing activists are bringing a gun to a knife fight, while the other side is using civil rights as a shield. Its a brilliant strategy, he said about the alt-right. But their end game is a segregated society. Last week, the Anti-Defamation League labeled Kessler a white supremacist in a list of alt-right and alt-lite personalities. The alt-lite moniker represents right-wing activists who have rejected the overtly racist and anti-Semitic rhetoric of the alt-right, but they nonetheless embrace misogyny and xenophobia, and abhor political correctness and the left, according to the ADL. The report described the alt-right as a loose network of racists and anti-Semites who reject mainstream conservatism in favor of politics that embrace implicit or explicit racist, anti-Semitic and white supremacist ideology. Many seek to re-inject such bigoted ideas into the conservative movement in the United States. According to the ADL report, Kessler last month spoke at an alt-right rally in Washington, and told the crowd that America would be better off if the South had won the Civil War, and advanced conspiracy theories about Jews controlling Hollywood and the media and promoting filthy propaganda. The list included Spencer and several other alt-right figures, some of whom will be featured speakers at the Aug. 12 rally in Charlottesville. The Unite the Right speakers on the ADL list include Traditionalist Worker Party co-founder and Nationalist Front co-chairman Matthew Heimbach. The Nationalist Front is an umbrella organization for about a dozen nationalist organizations, including the National Socialist Movement, the tenants of which include the creation of an American state where only “those of pure wjohite blood” can be citizens. Last week, a Louisville court gave Heimbach a suspended jail sentence on charges stemming from an incident last year in which he allegedly physically harassed a woman protesting a Donald Trump campaign rally. Responding to the publication of the list, Kessler used his Twitter account to accuse the ADL of being a Jewish supremacist group instigating a harassment and blackmail campaign against prominent white activists. Kessler did not respond to requests for an interview. The alt-lite figures in the ADL list included Republican Senate candidate Corey Stewart, who visited Charlottesville several times during his unsuccessful gubernatorial campaign to support Kessler and protest the removal of the Lee statue, and Gavin McInnes, a conservative commentator and founder of the Proud Boys, a self-described Western chauvinist group. The Proud Boys gained local attention last month after Kessler publicly invited the state chapter of the Fred Perry polo shirt-wearing group for a meeting downtown. Recently, McInnes has tried to distance his group from the alt-right label. Last week, he tweeted: ProudBoys VA are not alt-right If you are a VA PB who is AR, youre not a VA PB. McInnes rejection of the alt-right title, and previous reports that he and other key figures with the Proud Boys requested that its members not represent the group at the Aug. 12 rally, parallel Caron and Smith attempting to distance themselves from Kessler. But their conservative views and opposition to Democratic politics remain. Alluding to the involvement of anarcho-communist and anti-capitalist Antifa, or anti-fascist groups protesting the alt-right, Caron said hes worried that moderate liberals are ceding ground to far-left ideologies. Its concerning to me that we dont have the same level of apprehension to communists that we do to Nazis, he said. I am concerned that these people would prefer for me and Jason to not even exist, he added. They dont want us to even go out in public. They dont want us to leave the house. I dont know what their end goal is I believe its beyond politics. And thats how communists operate. Although some see the response to a campaign to have the Aug. 12 rallys permit be revoked as totalitarian, social justice activists, such as Marc Mazique, think the city is sanctioning a rally where the speakers are hoping to incite and even commit acts of violence and sow racial hatred. Acts of speech are exactly that acts, Mazique said at last weeks City Council meeting. When we treat all acts of speech as effectively neutral, we help normalize oppressive speech, and further oppressive acts. People of color are continually expected to sacrifice their emotions, their hurt, their very humanity in the service of white comfort, which becomes abstracted out into the community at large under the label public order, he said. Instead of being empowered to draw on righteous anger and indignation at injustice, we are told to be smaller, calmer, quieter or just plain quiet. While Caron, Smith and others are equally skeptical of both alt-right and leftist ideologues, a writer for Occidental Dissent, a Southern nationalist blog thats supporting the Aug. 12 rally, wrote Friday that it could be an opportunity to turn more moderate right-wingers on to their brand of nationalism. The blog post predicted the Unite the Right rally could be the largest gathering of nationalists since George Lincoln Rockwell, founder of the American Nazi Party, rallied supporters in Chicago in the 1960s. I encourage everyone who may be undecided to travel up to Charlottesville, and spend the weekend mingling with those who in spirit are already essentially our friends, the post read. Talk to them, bond over common beliefs, and use the time given to you to educate others on issues such as the Jewish Problem, the Homosexual Problem, and the inherent evils that exist when the masses are granted overwhelming freedom and individualism.

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July 23, 2017   Posted in: American Renaissance  Comments Closed

Can grassroots action neutralize the growth of the white supremacist movement? – Open Democracy

This article was first published byWaging Nonviolence. Credit: By United States Department of Justice/Wikimedia. Public Domain. A train pulled out of the quiet and quirky Portland, Oregon neighborhood of Hollywood on the evening of May 26th 2017, and thats when the yelling began. Targeting two young women, one wearing a hijab, 35-year-old Jeremy Christian went on an Islamophobic tirade, accusing them of terrorism, tax evasion and general un-Americanness. When three men stepped up to intervene in the assault, Christian was ready with a knife, stabbing each one, successively, in the jugular and killing two of them. This brutal attack was not just the result of mental illness, as is often blamed in cases such as these, but rather the latest stop-over in white supremacist escalations. Christian, who was new to such politics, had been frothing with rage for several weekever since an April 30 free speech rally that a local ultra-conservative group had organized and modeled after other alt-right events happening around the country. Wearing an American flag cape and wielding a wooden baseball bat, Christian was stopped by police before he could take a swing at the counter protesters. Tragedies like these inspire a sense of horror in the collective community, but it is not necessarily a surprise. The pattern of white supremacist violence has been consistent over the decades as fascist movements rise and fall, and disaffected members of their ranks follow suit with lone wolf violence. How the community responds to these moments of sorrow, and the ways in which those responsible are held accountable, is what determines the fate of movements like the alt-right. A violent vision. The history of the white nationalist movementof which the alt-right is the latest incarnationis one of violence from start to finish. As FBI reports confirm, radical right-wing combatants are still the primary terror threat in the United States, far outweighing the Islamic terror boogeyman that the Trump administration hopes to portray. In a 2015 survey of 382 law enforcement agencies by the Police Executive Research Forum, a full 74 percent of attacks came from far-right anti-government radicals. In a U.S. Military AcademysCombating Terrorism Center study, far-right terrorists were responsible for an average of 337 attacks a year since 9/11. The Anti-Defamation League, which tracks hate groups, listed white supremacists as conducting more attacks in 2015 than any other ideology, and when combined with anti-abortion and anti-government groups, which often crossover, the number rose to a full 63 percent of all domestic terrorism. The threat of white supremacist terrorism is a constant in U.S. history. During the civil rights movement, the Ku Klux Klan built a paramilitary assault on the American South, murdering hundreds in bombings, gun attacks and lynching. In the 1980s, the Order erupted as a revolutionary project out of the Aryan Nations, robbing banks and murdering Jewish radio host Alan Berg. The militia movement, which was becoming an increasingly violent force in the 1990s after the passage of the Brady assault weapons ban and blunders by federal agents at Ruby Ridge and Waco, hit its zenith when Terry Nichols and Timothy McVeigh detonated a fertilizer bomb in the Oklahoma City Federal Building. Built on failure. The pattern of white supremacist violence often fails to be associated with the movement itself because of the common lone wolf quality of individual attacks. Following the leaderless resistance model developed by white nationalist Louis Beam and championed by skinhead leaders like Tom Metzger, those on the fringes of the movement and society are often instigated to engage in acts of extreme violence against the state, minorities and their collaborators. The model for this violence is one of desperation, attempting to mobilize those without strong social bonds. The failure of their ability to organize, to see growth from a seed idea into a mass populist movement, kicks it over the edge into a nihilist assault lacking in long-term vision. As the culture further turned left, and major white supremacist enclaves like the Aryan Nations compound and the National Alliance were disrupted, desperate acts of violence took placefrom the 2009 murder of a security guard at the Smithsonian Holocaust Museum to the 2012 shooting at a Sikh temple in Wisconsin. A part of this pattern comes from the relationship that white nationalists have with those on the margins of the mainstream, like politicians, media outlets and other provocateurs. Because of the extreme nature of their ideas, white nationalists latch onto those whodespite not sharing their key ideological platformhave enough in common with them to help mainstream their message. People like Barry Goldwater and George Wallace held this role to the anti-integrationists active during the civil rights movement. In the early 1990s, the campaign of Pat Buchanan and the broad paleoconservative movement did this as well, using dog whistle language railing against immigration, globalization and affirmative action. Today, this comes in the form of what many call the alt-light, the layer of anti-PC talking heads that populates the so-called deplorable-sphere around the Donald Trump campaign. Milo Yiannoupoulos, Lauren Southern and Gavin McGinnis all promote their talking points and political ideas, even if they would squirm when the full-bore racism and anti-Semitism is unleashed. Historically, white nationalists ride their mainstream relationships as far as those with celebrity are willing to take them, and when the association becomes too toxic, those with careers to think about jump ship. As the true alt-right becomes more well known, and their history of violence becomes more commonly understood, this will further push those who have lent their celebrity to betray their allegiances. It is this final push that relegates the fascist core back to their sub-cultural roots, validatingin their mindsa revolutionary perspective that had been compromised by the pursuit of beltway respectability. It is at this moment that the acts of lone wolf violence escalate, when the hope of a peaceful solution to the race problem has been dashed. As we enter the period when the alt-right breaks from Trump and is abandoned by their temporary colleagues, the potential for violence only magnifies. A part of history. What often blinds people to the alt-rights potential for violence is their branding, not their content. With fashionable swooped hair, pressed suits, and geeky Internet jargon, they seem more like an upper-middle-class wedding party than a nationalist cadre bent on a 21st century coup. This is only a mirage, as they are simply the latest generation in a lineage of white nationalist organizing, but with better youth appeal. At American Renaissance, one of the largest alt-right conferences, the whos who of the movement is in attendance: U.S. Members of the Aryan Nations hobnob with the alt-right group Proud Boys, former KKK leaders like David Duke and Don Black hold Q&As, and politicians from far-right European political movements like the British National Party receive standing ovations. While their language may be, at times, couched in academic jargon, they have the same effect of motivating their fringe towards acts of kamikaze violence. After Dylan Roof murdered nine in a flurry of automatic gunfire, his manifesto revealed that his inspiration was the propaganda of the Council of Conservative Citizensa neo-Confederate group that lists miscegenation as against Gods chosen order, and holds American Renaissance founder Jared Taylor as one of its spokesmen and board members. Taylors work at American Renaissance further inspired Jared Loughner, the 22-year-old man who shot Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords and several others in 2011. As the alt-right coasts into its most contentious period since its 2015-2016 rise, the violence has risen among its disaffected periphery. James Harris Jackson went to New York City in March with the intent of finding and killing black men in relationships with white women. Instead, he settled on murdering a black homeless man with a sword. Weeks later, Sean Urbanski murdered Army Second Lieutenant Richard Collins in an act of racial revenge. Both men were following alt-right figures online, with Urbanski in the Alt-Reich Facebook group and Jackson following alt-right leaders like Richard Spencer. During the same period of escalation, Lauren Southern brought an entourage of alt-right celebritiesand others ready to attack community members and protestersto her speaking event in downtown Berkeley, California. Us together. While the historical behavior of white supremacists teaches us what to expect, there is also much to learn from the community responses that have neutralized their growth. For example, while the federal government went to war with the militia movement after the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995, it was growing public disgust that devastated the militia movements recruitment efforts and essentially forced them into retreat until Barrack Obama was elected president. The final answer, though, is the creation of a mass response to this type of racist violence. With only hours notice the day after the Christian murders in Portland, a candlelight vigil drew thousands to the site of the attack. Meanwhile, the organizers of the April 30 free speech rally are organizing another event on June 4, and the response from the community promises to completely overwhelm them, showing that an iron wall has been built against alt-right recruitment. This is the way that a mass movement turns the tide of atrocity, letting the violence act as a reminder of what inaction can bring.

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July 20, 2017   Posted in: American Renaissance  Comments Closed


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