Archive for the ‘Apartheid’ Category

The ‘vertical apartheid’ of the Israeli occupation – Mondoweiss

Rafah, 2014. Composite image research: Forensic architecture 2015.

Thefollowing is an edited version of the preface to Eyal Weizmans Hollow Land, published by Verso last month to mark the 50th anniversary of the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. This article was originally published byopenDemocracy on July 13, 2017 and reprinted here with permission.

In the context of a recent, mildly critical interview about the political deadlock between Israel and the Palestinians, a former Israeli general, until recently the chief commander of the West Bank, claimed that the Israeli military had become world champions in occupation and has managed to turn its control of millions of Palestinians into an art form, as if this two generation long degrading and lethal regime is some sort of a sport or managerial challenge.[1]Such bragging is not necessarily an exaggeration. This textcharts the way Israels system of control, which evolved in fits and starts throughout the occupations first four decades, has, during its fifth decade, hardened into an exceptionally efficient and brutal form of territorial apartheid, in which verticality is the operative principle.Fiftieth anniversaryIndeed, on its fiftieth anniversary, the Israeli occupation seems to be in excellent form. Though the Gaza settlements have been removed, those in the West Bank and East Jerusalem prosper, and settler numbers have been growing at a rate of 15,000 people annually.[2] The domination of more than four million Palestinians has stopped being an economic burden and proven to be profitable. The people under occupation are a captive market (literally) for many surplus Israeli manufactured goods. Private industries, including international companies working in the Jewish settlements, prosper thanks to tax breaks, low rents, government subsidies, and a Palestinian labour force that is rendered cheap and flexible because it enjoys no civil or labour rights.[3]Israels international exports many of them military and marketed as road tested in action (on the Palestinians, that is) are also steadily growing as more nations, including the United States and European states, adopt Israel-like xenophobic politics towards minorities, refugees, and migrants (especially Muslim ones).[4]Within the Israeli political system there is currently no serious opposition to the settlement project. International diplomacy is largely inconsequential and there is no peace process to threaten the settlements further expansion. Representatives of the settler movement hold power in all major governmental offices, running not only the occupation, but also the business of the state. International diplomacy is largely inconsequential and there is no peace process to threaten the settlements further expansion.International diplomacy is largely inconsequential and there is no peace process to threaten the settlements further expansion.

Dissent is confronted with paranoid fervor and righteous rage. Activists are vilified as traitors, spied upon, threatened, and arrested. State officials, and even the prime minister, now openly refer to human rights groups as the third strategic threat (after Iran and Hizbullah,) treating them as foreign agents and spies, and the Israeli parliament has legislated laws to constrain their work. Civil society groups calling for boycott of and disinvestment from the Israeli economy and culture one of the last peaceful means to challenge Israeli hegemony are made illegal locally, foreign activists promoting it are no longer allowed into the country, and severely limited in some key countries such as Britain, France, Ireland, Germany, and the United States.[5]

Happy fiftieth birthday, indeed!

The durability and expansion of Israels settler-colonial project in Palestine is no small achievement given the turns of recent history. In the fifteen years since the Politics of Verticality was published the world was shaken by a series of transformative processes, none of which loosened Israels grip on power over the Palestinians. In 2008, a global financial crisis overwhelmed the world economy and devastated real estate markets worldwide. At the same time, in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem the number of houses and settlers has nearly doubled: there were 400,000 settlers there in 2007 and there are about 750,000 today.There were 400,000 settlers there when Hollow Land was first published and there are about 750,000 today.

This number includes the residents of 131 official, state-sanctioned settlements and the twelve Jewish neighbourhoods in occupied East Jerusalem (this is how settlements there are referred to) as well as 97 smaller outposts in the West Bank and the thirteen Jewish outposts inside Palestinian neighbourhoods in occupied East Jerusalem.[6] While official settlements have expanded in terms of the extent of their built-up area and number of residents, the number of official settlements has not changed much. At the start of the Oslo process in the early 1990s there were already 120 settlements in place. It is the rogue outposts that have grown in numbers and expanded as their settlers torch fields and homes, harass and shoot Palestinians to take over their agricultural lands. The official settlements simply expand while relying on the military and the courts to do the same.

(Image: Milutin Labudovic for Peace Now)

This legal reality guarantees that violence is exercised with the full backing of the law. As a result, Israels politics of separation has, in the past decade, surpassed South African apartheid, not only in the extent and sophistication of its architectural manifestations, but also in its duration: the South African version collapsed under international pressure after forty-three years.

Israeli domination of Palestinians is not confined to the spaces occupied in 1967. In its early decades, Israels rule in the occupied territories used techniques of domination that were well-honed on those Palestinians who survived and remained in place during the expulsions of 1948. In recent decades, techniques of domination, land grab and separation, more intensely exercised in the 1967 occupied areas, inspired the further separation of Jews and Arabs within Israel itself. The occupation can thus not be thought of as an aberration of Israeli democracy, a cancerous tumour that can be removed by dissecting more or less along the internationally recognized Green Line of 1949, as left-liberal apologists of Zionism propose. Rather, it is a local manifestation of Israels regime of domination and separation that extends, in different forms, between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.

Examples of this policy within Israel are abundant. In recent decades the state sanctioned battle for the Negev has radically escalated, with Israel repeatedly, violently, sending its demolition squads to destroy ramshackle homes and animal pens on lands that have been continuously inhabited by Bedouins for generations, and this to clear space for Jewish settlements and forests.[10]

The Bedouins are amongst the only Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons (those displaced within Israel) to enact, continuously, repeatedly, on the ground, their right of return, rebuilding again after every act of demolition.

Policemen on horses at a demolition that took place in Umm al-Hiran, 18th January 2017. (Photo: Maya Avis.)

An Israeli bulldozer destroying the village of Al Arakib. (Photo: Oren Ziv/ Activestills)

In the past decade, the focus of the armed struggle and the worst of Israels policy of domination has shifted to Gaza. This took place against the backdrop of a punishing siege, which severely escalated after Hamas took power there in 2007. The siege replaced one system of control with another. As long as they were inside Gaza, several blocks of Jewish settlements and a string of military bases exercised a traditional form of territorial control they controlled the roadways and surveyed the cities. In 2005 the Sharon government removed the settlements and relocated the military bases beyond Gazas perimeter wall. Domination is now exercised from beyond the borders, from the sea and the air. Gunboats keep presence just off the coastline, shooting at fishermen that dare to venture more than a few hundred meters from the shore. The airforce controls things from above. Agreements with Egypt ensure Israel has some say over who can pass through Gazas border crossing in Rafah. Domination is now exercised from beyond the borders, from the sea and the air.Domination is now exercised from beyond the borders, from the sea and the air.The siege is a giant and unparalleled exercise in population control. It seeks to isolate the strip from the external world and gradually increase the collective hardship by reducing the incoming flow of all life-sustaining provisions. Israeli intelligence agencies monitor the effects of the siege and claim to be able to calibrate the privation to a level that is hard enough for the civilian population to reject Hamas but one that does not to fall below some so-called red lines that would bring the strip to a humanitarian crisis.[11] The supply of food, calculated in calories, was gradually reduced to the UN humanitarian minimum of 2100 calories per adult (less for women and children). The inflow of electricity, petrol, and concrete were also gradually turned down to levels that ground life to an almost complete standstill, devastating infrastructural systems, hospitals, the economy, and civil institutions.Unemployment shot up to 43 per cent (highest in the world), 72 per cent of the population fell below the poverty line and the absolute majority of residents became dependent on international welfare, an important point of leverage when it is Israel that could decide to start and stop that welfare provision. Electricity was reduced so radically that residents have power for only a few hours a day, hospitals were incapacitated, there was not enough power to contain all sewage from flowing untreated. The shortage in basic medicines has become more severe, with people dying from easily preventable diseases and for lack of basic treatment. These deaths, unlike those from direct violence, are not statistically recorded. The United Nations has desperately repeated that a massive humanitarian crisis is already unfolding in Gaza and warned that if the current trend continues, the entire strip could become uninhabitable by 2020.The United Nations has desperately repeated that a massive humanitarian crisis is already unfolding in Gaza and warned that if the current trend continues, the entire strip could become uninhabitable by 2020.Where does Israel want these two million Palestinians to go? The government does not feel it has to care. It claims that Gaza is no longer occupied (the no longer is strange because when the settlements were there, Israel never accepted it was an occupation) and thus its duties as an occupying force under international law no longer apply (it never applied them anyway). Gaza is rather an enemy entity a designation that allows it to be attacked and starved as an enemy state but without the sovereign rights that come with statehood. This continues a double game in place since 1967. Israel uses the rights afforded to a military occupier, for example to build temporary military installations under international law, while ignoring its duties by claiming that the situation isnt that of an occupation at all. The UN, however, has never accepted this self-serving and paradoxical designation of Gaza and still regards Israel to be occupying Gaza because it has control over all aspects of life there.

Its interference extends into minute details. Decisions otherwise exercised in municipal levels are still undertaken by Israel for example, by deciding how much concrete and steel are to be allowed in and how much should be allocated for which construction or reconstruction project, the Israeli military officers at the border act as the ultimate planning officers, determining what will be built and where.

Despite the siege, Hamas has not surrendered. Its hold of the strip and its influence over Gazans has only been strengthened. It has resisted the siege with continuous armed action. Constant skirmishes have escalated into three devastating Israeli attacks in 20089, 2012 and 2014. Israels indiscriminate bombing of dense civilian neighbourhoods during these wars has killed over 4,000 people, the overwhelming majority of them civilians. In addition, the constant bombardment has ruined most of the remaining infrastructure, destroyed or damaged close to 150,000 buildings, and driven half a million Gazans out of their homes a number only slightly exceeding that of the Jewish population the state helped house in the West Bank and Jerusalem over the same period.[12] The built environment and its destruction and construction is, as I have already written in Hollow Land more than just a backdrop of this conflict. Rather, it is the means by which domination takes shape.

Rafah, 2014. (Photo: Breaking the Silence)

The policy of separation does not only divide Jews and Palestinians but also creates divisions between Palestinians. Physical barriers now cut apart the three main districts occupied in 1967 Gaza, Jerusalem, and the West Bank and separate them from the Palestinians in Israel. The Gaza siege is enacted through a perimeter barrier composed of a similar systems of roads, concrete walls and fencings to that of the more famous West Bank wall. It is built on the internationally recognized border of 1949, but extends inwards into a no-go area that extends up to 1500 metres from the border. Anyone entering this zone could be shot to kill.The 708 kilometres of the West Bank wall cuts between villages and their fields, effectively annexing 10 per cent of the territory for the use of the settlements. It also cuts Jerusalem apart from the West Bank. The eastern part of Jerusalem has been physically annexed to Israel but its Palestinian population was granted only permanent residency an oxymoronic term because this residency can be revoked at any time, and Israeli authorities use any excuse to revoke it whenever possible. Divided from all the rest are the million and a half Palestinians who live within Israel, where they have Israeli citizenship but not equal rights. Completely barred from entering Palestine are the four and a half million Palestinians, mainly refugees but also migrants, living outside the country.In the West Bank, separation has grown increasingly complex.

Map of the West Bank. (Map: BTselem and Eyal Weizman)

The section revealed the depth of Israels colonial project, because, like a building, the architectural project of the occupation was arranged in layers. The Oslo Accords of the mid 1990s which promised an incremental pathway to reconciliation but ended up providing the skeleton of the existing geographical system of domination and control divided the territory into three principle political floors: the surface, landlocked pockets of which were handed over to Palestinian control; the subsoil, including water and mineral resources; and theairspace above Palestinian areas, which was left in Israeli hands, primarily those of its air force.

Maale Adumim, 2002. (Photo: Milutin Labudovic for Peace Now)

A settlement arched over a Palestinian village, 2002. (Photo: Eyal Weizman)

A Jewish-only road network, the apartheid roads started connecting the hilltop settlements with bridges that span over Palestinian fields and with tunnels that burrow underneath Palestinian towns. This type of infrastructure has in recent decades been greatly extended and currently comprises a full third of the total length of roadways in the West Bank.[13] In the last decade, as armed confrontations in the West Bank subsided, some military checkpoints were removed, allowing Palestinians freer movement between their villages and towns. But this movement was undertaken on a separate and tattered road network that, whenever crossing the Jewish network of highways, bows and bores underneath them. While the Jewish road network leads everywhere to Israel, the Palestinian road network is truncated on all sides by walls, checkpoints, and military zones.

Detail from Eyal Weizmans map of settlements, the hilltops are marked in Blue, this is the area within which settlements can expand. (Map: Eyal Weizman)

In Gaza, this three-dimensional partition organizes the frontlines of the armed struggle. Enclosed on the surface and unable to face the Israeli air force that continuously hovers above, Palestinian military efforts move in two directions along the vertical axis: they have retreated into the subsoil, where there are underground command centers, cross-border tunnels, and rocket launching sites; and into the airspace through which these rockets travel.

If this system of volumetric separation were to be described in terms of a building, it would most closely resemble an airport with separate inbound and outbound corridors, splintering infrastructural ductworks, multiple passport control points, and security checks that direct some passengers on hustle-free paths through luxury shops to anywhere in the world, and others toward long queues, invasive security checks, and detention rooms that are sometimes separated from the luxury shops merely by a single floor or wall. Following this metaphor, Gaza would be the largest of the detention rooms. From it, those incarcerated might be able to see the people shopping on the other side, but are invisible to them (while being hyper visible to their security forces). The more these detainees try to resist or break out, the less provisions, water, and electricity these security people allow in.

The terminal/checkpoint system in which Palestinians flow is regulated through remotely controlled checkpoints. (Image: IDF)

Tunnel mouth under Mount Scopus, 2003. (Photo: Eyal Weizman)

Other layers of separation could be revealed by extending the section line downward across different geological layers. A section through these layers exposes the political logic of Israeli apartheid in the same way that seismological cracks help geologists examine hidden layers of rock.

Recently, some scientists have proposed that our geological era should be referred to as the Anthropocene, a time in which humans have become the dominant force in shaping destructively and dangerously so the very material composition of the planet. It is not only that the natural layers of the earth deposits, minerals, and rocks should be regarded as proper geological strata, but that the geology of the earth might also include artificial strata such as structures and buried infrastructures, asphalt, toxins, concrete, and mechanical transportation systems, including tens of thousands of satellites that form a permanent layer of aluminium forever circling the planet. If the concept of the Anthropocene helps us think about geology politically, we might also reverse its proposition and think about politics geologically.

The political geology of Palestine starts in the deep subterranean aquifers, buried under layers of aggregate soil and rock. The partition and use of the waters of this interconnected set of underground lakes, most of it under the West Bank, reflects the extent of inequality exercised on the surface. The Oslo Accords allocated 80 per cent of this resource for the benefit of Israel. As a result, average water consumption in Israel is more than four times that of the West Bank and Gaza. In recent decades, over-extraction of groundwater from Gazas sole aquifer led to its permanent salinization, destroying the strips single water source.[15]

Another geological stratum is archaeology. The buried remains of the lands historical occupants should be the subject of impartial scientific study. But the settler colonial logic of the Zionist project uses archaeology to construct an alibi for Jewish return and the claim that its indigenous rights are more fundamental and prior to those of all others.

In The Politics of Verticality, I have outlined the way ideologically motivated archaeology across Palestine, aimed at the remains of biblical past, has discarded other archaeological strata (especially the long succession of Muslim periods from the seventh to the twentieth century) and organized the mode of occupation on the surface right above them. One excavation, which began in 2008, powerfully embodies this logic. It took place right under Silwan, a small Palestinian neighbourhood just outside Jerusalems Old City walls. Promoted by settler associations and starting without proper permits, it searched for elements of King Davids era Jerusalem by boring tunnels through a hillside beneath homes in the neighbourhood, without informing the residents or securing their consent and refusing to stop despite their explicit protests and several attempts to halt it in court.

Cracks in a house in Silwan caused by archaeological digging under the houses. (Photo: Gadi Dagon)

Indeed, in many places beneath the pavement of Israeli towns and universities, under the fields of Zionist villages and hillside forests, there is a layer made of the rubble of Palestine destroyed in 1948. The destruction has not ceased and Palestinian rubble is still piling up. It is made of homes, bulldozed for being built without permits in places where no permits are ever given to Palestinians. It is made of the bombed out buildings and greenhouses of Gaza and the improvised structures of the Bedouin villages of the Jordan Valley and the Negev. There is rubble across Palestine and everywhere people can be seen picking through its fresh top layers, where their homes stood, searching for something to salvage.

Pyramid-type destruction cropped out of photographs by the Palestinian National Authority Ministry of Public Works and Housing, Gaza, 2009.

Hovering continuously over Palestinian towns and villages, they maintain a menacing, malevolent presence. The sound of their propellers engines is the continuous backdrop of Palestinian daily lives.[17] These aerial platforms have rotated the geography of colonization by 90 degrees: the Orient is no longer beyond the horizon, but now directly underneath it. Aerially enforced colonization, based on the drones ability to maintain a perpetual surveillance and strike capability, is an economically efficient alternative to the otherwise onerous and expensive tasks of colonial policing in the dense urban mazes of the Gaza strip. The availability of this form of control was central in convincing the Israeli leadership that territorial withdrawal from the strip could be possible without compromising Israels overall domination. Hunter algorithms, programmed to follow patterns of behaviour, are programmed to learn the art of suspicion and violence in the same way that school children across our region currently do.

Israeli Soldier learning how to operate the Skylark drone in the Negev desert.

However, this layered arrangement is rarely grasped in its totality; each layer is presented as a haphazard, often merely functional solution to a separate problem. a patch over patch, implemented stage by stage. One layer makes sure hilltops are seized by the state for the construction of settlements; another, annexes land along the roadways that connect these settlements (for their security); another, restricts building (only in and around Palestinian villages and neighbourhoods) in the name of environmental regulations for clean air, green areas, and natural reserves, or because the military needs live fire training areas (always next to Palestinian places), or because there are archaeological sites under these Palestinian areas, or, most effectively, to restrict access to underground water. It is the perceived separation between these layers that makes the politics of vertical apartheid so effective and resilient, more so, an attractive model for other countries that seek a form of population control.

Even the so-called peace plans, which still seemed in the cards (and the subject of hopes or fears) until several years ago, relied on the overall logic of the politics of vertical separation. Whether in the framework of the one, two, or three state solutions (the latter refers to Gaza and the West Bank as two separate states), every Israeli proposal for a final status arrangement demands that Israel retain control of airspace, borders, and subsoil. Even some versions of the single state solution, now experiencing an improbable revival, not within the domain of the radical left but in some mainstream right-wing and settler circles, relies on the deepening of the politics of verticality. In this form, it expresses itself as the confederation of two unequal national systems, each with its own parliament, layered within an overall sovereign, monetary, and spatial envelope dominated by Israel.[18]

Given the architecture of Israels settler colonialism, the decolonization of Palestine will require, not ever more creative volumetric arrangements and complicated lines of three-dimensional partition, but rather, the fundamental delamination of Israels vertical apartheid.

Political delamination would need to pry apart and flatten the inflated structure the overlapping jurisdictions, separate legal systems, and modes of topographic and architectural separation as well as acknowledge a common (not a singular or unified) history that includes the Nakba. The only ethical future is for 13 million people between Jordan and the sea to have citizenship, freedom to move and live wherever they want, historical recognition and modes of restitution. This could be achieved in the context of three, two or one state, certainly not one of an ongoing colonisation and occupation.

A good place to start might be the equitable management of the fragile, finite, and common ecology and shared natural resources. The vulnerability of the politics of vertical apartheid lies in its totality and all encompassing logic, and we might be able to find ways to de-link the layers. All empires eventually collapse and few could grasp the internal or external causes that led to their demise even when the agents of their destruction were right around the corner or already at the threshold of perception.When agents of separation try to compartmentalise things vertically and horizontally, what is needed is the construction of collectivity between the people coming from the different zones into which Palestine has been fragmented, from the diaspora, from anti-apartheid Israeli activists, and with international solidarity.

While Israel, and indeed the world, treats Palestine as a laboratory for military and political control, activists in Palestine continuously innovate new modes of civil society resistance. When agents of separation try to compartmentalise things vertically and horizontally, what is needed is the construction of collectivity between the people coming from the different zones into which Palestine has been fragmented, from the diaspora, from anti-apartheid Israeli activists, and with international solidarity. But in a situation of structural violence and inequality, mere cohabitation can become counter-productive, as it tends to support the status quo.

Co-resistance civil society actions that oppose and seek to terminate Israels regime of domination is small but kicking, and it manifests itself in inclusive, unarmed struggle: civil and human rights work, solidarity campaigns, exposures, and demonstrations. The lines of solidarity that are formed there around these small but committed communities-of-practice are the nuclei around which a new politics could one day be constructed. From previous anti-colonial struggles we have already learned that the society that will replace the colonial present will be defined by the sort of anti-colonial struggle it conducted.

One of the most effective forms of civil action to have emerged in recent years is articulated in the call by Palestinian civil society for economic and cultural boycott of Israel. The BDS (Boycott, Disinvestment, and Sanctions) movement has already created widening circles of solidarity and is seen by the Israeli government, as noted above, as an existential threat to its economy, international standing, and ongoing domination.[19] That a movement calling for boycott is fundamental to engendering solidarity might seem a paradoxical proposition, but this form of activism should not be understood as one of negative agency, of blockage and separation. When it blocks non-democratic platforms, it opens (or should increasingly open) the possibility for new democratic ones to emerge, and it currently enjoys growing support from international Palestinian and Israeli activists. BDS activism also develops a global dimension because it must also oppose the western governments that offer unparalleled diplomatic, financial, and military support to Israel and try to criminalise this very act of civil solidarity and support.

Architecture also has a place in the struggle. Throughout the past decade, I have had the opportunity to participate in several initiatives that mobilise architecture as a means of civil co-resistance across the spectrum of actions that the disciple can offer, from analysis to proposition. One such attempt was undertaken with an architectural studio named Decolonizing Architecture Art Residency or DAAR, which I co-founded in Beit Sahour, Palestine together with my friends Sandi Hilal and Alessandro Petti. DAAR is affiliated with dozens of architects in Palestine and internationally and works on architectural propositions for the transformation and reuse of Israels colonial infrastructure settlements and military bases for aims other than what they were built for: primarily for collective functions and public institutions. It also works on pedagogical initiatives and architectural proposals in refugee camps and in the sites, often marked by no more than a few old stones, that refugees were displaced from.[20]

The Lawless Line, Battir, Decolonizing Architecture, DAAR (Image: Alessandro Petti, Sandi Hilal and Eyal Weizman)

Out of all those born in this land, Jewish Israelis like me are those most privileged by the regime. Unlike most Palestinians, we are able to travel through Palestine and outside it and are afforded greater latitude of expression and access to information. Being Israeli in this space, we cannot avoid a degree of collusion, even when we confront the regime, even when we migrate away, as I did. Unable to escape our privileges, we can choose to use them against the regime that granted them to us with the ultimate aim to undo them. In any case, and in whatever form it might take, we engage in civil co-resistance not because we are certain of what might bring down this regime of domination, but because it is the only way to live here and there, in Palestine and the diaspora.

Notes

[1] Lahav Harkov, Retired General Calling Israel World Champion of Occupation sparks outrage, Jerusalem Post, 1 September. Gadi Shamni led the IDFs Central Command from 2007 to 2009 and left the army in 2012.

[2] Peace Now, Settlement Watch Program, peacenow.org.il/en/settlements-watch/settlements-data/population, accessed 3 March 2017.

[3] There are approximately 20 Israeli-administered industrial zones in the West Bank. Human Rights Watch, Occupation, Inc.: How Settlement Businesses Contribute to Israels Violations of Palestinian Rights, 19 January 2016.

[4] Naomi Klein, Laboratory for a Fortress World, Nation, 14 June 2007

[5] Britain, the United States, France, and Germany acted in different ways against the boycott of Israel. Oliver Wright, Israel Boycott Ban: Shunning Israeli Goods to Become Criminal Offence for Public Bodies and Student Unions,Independent, 14 February 2016; Michael Wilner, US Congress Passes Rare Law Targeting Boycotts of Israel, Jerusalem Post, 24 June 2015; Benjamin Dodman, Frances Criminalisation of Israel Boycotts Sparks Free-Speech Debate, France 24, 21 January 2016.

[6] Information about settlements and settler numbers is usually disaggregated according to the different administrative areas into which the occupation is divided, and differs slightly between different estimates. According to Btselem, there are currently between 300,000 and 350,000 settlers in the occupied areas of East Jerusalem (up from 189,708 in 2007) and 406,302 in the rest of the West Bank (up from 276,500 in 2007). According to the States population registry, in 2005 the number of settlers in the West Bank (not including Jerusalem) was 254,000. During the last decade this number has grown by 167,000 or 66 percent. As of 2016 there were 422,000 Jewish settlers in the West Bank. In 2016 the Jewish population in the West Bank grew by 15,675 people or 3.9 percent, double the national population increase. The number of 750,000 is the sum of the average in Btselem estimate for the occupied parts of Jerusalem and the States population registry numbers for the West Bank. The States population registry does not provide separate statistics for occupied Jerusalem because the area has been officially annexed to Israel, and its numbers refer to Jerusalem as a whole. In Gaza, since the evacuation of 2005 there, were no (and still arent any) settlers. In 1993, when the Oslo Accords were signed, there were approximately 110,000 Israeli settlers living in the West Bank and 146,000 living in East Jerusalem. See: Btselem, Statistics on Settlements and Settler Population, btselem.org/settlements/statistics, updated 11 May 2015. The settlement numbers quoted above are from the Settlement Watch Program of Peace Now. http://peacenow.org.il/en/category/settlement-watch

[7] Yael Berda, The Bureaucracy of the Occupation in the West Bank: The Permit Regime 20002006, Jerusalem: Van Leer Institute, 2012 (in Hebrew).

[8] Human Rights Watch, Israel/West Bank: Separate and Unequal: Under Discriminatory Policies, Settlers Flourish, Palestinians Suffer, 19 December 2010.

[9] Btselem, A Palestinian Charged in a Military Court is as Good as Convicted, 21 June 2015; Noam Sheizaf, Conviction Rate for Palestinians in Israels Military Courts: 99.74% +972 magazine, 29 November 2011; Btselem, The Occupations Fig Leaf: Israels Military Law Enforcement System as a Whitewash Mechanism, 25 May 2016; Gili Cohen, Citing IDF Failure to Bring Soldiers to Justice, BTselem Stops Filing Complaints on Abuse of Palestinians, Haaretz, 25 May 2016.

[10] Eyal Weizman and Fazal Sheikh, The Conflict Shoreline: Colonization as Climate Change in the Negev Desert, Gttingen: Steidle and Cabinet, 2015.Forensic Architectures investigation of a police killing in the illegalised Bedouin village of umm al-Hiran is here: forensic-architecture.org/case/umm-al-hiran.

[11] Uri Blaue and Yotam Feldman, Consent and Advice Haaretz, 29.01.2009

[12] United Nations, Gaza in 2020: A Liveable Place?, August 2012; UN figures can also be found here: unrwa.org/gaza-emergency.

[13] Shaul Arieli, The Two-state Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Remains Viable, Haaretz, 31 December 2016.

[14] Eyal Weizman, Introduction to The Politics of Verticality, Open Democracy, 23 April 2002.

[15] Btselem, The Water Crisis, 28 September 2016; United Nations, Occupied Palestinian Territory Slides into Recession, Gaza Becoming Uninhabitable, 1 September 2015.

[16] Nir Hasson, In a Tunnel Beneath Jerusalem, Israeli Culture Minister Gives Obama a Lesson in History, Haaretz, 31 December 2016.

[17] Susan Schuppli, Uneasy Listening, in Forensic Architecture (ed.), FORENSIS: The Architecture of Public Truth, Berlin: Sternberg Press, 2014.

[18] Tamar Pileggi and Raphael Ahren, Rivlin Proposes Israeli-Palestinian Confederation, Times of Israel, 3 December 2015.

[19] See: bdsmovement.net; Benjamin Winthal, Ban of Ireland Shuts Down Anti-Israel BDS Accounts, Jerusalem Post, 3 October 2016.

[20] Alessando Petti, Sandi Hilal and Eyal Weizman, Architecture After Revolution, Berlin: Sternberg Press, 2014. See also: Alessandro Petti and Sandi Hilals initiative, Campus in Camps (campusincamps.ps).

[21] Eyal Weizman, Forensic Architecture: Violence at the Threshold of Detectability, New York: Zone, 2017. See also: forensic-architecture.org.

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The ‘vertical apartheid’ of the Israeli occupation – Mondoweiss

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August 16, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

#TimolInquest: Apartheid martyrs memorial proposed for Joburg Central – Independent Online

Pretoria The nephew of slain anti-apartheid activist Ahmed Timol has recommended to the court that a sculpture should be erected outside Johannesburg Central police station to pay tribute to all political detainees who died during the apartheid era.

Imtiaz Cajee was testifying before Judge Billy Mothleon Mondayduring an inquest into the death of Timol.

He suggested to the judge that the 10th floor of the police station should be turned into a memorial and shrine for political detainees who were tortured or killed during apartheid.

“This could be in a form of a museum or educational centre, open to the public, which tracks the history of security detention and it’s abuse.In particular room 1026 and other interrogation rooms should be faithfully restored to how they were in 1971.”

He also said files pertaining to political detainees of the apartheid government must be made easily accessible to those seeking answers about their fate.

Cajee explained that his journey to get to the bottom of the truth, began after Timol’s brother, Mohammad Timol, went into exile in 1978 without bidding him farewell.

“At the age of twelve, I remember being confused and angry. I had many questions that needed answers. The sudden unannounced departure of uncle Mohammad troubled me. Why did he leave the country. I began asking questions and probing my family to find out about uncle Mohammad and uncle Ahmed. I began reading the newspaper cuttings that the family had kept from the news on uncle Ahmeds death and the subsequent inquest that was held.”

He intensified in his efforts of seeking justice was after the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1996 where his grandmother testified .

“At that moment, I made a vow to preserve my uncle’s legacy from that day onwards. I was no longer going to just talk about uncle Ahmed but I was going to do something constructive. I wanted the full truth to be exposed,” Cajee said.

A 1972 inquest found that Timol had committed suicide at the infamous John Vorster Square police station, now known as the Johannesburg Central police station.

However, this has been contested by the activists family and associates for decades, who believe he was murdered by police.

Jaoa Roderigues, a retired police officer was the last person to see Timol alive, told the court that he saw Timol diving out of the 10th floor of John Vorster.

His testimony has been scrutinised after two separate witnesses told the court that the incident occurred in the morning, contradicting Roderigues’s version of events who claimed that it happened in the afternoon.

The judge requested that Roderigues be brought back to court to be re-examined.

He is expected to take the standon Wednesdayafter another witness who claims to have more information has testified.

The matter was stood down toWednesday.

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#TimolInquest: Apartheid martyrs memorial proposed for Joburg Central – Independent Online

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Cajee: Urgency needed in apartheid-era probes – Eyewitness News

Cajee: Urgency needed in apartheid-era probes

Ahmed Timol’s nephew has asked the High Court in Pretoria to recommend the creation of a specialised unit to wrap up all apartheid-era investigations which have not been concluded.

Ahmed Timol. Picture: ahmedtimol.co.za

PRETORIA – Ahmed Timol’s nephew has asked the High Court in Pretoria to recommend the creation of a specialised unit to wrap up all apartheid-era investigations which have not been concluded.

Imtiaz Cajee took the stand during the inquest into Timols death at court on Monday.

The anti-apartheid activist died in 1971 when he fell from the 10th floor of the John Vorster Square Police Station.

The security branch claimed he committed suicide, but new evidence suggests that he was murdered.

Cajee says that apartheid-era investigations must be concluded quickly because time is not on their side.

As we have seen, many of the perpetrators are old. The issue of timing and urgency is very important.

He says a specialised unit should handle the cases.

It should have carefully selected investigators and prosecutors, who would lead these investigations. An appeal should go out to all state-owned agencies for the necessary documents.

While Judge Billy Motlhe says he noted Cajees suggestions, the Inquest Act limits the recommendations that he can make in his findings.

(Edited by Shimoney Regter)

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Declassified: Apartheid profits – Who funded the National Party … – News24

While researching the recently published book Apartheid, Guns and Money: A Tale of Profit, Open Secrets collected approximately 40 000 archival documents from 25 archives in seven countries. This treasure trove contains damning details of individuals and corporations that propped up apartheid and profited in return.

Many of these documents were kept secret until now. Most remain hidden despite South Africas transition to democracy.

Open Secrets believes that it is vital to allow the public to scrutinise the primary evidence. Here we invite you behind the scenes to look at the documents that informed the book.

The Archive for Contemporary Affairs, a four story brown face-brick building at the University of the Free State in Bloemfontein is an unassuming place.

Yet, its 3.5km long shelves of files contain some of the shadiest secrets from South Africas past. Many of the National Partys (NP) most prominent politicians sent their collections, including official NP documents, to this archive. There is no longer a National Party, and it is unclear whether anyone really wants to own this memory of oppression that delivered so much paperwork.

It is nonetheless a national treasure worthy of far more attention by researchers from across the country. Despite reading through hundreds of folders from PW Bothas and FW de Klerks archives, the Open Secrets team never expected to be delivered a series of folders marked National Party donations.

Out of the folders came the signed cheques, fawning letters of thanks and promises of anonymity that secretive party funding demands.

Around 70 individual donors were identified in these pages. The names in the folders? Some of South Africas most prominent businessmen, past and present. Here we highlight a few.

While the story of party finance is often revealed only through whispers, in this unassuming archive we had found indisputable documentary evidence.

The letters featured here provide a glimpse into the complicity between big business and the oppressive apartheid regime that was until now kept secret.

Some donors were unsurprising, given their long term complicity with the regime. In a letter written in 1988, FW de Klerk informed PW Botha of a R50 000 donation from Barlow Rand – now trading as the large conglomerate, Barloworld.

De Klerk notes that, “they prefer to keep their contribution confidential” before stating that one of the companies directors D.E. Cooper would handle the donations.

Barlow Rand was one of the chief suppliers of technology to the government.

Between the 1960s and 1980s, the corporation’s leadership sat on PW Bothas Defence Advisory Board all the while presenting itself as an enlightened opponent of apartheid.

The two-faced nature of many of these corporations and their executives is a theme that runs throughout this collection.

Another person in these documents, who has continued making super profits in a democratic South Africa, is Shoprite businessman Christo Wiese.

Currently tied in fourth place with Johann Rupert on the Forbes list of richest Africans and living in a mansion in Clifton, Wiese was also eager to support the NP and “anxious” to have this support made known to the Prime Minister.

In 1989, Minister Kent Durr sent a letter to the newly appointed President FW de Klerk, informing him of Wieses financial support.

Durr fondly describes Wiese, then the director of the clothing retail giant Pepkor, as “an old friend and supporter of the National Party”.

Of course, as the Guptas Saxonwold Shebeen has shown us, these relationships also require a more personal touch. This is captured perfectly in a letter sent by prominent PG Glass executive chairman, Bertie Lubner.

In the letter written to PW Botha, dated 23 June 1982, Lubner writes to thank the Prime Minister for “a very wonderful evening which we spent with you, charming members of your family and other guests”.

He proceeds to write of how much he admires Bothas leadership of the country: It is men with such high ideals and determination like yourself that create history.”

Post-apartheid amnesia ensured that at the time of his death in 2016, Lubner was praised as a beloved philanthropist and iconic business leader with far too little said about his support for the establishment during apartheid.

This letter and others of a similar nature, from Bennie Slome of Tedelex and Macsteels Eric Samson, were some of the more surprising finds in the archive.

This is because these men were widely known as part of the self-proclaimed liberal English-speaking business elite of the time. Though perhaps, this surprise is misplaced big business motivated by profit, notoriously funds whoever is in power. We also found letters of support from Altech (now electronics giant Altron) head, WP (Bill) Venter.

A long-time ally of the apartheid military, Venter made profits supplying the military with missile systems and other key technology at the height of apartheids war in Angola and cross-border raids. To return the favour, Venter made hefty donations to the NP.

In 1982, he pledged R150 000 (R2.4m in today’s terms) – with promises of more to come which he honoured in 1985 and 1989 with generous donations of R200 000 (R2.2m in todays terms).

In the letter, Venter points out the success that his company has achieved, adding that, “we believe that we would be able to achieve very little without the firm support of the current [NP] government”

In February 2017, Venter finally stepped down as Altron chair and was praised for his contribution to the South African economy. His collaboration with the apartheid state was conveniently ignored.

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) concluded that many businesses “benefited financially and materially from apartheid”.

While many businesses presented themselves as victims of apartheid and part of an enlightened opposition to apartheid these letters tell a different story.

They reveal a complicity with the NP government, and show that a significant portion of the business elite kept the taps open to the party at the height of domestic repression and foreign wars.

It also allows us to go beyond the broad brushstrokes of the TRC and have a more nuanced conversation about the degrees of complicity within the private sector.

As the Gupta leaks have shown, South Africa is still struggling with the undue influence of the private sector in politics, it is vital to understand the nature of these networks.

Read more about the #GuptaLeaks here

South Africa desperately needs a private sector that can create jobs but it also requires far more effective enforcement of the laws governing private sector misconduct.

This is an important message as Parliament has now finally begun the process of drafting a law that could for the first time regulate the private funding of political parties.

The success of this process and the enforcement of these rules is vital to ensure that the powerful and corrupt are limited in their use of secret funding to undermine democratic politics and buy political favours.

Secret funds fuelled the National Party’s machinery we cannot allow it to continue to be a conduit for entrenching political and economic inequality in South Africa.

Apartheid Guns and Money: A tale of Profit by Hennie van Vuuren is published by Jacana Media

*The Archive for Contemporary Affairs at the University of the Free State does not require any PAIA requests to access documents.

*Open Secrets is an independent non-profit with a mission to promote private sector accountability for economic crime and related human rights violations in Southern Africa.

24.com encourages commentary submitted via MyNews24. Contributions of 200 words or more will be considered for publication.

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‘We’ve nearly reproduced past that we inherited from apartheid at … – Eyewitness News

‘We’ve nearly reproduced past that we inherited from apartheid at policy level’

Themba Godi says in 2019 the current government will wake up to the realisation that South Africans will no longer vote based on history.

FILE: Scopa chairperson Themba Godi. Picture: GCIS.

JOHANNESBURG – Chairperson of Parliament’s standing committee on public accounts Themba Godi says the country’s anger towards corruption and ill-governance will translate in the 2019 elections.

Godi was discussing the progress of the National Development Plan alongside former Finance Minister Nhlanhla Nene at the 20th Southern African Internal Audit Conference in Sandton.

He says in 2019 the current government will wake up to the realisation that South Africans will no longer vote based on history.

People have come to realise that corruption actually cost them the better life and that promised freedom.

He says it would be wrong to think the removal of the Gupta family from the country and state affairs would be the ultimate remedy.

We have issues with particular individuals but there are also fundamental issues with the policy trajectory of the country. We have nearly reproduced the past that we inherited from apartheid at the policy level.

Godi says while certain individuals such as the Guptas family and the President Jacob Zuma may be part of the problem the core issue is policy and not personalities.

(Edited by Winnie Theletsane)

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Monday 14 – Morning Star Online

In July, KEN KEABLE went to South Africa to attend the national congress of the South African Communist Party to receive a special recognition award on behalf of all the London Recruits. Here is his story

After the Rivonia trial ended in 1964, with Nelson Mandela and other leaders jailed for life, almost all other African National Congress (ANC) members had to go into exile to avoid arrest and torture.

Then they were faced with the problem: how were they to carry on their liberation struggle inside South Africa when they were outside?

A brilliant idea was put forward. The exiles would recruit young, white internationalists mainly in the London area people who had no personal connection with South Africa and were therefore not known to the racist regime.

We I was one of them would enter the country posing as tourists, business people or honeymoon couples, without arousing suspicion. In fact the regime assumed we were racists like them.

Some of the London Recruits, as we were called, were students at the London School of Economics and included several young Trotskyists belonging to the International Socialists; others had no political affiliation at all.

The great majority of the recruits were young workers members of the British Young Communist League or, in a few cases, the Communist Party. The expenses were met by the Soviet Union and some received training in the Soviet Union or Cuba.

In 2005 when I began researching and editing the book London Recruits: The Secret War Against Apartheid I was aware that there were other recruits but I knew very little as to who they were, how many there were or what they actually did.

Each of us only knew our own part of the story and we had kept that secret for decades, so deeply ingrained was our habit of a need for top secrecy. Besides, it seemed to belong to another era.

I was amazed at what I found. Some of us had smuggled large quantities of weapons, others did reconnaissance, helped uMkhonto we Sizwe (abbreviated as MK, meaning Spear of the Nation) fighters to enter the country or smuggled thousands of letters and packages into South Africa and put them in the post locally.

However, the main activity was to set off leaflet bombs or other leaflet distribution devices, alongside street broadcasts using amplified cassette players. We did that once a year every year from 1967 to 1971 each time hitting five cities simultaneously, Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, Durban, East London and Cape Town.

This made the newspaper headlines and told people that the ANC was not defeated. The leaflets brought news, gave advice on how to conduct the struggle and most importantly brought hope.

All royalties from the book go to the Nelson Mandela Childrens Fund.

While in South Africa, I visited the Museum of the Armed Struggle at Lilliesleaf Farm, Rivonia, which has a special section devoted to the London Recruits. Our story is now being made into a documentary film to be released next year.

The film company, Barefoot Rascals, has done a huge amount of research and British trade unions have given the project terrific support. Details about the film are on www.londonrecruits.com.

We now know the names of 66 London Recruits besides the Brits, these include four from the US, four from Ireland, one Greek, one Greek-Australian, one Frenchwoman and one, only recently discovered, comes from Britains Ugandan Asian community. She did her work in Botswana 13 of the 66 are women.

Three of them Sean Hosey, Alex Moumbaris and Marie-Jose Moumbaris were arrested and tortured.

This July saw the 50th anniversary of the arrival of the first of the London Recruits in South Africa.

How significant our efforts were is for others to judge. The South African people liberated themselves from the evil apartheid regime but we are happy to have played a part, however small.

The defeat of the apartheid regime struck a mighty blow against racism all round the world, not least in Britain, so we are grateful for that.

We were not busybodies, interfering in the internal affairs of another country that were none of our business.

Apartheid was a crime against humanity and capitalist Britain was involved up to its neck. The British Parliament founded the Union of South Africa on May 31 1910 as the unification of four previously separate British colonies on a basis of institutional racism.

Most British banks and big corporations and the finance institutions of the City of London invested heavily in apartheid South Africa and profited hugely from it, while the British diplomatic service did its utmost to protect South Africa from international sanctions.

Those institutions are still in place. That is why our struggle continues. As I said in my acceptance speech for the SACP award to the London Recruits, the ideals that motivated us in our youth are now more relevant than ever. We hope that our story will inspire people, especially the young, to fight for a better world.

I was impressed by the congress, which was attended by over 2,000 delegates. The SACP is growing rapidly and has over 284,000 members in more than 7,000 branches.

For me, besides the award ceremony, the main focus of what took place was the decision to reconfigure SACPs relationship with the ANC and allowing SACP candidates to stand in elections separately from ANC. This was preceded by the decision not to invite South Africas President Jacob Zuma to the congress.

Normally the ANC president who so far has also been the president of South Africa attends the congress and addresses it. This time he was pointedly not invited.

The decision to change the relationship between the SACP and the ANC was greeted with an outburst of dancing and singing that lasted over 15 minutes I was witnessing an historic turning point.

The resolution left the leadership more room for manoeuvre and allows for sensitive handling of the relationship. Many South Africans have a deep loyalty to the ANC because it was the instrument of their liberation and some of them may perceive the SACPs change of policy as a betrayal.

My impression was that the delegates were fed up with having to defend the indefensible just because the SACP was in government with the ANC and especially the corruption and what they call state capture by the wealthy Gupta family and their dubious relationship with President Zuma. I left feeling optimistic for the future.

Ken Keable is the editor of London Recruits: The Secret War Against Apartheid, which is available from the Morning Star or from any bookseller. For his acceptance speech, or to watch it on video (with the introduction by Ronnie Kasrils), visit www.londonrecruits.org.uk

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Monday 14 – Morning Star Online

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‘Dagga laws’ from apartheid era – Expert – South African Broadcasting Corporation

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‘Dagga laws’ from apartheid era – Expert – South African Broadcasting Corporation

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Apartheid spy boss’s memoirs insightful but disconcerting – Independent Online

I was not disappointed. Barnard has documented valuable information that provides insight into the negotiations. But he has also drawn his own conclusions, some of which, unfortunately, are not quite right.

I am grateful that a different dimension to this history will soon be available, as the late Dr Mario Oriani-Ambrosinis memoir, The Prince and I, is ready to be launched. Ambrosini, a constitutional law expert and adviser to the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) in negotiations, became the brilliant bane of both the ANC and the former National Party government.

His memoir, like all the others, is written from a subjective perspective. But Ambrosinis perspective is unique as he was an outsider operating on the inside. As a former history professor at Georgetown University, he understood the wider historical context and could draw parallels and lessons from experiences throughout the world.

Also as a libertarian, he approached the negotiations with an agenda to win the best possible democratic outcomes for our country with the greatest possible freedoms, and the greatest possible protection of those freedoms.

His memoir will break new ground in terms of what we know, and what we believed. However, until it becomes part of the public debate, it would be remiss of me not to respond to Barnards book. I too have a duty to complete the picture of the past for I am one the key protagonists.

Barnard has dedicated his chapter “Critical Talks” to what he calls one of the most important – and the most demanding parties to the negotiations: the IFP and Buthelezi.

Our positions, according to him, were more often right than wrong but the IFP endured obstacles to its participation on an equal footing with the ANC and the then government. A major obstacle was the Record of Understanding signed by the ANC and the government behind the IFPs back, which intended to make further negotiations bilateral, under the pretence of multiparty participation.

I disagree with Barnard, however, that our influence in the negotiation process gradually faded. If that were the case, there would have been no need for Nelson Mandela, FW de Klerk and me to sign a memorandum of understanding for reconciliation and peace just eight days before the 1994 election. It was understood that the election would not be credible without the IFPs participation as millions of South Africans would have been excluded from a “democratic” outcome.

The IFP secured substantial gains during the negotiations in the interests of a strong democracy. We tabled the need for social and economic rights, a constitutional court, independent organs of state controlling the executive, the recognition of indigenous and customary law, a federal state with provinces, and many other aspects of a modern constitution.

While others focused on the details of the transfer of power, the IFP looked ahead to the kind of democracy we were forging. We insisted on discussing issues such as the form of state, whether South Africa would be a unitary or a federal state, whether the powers of governance would be centralised or devolved, and how we could create checks and balances to limit unfettered power, which always produces corruption.

We insisted that the constitution contain a Bill of Rights. The ANC failed to see the need, believing a democratic government would never infringe on the rights of its people; and it was simply not on the governments agenda.

Securing a Bill of Rights and securing provinces were just two of the IFPs victories. One can hardly say that our influence was insubstantial.

But we faced obstacles, not least the fact that NIS was intercepting my communications and those of the IFP’s. This made it difficult to trust those we were negotiating with. One of the ANCs key negotiators, Cyril Ramaphosa, later told Ambrosini that they had been intercepting our faxes. It is no surprise Barnard now openly admits De Klerk would receive copies of IFP speeches before they were even delivered.

Barnard freely quotes from minutes of meetings between the IFP and the government. He feels equally at liberty to quote from what he repeatedly calls a confidential letter I wrote to my late friend Dr John Aspinall. Evidently, my personal correspondence was watched as carefully as my public statements.

I must admit I am rather disconcerted by Barnards verbatim recollection of my private correspondence. Evidently he still has copies of these covertly obtained confidential documents, which to my mind is not merely unethical but possibly illegal.

To a large extent, it was hardly necessary for national intelligence to intercept my communications, for the IFP had a habit, as Barnard relates, of putting everything in writing, handing out copies, and then reading everything out word for word.

Our reasons for doing this were quite simple. The IFP was willing to commit to a position. We didnt play the game of saying one thing in this meeting and something different in another. We also believed strongly in documenting a factual record for we had endured endless lies and propaganda against us. It was important that the facts were on record at the time, and for the future.

The campaign of propaganda and vilification are exactly what made Mandela uncomfortable and not entirely at ease whenever I came up in discussions with then justice minister Kobie Coetsee and Barnard, before his release. Mandela was uncomfortable with the lie propagated by the ANCs leadership-in-exile that I was an apartheid collaborator, because he knew full well that Oliver Tambo and Inkosi Luthuli had asked me to lead the KwaZulu government.

Because of this propaganda, my life was continually threatened while I served as chief minister. Having no private army such as Umkhonto weSizwe, and unable to issue a single firearm licence to the KwaZulu police, I was forced to seek the governments assistance with security for me and my ministers.

But Barnard overplays the extent to which national intelligence supported the KwaZulu government. It was not him who brought Jacob Zuma to me, but the Reverend CJ Mtetwa. I then took Zuma to see the king at his Enyokeni residence.

I have never done things for personal gain or advancement.

As Barnard points out, my principled stand on the issue of the king earned me nothing. This perhaps is where the IFPs approach to the negotiations differed from that of other participants.

We did, as Barnard says, have to become confrontational.

At times we did need to employ delay tactics and a boycott strategy.

However, none of it was done to advance the IFPs position in a democratic South Africa.

Our fundamental goal was to create a strong democracy in which we would serve in whatever capacity the people chose.

Many analysts still struggle to understand this truth at the heart of the IFP.

The record of the IFPs participation provides insight into the partys longevity and continued influence in South African politics. We maintain a legacy of putting principles first, honouring our commitments, and working in the best interests of all South Africans.

To some extent, this uncompromising approach has prevented the IFP from capturing the limelight, but it has provided South Africa with a trusted political leadership for whatever lies ahead. That is likely our greatest contribution to South Africa.

* Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi is an MP. He is the president of the IFP.

** The views expressed here are not necessarily those of Independent Media.

The Sunday Independent

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Apartheid spy boss’s memoirs insightful but disconcerting – Independent Online

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Makhosi Khoza: ANC hounds are worse than apartheid forces – Daily Maverick

Makhosi Khoza has been an ANC activist since she was 12 years old, but shes deeply distressed by her partys continued support of President Jacob Zuma and the hounding of his opponents.

Its common cause how I voted, she said on Tuesdays no confidence motion in Zuma. Obviously I cant betray my conscience.

Khoza, along with more than a handful of ANC Members of Parliament, made it clear that she would vote according to her conscience during the no confidence motion meaning she would vote against Zuma. The presidents supporters have called for her and others who refused to follow the party line to be punished after Zuma survived by a slim margin, with up to 39 ANC MPs voting against him or abstaining.

Its people that have no foresight. Its people that are denialists. It is people that dont love the ANC. Its people that want to protect what theyve accrued, said Khoza on the ANC leaders calling for disciplinary action to be taken against MPs suspected of voting against the president in the secret ballot.

Zuma and his key allies, such as Free State Premier Ace Magashule and ANC Womens League President Bathabile Dlamini, have said that errant MPs should face consequences, even though the Constitutional Court and former ANC presidents Thabo Mbeki and Kgalema Motlanthe have said MPs should be able to vote according to their obligations to the Constitution without fear of censure.

Theyre not different from the apartheid forces. In fact, theyre worse, said Khoza. During apartheid there was a common enemy that never pretended to be in the ANCs corner. Now, she said, ANC members pretend to be committed to building the country but are only trying to protect their self-interest, captured by capitalism. Evil has no colour, thats the point Im trying to say.

Khoza said she would not stoop to the level of her detractors and she will accept it if she is fired.

The mission has changed. The values have changed, she said, claiming that the ANC has been trapped by capitalisms benefits. There is a tendency to glorify and romanticise the liberation struggle as if everything was fine. The struggle movements had their problems Khoza saw people who were necklaced and almost lost her life when she tried to intervene.

She said Zumas problems were known before he came into power. I think the ANC should have recalled Zuma before this vote. Defending him only undermined the future of the party. Its just a crazy organisation, she said.

Khoza is still committed to saving the ANC, but she clearly believes the party is going in the wrong direction and, like other liberation movements across the continent, its losing public support as leaders enrich themselves and the party fails to hold them accountable.

Khoza refuted the official ANC statement claiming Zumas victory on Tuesday was a positive for the party. However, she said there were positives to take away from the vote. Some ANC MPs, more than any before in such a vote, understood the issues and stood up to the president. She said the public response to her stance had been humbling. To be honest with you its been quite overwhelming. Its been really, really positive.

Its come with a cost. Khoza choked up when she spoke of her children. She said her daughter was the most shaken by the death threats sent to both her and her family. But her 19-year-old son, who has grown up knowing only Khoza as a single parent, had also been severely affected.

My son actually at some stage was actually like, I think the police are actually treating you like a fugitive. She said the police would go to her house and ask her son who Khoza has been meeting with, where she is. Its really taking its toll on my kids, she said. That sometimes breaks me but I am resolute as I want to do it. The last thing they want me to do is retreat.

On 10 September, Khoza will face disciplinary charges from the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal. She believes the charges are politically motivated and theyve been laid against her specifically because shes spoken out against Zuma. Khoza said the result of the disciplinary hearing is a foregone conclusion. She wants to participate because she believes the ANCs principles should be applied equally, even if the president seems to have violated much of the partys rules.

Can Khoza continue to serve as an MP under Zumas leadership? What will she do now? Khoza would not answer questions about her future, only to say she would first go through her ANC KZN disciplinary proceedings. Do not be surprised after that if she chooses to resign from Parliament and focus on transforming the ANC ahead of its December conference, where Zuma will be replaced. DM

Photo: ANC MP Makhosi Khoza (GCIS)

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Makhosi Khoza: ANC hounds are worse than apartheid forces – Daily Maverick

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August 13, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

The ‘vertical apartheid’ of the Israeli occupation – Mondoweiss

Rafah, 2014. Composite image research: Forensic architecture 2015. Thefollowing is an edited version of the preface to Eyal Weizmans Hollow Land, published by Verso last month to mark the 50th anniversary of the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. This article was originally published byopenDemocracy on July 13, 2017 and reprinted here with permission. In the context of a recent, mildly critical interview about the political deadlock between Israel and the Palestinians, a former Israeli general, until recently the chief commander of the West Bank, claimed that the Israeli military had become world champions in occupation and has managed to turn its control of millions of Palestinians into an art form, as if this two generation long degrading and lethal regime is some sort of a sport or managerial challenge.[1]Such bragging is not necessarily an exaggeration. This textcharts the way Israels system of control, which evolved in fits and starts throughout the occupations first four decades, has, during its fifth decade, hardened into an exceptionally efficient and brutal form of territorial apartheid, in which verticality is the operative principle.Fiftieth anniversaryIndeed, on its fiftieth anniversary, the Israeli occupation seems to be in excellent form. Though the Gaza settlements have been removed, those in the West Bank and East Jerusalem prosper, and settler numbers have been growing at a rate of 15,000 people annually.[2] The domination of more than four million Palestinians has stopped being an economic burden and proven to be profitable. The people under occupation are a captive market (literally) for many surplus Israeli manufactured goods. Private industries, including international companies working in the Jewish settlements, prosper thanks to tax breaks, low rents, government subsidies, and a Palestinian labour force that is rendered cheap and flexible because it enjoys no civil or labour rights.[3]Israels international exports many of them military and marketed as road tested in action (on the Palestinians, that is) are also steadily growing as more nations, including the United States and European states, adopt Israel-like xenophobic politics towards minorities, refugees, and migrants (especially Muslim ones).[4]Within the Israeli political system there is currently no serious opposition to the settlement project. International diplomacy is largely inconsequential and there is no peace process to threaten the settlements further expansion. Representatives of the settler movement hold power in all major governmental offices, running not only the occupation, but also the business of the state. International diplomacy is largely inconsequential and there is no peace process to threaten the settlements further expansion.International diplomacy is largely inconsequential and there is no peace process to threaten the settlements further expansion. Dissent is confronted with paranoid fervor and righteous rage. Activists are vilified as traitors, spied upon, threatened, and arrested. State officials, and even the prime minister, now openly refer to human rights groups as the third strategic threat (after Iran and Hizbullah,) treating them as foreign agents and spies, and the Israeli parliament has legislated laws to constrain their work. Civil society groups calling for boycott of and disinvestment from the Israeli economy and culture one of the last peaceful means to challenge Israeli hegemony are made illegal locally, foreign activists promoting it are no longer allowed into the country, and severely limited in some key countries such as Britain, France, Ireland, Germany, and the United States.[5] Happy fiftieth birthday, indeed! The durability and expansion of Israels settler-colonial project in Palestine is no small achievement given the turns of recent history. In the fifteen years since the Politics of Verticality was published the world was shaken by a series of transformative processes, none of which loosened Israels grip on power over the Palestinians. In 2008, a global financial crisis overwhelmed the world economy and devastated real estate markets worldwide. At the same time, in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem the number of houses and settlers has nearly doubled: there were 400,000 settlers there in 2007 and there are about 750,000 today.There were 400,000 settlers there when Hollow Land was first published and there are about 750,000 today. This number includes the residents of 131 official, state-sanctioned settlements and the twelve Jewish neighbourhoods in occupied East Jerusalem (this is how settlements there are referred to) as well as 97 smaller outposts in the West Bank and the thirteen Jewish outposts inside Palestinian neighbourhoods in occupied East Jerusalem.[6] While official settlements have expanded in terms of the extent of their built-up area and number of residents, the number of official settlements has not changed much. At the start of the Oslo process in the early 1990s there were already 120 settlements in place. It is the rogue outposts that have grown in numbers and expanded as their settlers torch fields and homes, harass and shoot Palestinians to take over their agricultural lands. The official settlements simply expand while relying on the military and the courts to do the same. (Image: Milutin Labudovic for Peace Now) This legal reality guarantees that violence is exercised with the full backing of the law. As a result, Israels politics of separation has, in the past decade, surpassed South African apartheid, not only in the extent and sophistication of its architectural manifestations, but also in its duration: the South African version collapsed under international pressure after forty-three years. Israeli domination of Palestinians is not confined to the spaces occupied in 1967. In its early decades, Israels rule in the occupied territories used techniques of domination that were well-honed on those Palestinians who survived and remained in place during the expulsions of 1948. In recent decades, techniques of domination, land grab and separation, more intensely exercised in the 1967 occupied areas, inspired the further separation of Jews and Arabs within Israel itself. The occupation can thus not be thought of as an aberration of Israeli democracy, a cancerous tumour that can be removed by dissecting more or less along the internationally recognized Green Line of 1949, as left-liberal apologists of Zionism propose. Rather, it is a local manifestation of Israels regime of domination and separation that extends, in different forms, between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Examples of this policy within Israel are abundant. In recent decades the state sanctioned battle for the Negev has radically escalated, with Israel repeatedly, violently, sending its demolition squads to destroy ramshackle homes and animal pens on lands that have been continuously inhabited by Bedouins for generations, and this to clear space for Jewish settlements and forests.[10] The Bedouins are amongst the only Palestinian refugees and internally displaced persons (those displaced within Israel) to enact, continuously, repeatedly, on the ground, their right of return, rebuilding again after every act of demolition. Policemen on horses at a demolition that took place in Umm al-Hiran, 18th January 2017. (Photo: Maya Avis.) An Israeli bulldozer destroying the village of Al Arakib. (Photo: Oren Ziv/ Activestills) In the past decade, the focus of the armed struggle and the worst of Israels policy of domination has shifted to Gaza. This took place against the backdrop of a punishing siege, which severely escalated after Hamas took power there in 2007. The siege replaced one system of control with another. As long as they were inside Gaza, several blocks of Jewish settlements and a string of military bases exercised a traditional form of territorial control they controlled the roadways and surveyed the cities. In 2005 the Sharon government removed the settlements and relocated the military bases beyond Gazas perimeter wall. Domination is now exercised from beyond the borders, from the sea and the air. Gunboats keep presence just off the coastline, shooting at fishermen that dare to venture more than a few hundred meters from the shore. The airforce controls things from above. Agreements with Egypt ensure Israel has some say over who can pass through Gazas border crossing in Rafah. Domination is now exercised from beyond the borders, from the sea and the air.Domination is now exercised from beyond the borders, from the sea and the air.The siege is a giant and unparalleled exercise in population control. It seeks to isolate the strip from the external world and gradually increase the collective hardship by reducing the incoming flow of all life-sustaining provisions. Israeli intelligence agencies monitor the effects of the siege and claim to be able to calibrate the privation to a level that is hard enough for the civilian population to reject Hamas but one that does not to fall below some so-called red lines that would bring the strip to a humanitarian crisis.[11] The supply of food, calculated in calories, was gradually reduced to the UN humanitarian minimum of 2100 calories per adult (less for women and children). The inflow of electricity, petrol, and concrete were also gradually turned down to levels that ground life to an almost complete standstill, devastating infrastructural systems, hospitals, the economy, and civil institutions.Unemployment shot up to 43 per cent (highest in the world), 72 per cent of the population fell below the poverty line and the absolute majority of residents became dependent on international welfare, an important point of leverage when it is Israel that could decide to start and stop that welfare provision. Electricity was reduced so radically that residents have power for only a few hours a day, hospitals were incapacitated, there was not enough power to contain all sewage from flowing untreated. The shortage in basic medicines has become more severe, with people dying from easily preventable diseases and for lack of basic treatment. These deaths, unlike those from direct violence, are not statistically recorded. The United Nations has desperately repeated that a massive humanitarian crisis is already unfolding in Gaza and warned that if the current trend continues, the entire strip could become uninhabitable by 2020.The United Nations has desperately repeated that a massive humanitarian crisis is already unfolding in Gaza and warned that if the current trend continues, the entire strip could become uninhabitable by 2020.Where does Israel want these two million Palestinians to go? The government does not feel it has to care. It claims that Gaza is no longer occupied (the no longer is strange because when the settlements were there, Israel never accepted it was an occupation) and thus its duties as an occupying force under international law no longer apply (it never applied them anyway). Gaza is rather an enemy entity a designation that allows it to be attacked and starved as an enemy state but without the sovereign rights that come with statehood. This continues a double game in place since 1967. Israel uses the rights afforded to a military occupier, for example to build temporary military installations under international law, while ignoring its duties by claiming that the situation isnt that of an occupation at all. The UN, however, has never accepted this self-serving and paradoxical designation of Gaza and still regards Israel to be occupying Gaza because it has control over all aspects of life there. Its interference extends into minute details. Decisions otherwise exercised in municipal levels are still undertaken by Israel for example, by deciding how much concrete and steel are to be allowed in and how much should be allocated for which construction or reconstruction project, the Israeli military officers at the border act as the ultimate planning officers, determining what will be built and where. Despite the siege, Hamas has not surrendered. Its hold of the strip and its influence over Gazans has only been strengthened. It has resisted the siege with continuous armed action. Constant skirmishes have escalated into three devastating Israeli attacks in 20089, 2012 and 2014. Israels indiscriminate bombing of dense civilian neighbourhoods during these wars has killed over 4,000 people, the overwhelming majority of them civilians. In addition, the constant bombardment has ruined most of the remaining infrastructure, destroyed or damaged close to 150,000 buildings, and driven half a million Gazans out of their homes a number only slightly exceeding that of the Jewish population the state helped house in the West Bank and Jerusalem over the same period.[12] The built environment and its destruction and construction is, as I have already written in Hollow Land more than just a backdrop of this conflict. Rather, it is the means by which domination takes shape. Rafah, 2014. (Photo: Breaking the Silence) The policy of separation does not only divide Jews and Palestinians but also creates divisions between Palestinians. Physical barriers now cut apart the three main districts occupied in 1967 Gaza, Jerusalem, and the West Bank and separate them from the Palestinians in Israel. The Gaza siege is enacted through a perimeter barrier composed of a similar systems of roads, concrete walls and fencings to that of the more famous West Bank wall. It is built on the internationally recognized border of 1949, but extends inwards into a no-go area that extends up to 1500 metres from the border. Anyone entering this zone could be shot to kill.The 708 kilometres of the West Bank wall cuts between villages and their fields, effectively annexing 10 per cent of the territory for the use of the settlements. It also cuts Jerusalem apart from the West Bank. The eastern part of Jerusalem has been physically annexed to Israel but its Palestinian population was granted only permanent residency an oxymoronic term because this residency can be revoked at any time, and Israeli authorities use any excuse to revoke it whenever possible. Divided from all the rest are the million and a half Palestinians who live within Israel, where they have Israeli citizenship but not equal rights. Completely barred from entering Palestine are the four and a half million Palestinians, mainly refugees but also migrants, living outside the country.In the West Bank, separation has grown increasingly complex. Map of the West Bank. (Map: BTselem and Eyal Weizman) The section revealed the depth of Israels colonial project, because, like a building, the architectural project of the occupation was arranged in layers. The Oslo Accords of the mid 1990s which promised an incremental pathway to reconciliation but ended up providing the skeleton of the existing geographical system of domination and control divided the territory into three principle political floors: the surface, landlocked pockets of which were handed over to Palestinian control; the subsoil, including water and mineral resources; and theairspace above Palestinian areas, which was left in Israeli hands, primarily those of its air force. Maale Adumim, 2002. (Photo: Milutin Labudovic for Peace Now) A settlement arched over a Palestinian village, 2002. (Photo: Eyal Weizman) A Jewish-only road network, the apartheid roads started connecting the hilltop settlements with bridges that span over Palestinian fields and with tunnels that burrow underneath Palestinian towns. This type of infrastructure has in recent decades been greatly extended and currently comprises a full third of the total length of roadways in the West Bank.[13] In the last decade, as armed confrontations in the West Bank subsided, some military checkpoints were removed, allowing Palestinians freer movement between their villages and towns. But this movement was undertaken on a separate and tattered road network that, whenever crossing the Jewish network of highways, bows and bores underneath them. While the Jewish road network leads everywhere to Israel, the Palestinian road network is truncated on all sides by walls, checkpoints, and military zones. Detail from Eyal Weizmans map of settlements, the hilltops are marked in Blue, this is the area within which settlements can expand. (Map: Eyal Weizman) In Gaza, this three-dimensional partition organizes the frontlines of the armed struggle. Enclosed on the surface and unable to face the Israeli air force that continuously hovers above, Palestinian military efforts move in two directions along the vertical axis: they have retreated into the subsoil, where there are underground command centers, cross-border tunnels, and rocket launching sites; and into the airspace through which these rockets travel. If this system of volumetric separation were to be described in terms of a building, it would most closely resemble an airport with separate inbound and outbound corridors, splintering infrastructural ductworks, multiple passport control points, and security checks that direct some passengers on hustle-free paths through luxury shops to anywhere in the world, and others toward long queues, invasive security checks, and detention rooms that are sometimes separated from the luxury shops merely by a single floor or wall. Following this metaphor, Gaza would be the largest of the detention rooms. From it, those incarcerated might be able to see the people shopping on the other side, but are invisible to them (while being hyper visible to their security forces). The more these detainees try to resist or break out, the less provisions, water, and electricity these security people allow in. The terminal/checkpoint system in which Palestinians flow is regulated through remotely controlled checkpoints. (Image: IDF) Tunnel mouth under Mount Scopus, 2003. (Photo: Eyal Weizman) Other layers of separation could be revealed by extending the section line downward across different geological layers. A section through these layers exposes the political logic of Israeli apartheid in the same way that seismological cracks help geologists examine hidden layers of rock. Recently, some scientists have proposed that our geological era should be referred to as the Anthropocene, a time in which humans have become the dominant force in shaping destructively and dangerously so the very material composition of the planet. It is not only that the natural layers of the earth deposits, minerals, and rocks should be regarded as proper geological strata, but that the geology of the earth might also include artificial strata such as structures and buried infrastructures, asphalt, toxins, concrete, and mechanical transportation systems, including tens of thousands of satellites that form a permanent layer of aluminium forever circling the planet. If the concept of the Anthropocene helps us think about geology politically, we might also reverse its proposition and think about politics geologically. The political geology of Palestine starts in the deep subterranean aquifers, buried under layers of aggregate soil and rock. The partition and use of the waters of this interconnected set of underground lakes, most of it under the West Bank, reflects the extent of inequality exercised on the surface. The Oslo Accords allocated 80 per cent of this resource for the benefit of Israel. As a result, average water consumption in Israel is more than four times that of the West Bank and Gaza. In recent decades, over-extraction of groundwater from Gazas sole aquifer led to its permanent salinization, destroying the strips single water source.[15] Another geological stratum is archaeology. The buried remains of the lands historical occupants should be the subject of impartial scientific study. But the settler colonial logic of the Zionist project uses archaeology to construct an alibi for Jewish return and the claim that its indigenous rights are more fundamental and prior to those of all others. In The Politics of Verticality, I have outlined the way ideologically motivated archaeology across Palestine, aimed at the remains of biblical past, has discarded other archaeological strata (especially the long succession of Muslim periods from the seventh to the twentieth century) and organized the mode of occupation on the surface right above them. One excavation, which began in 2008, powerfully embodies this logic. It took place right under Silwan, a small Palestinian neighbourhood just outside Jerusalems Old City walls. Promoted by settler associations and starting without proper permits, it searched for elements of King Davids era Jerusalem by boring tunnels through a hillside beneath homes in the neighbourhood, without informing the residents or securing their consent and refusing to stop despite their explicit protests and several attempts to halt it in court. Cracks in a house in Silwan caused by archaeological digging under the houses. (Photo: Gadi Dagon) Indeed, in many places beneath the pavement of Israeli towns and universities, under the fields of Zionist villages and hillside forests, there is a layer made of the rubble of Palestine destroyed in 1948. The destruction has not ceased and Palestinian rubble is still piling up. It is made of homes, bulldozed for being built without permits in places where no permits are ever given to Palestinians. It is made of the bombed out buildings and greenhouses of Gaza and the improvised structures of the Bedouin villages of the Jordan Valley and the Negev. There is rubble across Palestine and everywhere people can be seen picking through its fresh top layers, where their homes stood, searching for something to salvage. Pyramid-type destruction cropped out of photographs by the Palestinian National Authority Ministry of Public Works and Housing, Gaza, 2009. Hovering continuously over Palestinian towns and villages, they maintain a menacing, malevolent presence. The sound of their propellers engines is the continuous backdrop of Palestinian daily lives.[17] These aerial platforms have rotated the geography of colonization by 90 degrees: the Orient is no longer beyond the horizon, but now directly underneath it. Aerially enforced colonization, based on the drones ability to maintain a perpetual surveillance and strike capability, is an economically efficient alternative to the otherwise onerous and expensive tasks of colonial policing in the dense urban mazes of the Gaza strip. The availability of this form of control was central in convincing the Israeli leadership that territorial withdrawal from the strip could be possible without compromising Israels overall domination. Hunter algorithms, programmed to follow patterns of behaviour, are programmed to learn the art of suspicion and violence in the same way that school children across our region currently do. Israeli Soldier learning how to operate the Skylark drone in the Negev desert. However, this layered arrangement is rarely grasped in its totality; each layer is presented as a haphazard, often merely functional solution to a separate problem. a patch over patch, implemented stage by stage. One layer makes sure hilltops are seized by the state for the construction of settlements; another, annexes land along the roadways that connect these settlements (for their security); another, restricts building (only in and around Palestinian villages and neighbourhoods) in the name of environmental regulations for clean air, green areas, and natural reserves, or because the military needs live fire training areas (always next to Palestinian places), or because there are archaeological sites under these Palestinian areas, or, most effectively, to restrict access to underground water. It is the perceived separation between these layers that makes the politics of vertical apartheid so effective and resilient, more so, an attractive model for other countries that seek a form of population control. Even the so-called peace plans, which still seemed in the cards (and the subject of hopes or fears) until several years ago, relied on the overall logic of the politics of vertical separation. Whether in the framework of the one, two, or three state solutions (the latter refers to Gaza and the West Bank as two separate states), every Israeli proposal for a final status arrangement demands that Israel retain control of airspace, borders, and subsoil. Even some versions of the single state solution, now experiencing an improbable revival, not within the domain of the radical left but in some mainstream right-wing and settler circles, relies on the deepening of the politics of verticality. In this form, it expresses itself as the confederation of two unequal national systems, each with its own parliament, layered within an overall sovereign, monetary, and spatial envelope dominated by Israel.[18] Given the architecture of Israels settler colonialism, the decolonization of Palestine will require, not ever more creative volumetric arrangements and complicated lines of three-dimensional partition, but rather, the fundamental delamination of Israels vertical apartheid. Political delamination would need to pry apart and flatten the inflated structure the overlapping jurisdictions, separate legal systems, and modes of topographic and architectural separation as well as acknowledge a common (not a singular or unified) history that includes the Nakba. The only ethical future is for 13 million people between Jordan and the sea to have citizenship, freedom to move and live wherever they want, historical recognition and modes of restitution. This could be achieved in the context of three, two or one state, certainly not one of an ongoing colonisation and occupation. A good place to start might be the equitable management of the fragile, finite, and common ecology and shared natural resources. The vulnerability of the politics of vertical apartheid lies in its totality and all encompassing logic, and we might be able to find ways to de-link the layers. All empires eventually collapse and few could grasp the internal or external causes that led to their demise even when the agents of their destruction were right around the corner or already at the threshold of perception.When agents of separation try to compartmentalise things vertically and horizontally, what is needed is the construction of collectivity between the people coming from the different zones into which Palestine has been fragmented, from the diaspora, from anti-apartheid Israeli activists, and with international solidarity. While Israel, and indeed the world, treats Palestine as a laboratory for military and political control, activists in Palestine continuously innovate new modes of civil society resistance. When agents of separation try to compartmentalise things vertically and horizontally, what is needed is the construction of collectivity between the people coming from the different zones into which Palestine has been fragmented, from the diaspora, from anti-apartheid Israeli activists, and with international solidarity. But in a situation of structural violence and inequality, mere cohabitation can become counter-productive, as it tends to support the status quo. Co-resistance civil society actions that oppose and seek to terminate Israels regime of domination is small but kicking, and it manifests itself in inclusive, unarmed struggle: civil and human rights work, solidarity campaigns, exposures, and demonstrations. The lines of solidarity that are formed there around these small but committed communities-of-practice are the nuclei around which a new politics could one day be constructed. From previous anti-colonial struggles we have already learned that the society that will replace the colonial present will be defined by the sort of anti-colonial struggle it conducted. One of the most effective forms of civil action to have emerged in recent years is articulated in the call by Palestinian civil society for economic and cultural boycott of Israel. The BDS (Boycott, Disinvestment, and Sanctions) movement has already created widening circles of solidarity and is seen by the Israeli government, as noted above, as an existential threat to its economy, international standing, and ongoing domination.[19] That a movement calling for boycott is fundamental to engendering solidarity might seem a paradoxical proposition, but this form of activism should not be understood as one of negative agency, of blockage and separation. When it blocks non-democratic platforms, it opens (or should increasingly open) the possibility for new democratic ones to emerge, and it currently enjoys growing support from international Palestinian and Israeli activists. BDS activism also develops a global dimension because it must also oppose the western governments that offer unparalleled diplomatic, financial, and military support to Israel and try to criminalise this very act of civil solidarity and support. Architecture also has a place in the struggle. Throughout the past decade, I have had the opportunity to participate in several initiatives that mobilise architecture as a means of civil co-resistance across the spectrum of actions that the disciple can offer, from analysis to proposition. One such attempt was undertaken with an architectural studio named Decolonizing Architecture Art Residency or DAAR, which I co-founded in Beit Sahour, Palestine together with my friends Sandi Hilal and Alessandro Petti. DAAR is affiliated with dozens of architects in Palestine and internationally and works on architectural propositions for the transformation and reuse of Israels colonial infrastructure settlements and military bases for aims other than what they were built for: primarily for collective functions and public institutions. It also works on pedagogical initiatives and architectural proposals in refugee camps and in the sites, often marked by no more than a few old stones, that refugees were displaced from.[20] The Lawless Line, Battir, Decolonizing Architecture, DAAR (Image: Alessandro Petti, Sandi Hilal and Eyal Weizman) Out of all those born in this land, Jewish Israelis like me are those most privileged by the regime. Unlike most Palestinians, we are able to travel through Palestine and outside it and are afforded greater latitude of expression and access to information. Being Israeli in this space, we cannot avoid a degree of collusion, even when we confront the regime, even when we migrate away, as I did. Unable to escape our privileges, we can choose to use them against the regime that granted them to us with the ultimate aim to undo them. In any case, and in whatever form it might take, we engage in civil co-resistance not because we are certain of what might bring down this regime of domination, but because it is the only way to live here and there, in Palestine and the diaspora. Notes [1] Lahav Harkov, Retired General Calling Israel World Champion of Occupation sparks outrage, Jerusalem Post, 1 September. Gadi Shamni led the IDFs Central Command from 2007 to 2009 and left the army in 2012. [2] Peace Now, Settlement Watch Program, peacenow.org.il/en/settlements-watch/settlements-data/population, accessed 3 March 2017. [3] There are approximately 20 Israeli-administered industrial zones in the West Bank. Human Rights Watch, Occupation, Inc.: How Settlement Businesses Contribute to Israels Violations of Palestinian Rights, 19 January 2016. [4] Naomi Klein, Laboratory for a Fortress World, Nation, 14 June 2007 [5] Britain, the United States, France, and Germany acted in different ways against the boycott of Israel. Oliver Wright, Israel Boycott Ban: Shunning Israeli Goods to Become Criminal Offence for Public Bodies and Student Unions,Independent, 14 February 2016; Michael Wilner, US Congress Passes Rare Law Targeting Boycotts of Israel, Jerusalem Post, 24 June 2015; Benjamin Dodman, Frances Criminalisation of Israel Boycotts Sparks Free-Speech Debate, France 24, 21 January 2016. [6] Information about settlements and settler numbers is usually disaggregated according to the different administrative areas into which the occupation is divided, and differs slightly between different estimates. According to Btselem, there are currently between 300,000 and 350,000 settlers in the occupied areas of East Jerusalem (up from 189,708 in 2007) and 406,302 in the rest of the West Bank (up from 276,500 in 2007). According to the States population registry, in 2005 the number of settlers in the West Bank (not including Jerusalem) was 254,000. During the last decade this number has grown by 167,000 or 66 percent. As of 2016 there were 422,000 Jewish settlers in the West Bank. In 2016 the Jewish population in the West Bank grew by 15,675 people or 3.9 percent, double the national population increase. The number of 750,000 is the sum of the average in Btselem estimate for the occupied parts of Jerusalem and the States population registry numbers for the West Bank. The States population registry does not provide separate statistics for occupied Jerusalem because the area has been officially annexed to Israel, and its numbers refer to Jerusalem as a whole. In Gaza, since the evacuation of 2005 there, were no (and still arent any) settlers. In 1993, when the Oslo Accords were signed, there were approximately 110,000 Israeli settlers living in the West Bank and 146,000 living in East Jerusalem. See: Btselem, Statistics on Settlements and Settler Population, btselem.org/settlements/statistics, updated 11 May 2015. The settlement numbers quoted above are from the Settlement Watch Program of Peace Now. http://peacenow.org.il/en/category/settlement-watch [7] Yael Berda, The Bureaucracy of the Occupation in the West Bank: The Permit Regime 20002006, Jerusalem: Van Leer Institute, 2012 (in Hebrew). [8] Human Rights Watch, Israel/West Bank: Separate and Unequal: Under Discriminatory Policies, Settlers Flourish, Palestinians Suffer, 19 December 2010. [9] Btselem, A Palestinian Charged in a Military Court is as Good as Convicted, 21 June 2015; Noam Sheizaf, Conviction Rate for Palestinians in Israels Military Courts: 99.74% +972 magazine, 29 November 2011; Btselem, The Occupations Fig Leaf: Israels Military Law Enforcement System as a Whitewash Mechanism, 25 May 2016; Gili Cohen, Citing IDF Failure to Bring Soldiers to Justice, BTselem Stops Filing Complaints on Abuse of Palestinians, Haaretz, 25 May 2016. [10] Eyal Weizman and Fazal Sheikh, The Conflict Shoreline: Colonization as Climate Change in the Negev Desert, Gttingen: Steidle and Cabinet, 2015.Forensic Architectures investigation of a police killing in the illegalised Bedouin village of umm al-Hiran is here: forensic-architecture.org/case/umm-al-hiran. [11] Uri Blaue and Yotam Feldman, Consent and Advice Haaretz, 29.01.2009 [12] United Nations, Gaza in 2020: A Liveable Place?, August 2012; UN figures can also be found here: unrwa.org/gaza-emergency. [13] Shaul Arieli, The Two-state Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Remains Viable, Haaretz, 31 December 2016. [14] Eyal Weizman, Introduction to The Politics of Verticality, Open Democracy, 23 April 2002. [15] Btselem, The Water Crisis, 28 September 2016; United Nations, Occupied Palestinian Territory Slides into Recession, Gaza Becoming Uninhabitable, 1 September 2015. [16] Nir Hasson, In a Tunnel Beneath Jerusalem, Israeli Culture Minister Gives Obama a Lesson in History, Haaretz, 31 December 2016. [17] Susan Schuppli, Uneasy Listening, in Forensic Architecture (ed.), FORENSIS: The Architecture of Public Truth, Berlin: Sternberg Press, 2014. [18] Tamar Pileggi and Raphael Ahren, Rivlin Proposes Israeli-Palestinian Confederation, Times of Israel, 3 December 2015. [19] See: bdsmovement.net; Benjamin Winthal, Ban of Ireland Shuts Down Anti-Israel BDS Accounts, Jerusalem Post, 3 October 2016. [20] Alessando Petti, Sandi Hilal and Eyal Weizman, Architecture After Revolution, Berlin: Sternberg Press, 2014. See also: Alessandro Petti and Sandi Hilals initiative, Campus in Camps (campusincamps.ps). [21] Eyal Weizman, Forensic Architecture: Violence at the Threshold of Detectability, New York: Zone, 2017. See also: forensic-architecture.org.

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#TimolInquest: Apartheid martyrs memorial proposed for Joburg Central – Independent Online

Pretoria The nephew of slain anti-apartheid activist Ahmed Timol has recommended to the court that a sculpture should be erected outside Johannesburg Central police station to pay tribute to all political detainees who died during the apartheid era. Imtiaz Cajee was testifying before Judge Billy Mothleon Mondayduring an inquest into the death of Timol. He suggested to the judge that the 10th floor of the police station should be turned into a memorial and shrine for political detainees who were tortured or killed during apartheid. “This could be in a form of a museum or educational centre, open to the public, which tracks the history of security detention and it’s abuse.In particular room 1026 and other interrogation rooms should be faithfully restored to how they were in 1971.” He also said files pertaining to political detainees of the apartheid government must be made easily accessible to those seeking answers about their fate. Cajee explained that his journey to get to the bottom of the truth, began after Timol’s brother, Mohammad Timol, went into exile in 1978 without bidding him farewell. “At the age of twelve, I remember being confused and angry. I had many questions that needed answers. The sudden unannounced departure of uncle Mohammad troubled me. Why did he leave the country. I began asking questions and probing my family to find out about uncle Mohammad and uncle Ahmed. I began reading the newspaper cuttings that the family had kept from the news on uncle Ahmeds death and the subsequent inquest that was held.” He intensified in his efforts of seeking justice was after the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1996 where his grandmother testified . “At that moment, I made a vow to preserve my uncle’s legacy from that day onwards. I was no longer going to just talk about uncle Ahmed but I was going to do something constructive. I wanted the full truth to be exposed,” Cajee said. A 1972 inquest found that Timol had committed suicide at the infamous John Vorster Square police station, now known as the Johannesburg Central police station. However, this has been contested by the activists family and associates for decades, who believe he was murdered by police. Jaoa Roderigues, a retired police officer was the last person to see Timol alive, told the court that he saw Timol diving out of the 10th floor of John Vorster. His testimony has been scrutinised after two separate witnesses told the court that the incident occurred in the morning, contradicting Roderigues’s version of events who claimed that it happened in the afternoon. The judge requested that Roderigues be brought back to court to be re-examined. He is expected to take the standon Wednesdayafter another witness who claims to have more information has testified. The matter was stood down toWednesday.

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Cajee: Urgency needed in apartheid-era probes – Eyewitness News

Cajee: Urgency needed in apartheid-era probes Ahmed Timol’s nephew has asked the High Court in Pretoria to recommend the creation of a specialised unit to wrap up all apartheid-era investigations which have not been concluded. Ahmed Timol. Picture: ahmedtimol.co.za PRETORIA – Ahmed Timol’s nephew has asked the High Court in Pretoria to recommend the creation of a specialised unit to wrap up all apartheid-era investigations which have not been concluded. Imtiaz Cajee took the stand during the inquest into Timols death at court on Monday. The anti-apartheid activist died in 1971 when he fell from the 10th floor of the John Vorster Square Police Station. The security branch claimed he committed suicide, but new evidence suggests that he was murdered. Cajee says that apartheid-era investigations must be concluded quickly because time is not on their side. As we have seen, many of the perpetrators are old. The issue of timing and urgency is very important. He says a specialised unit should handle the cases. It should have carefully selected investigators and prosecutors, who would lead these investigations. An appeal should go out to all state-owned agencies for the necessary documents. While Judge Billy Motlhe says he noted Cajees suggestions, the Inquest Act limits the recommendations that he can make in his findings. (Edited by Shimoney Regter) However, we will NOT condone the following: – Racism (including offensive comments based on ethnicity and nationality) – Sexism – Homophobia – Religious intolerance – Cyber bullying – Hate speech – Derogatory language – Comments inciting violence. We ask that your comments remain relevant to the articles they appear on and do not include general banter or conversation as this dilutes the effectiveness of the comments section. We strive to make the EWN community a safe and welcoming space for all. EWN reserves the right to: 1) remove any comments that do not follow the above guidelines; and, 2) ban users who repeatedly infringe the rules. Should you find any comments upsetting or offensive you can also flag them and we will assess it against our guidelines. EWN is constantly reviewing its comments policy in order to create an environment conducive to constructive conversations.

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Declassified: Apartheid profits – Who funded the National Party … – News24

While researching the recently published book Apartheid, Guns and Money: A Tale of Profit, Open Secrets collected approximately 40 000 archival documents from 25 archives in seven countries. This treasure trove contains damning details of individuals and corporations that propped up apartheid and profited in return. Many of these documents were kept secret until now. Most remain hidden despite South Africas transition to democracy. Open Secrets believes that it is vital to allow the public to scrutinise the primary evidence. Here we invite you behind the scenes to look at the documents that informed the book. The Archive for Contemporary Affairs, a four story brown face-brick building at the University of the Free State in Bloemfontein is an unassuming place. Yet, its 3.5km long shelves of files contain some of the shadiest secrets from South Africas past. Many of the National Partys (NP) most prominent politicians sent their collections, including official NP documents, to this archive. There is no longer a National Party, and it is unclear whether anyone really wants to own this memory of oppression that delivered so much paperwork. It is nonetheless a national treasure worthy of far more attention by researchers from across the country. Despite reading through hundreds of folders from PW Bothas and FW de Klerks archives, the Open Secrets team never expected to be delivered a series of folders marked National Party donations. Out of the folders came the signed cheques, fawning letters of thanks and promises of anonymity that secretive party funding demands. Around 70 individual donors were identified in these pages. The names in the folders? Some of South Africas most prominent businessmen, past and present. Here we highlight a few. While the story of party finance is often revealed only through whispers, in this unassuming archive we had found indisputable documentary evidence. The letters featured here provide a glimpse into the complicity between big business and the oppressive apartheid regime that was until now kept secret. Some donors were unsurprising, given their long term complicity with the regime. In a letter written in 1988, FW de Klerk informed PW Botha of a R50 000 donation from Barlow Rand – now trading as the large conglomerate, Barloworld. De Klerk notes that, “they prefer to keep their contribution confidential” before stating that one of the companies directors D.E. Cooper would handle the donations. Barlow Rand was one of the chief suppliers of technology to the government. Between the 1960s and 1980s, the corporation’s leadership sat on PW Bothas Defence Advisory Board all the while presenting itself as an enlightened opponent of apartheid. The two-faced nature of many of these corporations and their executives is a theme that runs throughout this collection. Another person in these documents, who has continued making super profits in a democratic South Africa, is Shoprite businessman Christo Wiese. Currently tied in fourth place with Johann Rupert on the Forbes list of richest Africans and living in a mansion in Clifton, Wiese was also eager to support the NP and “anxious” to have this support made known to the Prime Minister. In 1989, Minister Kent Durr sent a letter to the newly appointed President FW de Klerk, informing him of Wieses financial support. Durr fondly describes Wiese, then the director of the clothing retail giant Pepkor, as “an old friend and supporter of the National Party”. Of course, as the Guptas Saxonwold Shebeen has shown us, these relationships also require a more personal touch. This is captured perfectly in a letter sent by prominent PG Glass executive chairman, Bertie Lubner. In the letter written to PW Botha, dated 23 June 1982, Lubner writes to thank the Prime Minister for “a very wonderful evening which we spent with you, charming members of your family and other guests”. He proceeds to write of how much he admires Bothas leadership of the country: It is men with such high ideals and determination like yourself that create history.” Post-apartheid amnesia ensured that at the time of his death in 2016, Lubner was praised as a beloved philanthropist and iconic business leader with far too little said about his support for the establishment during apartheid. This letter and others of a similar nature, from Bennie Slome of Tedelex and Macsteels Eric Samson, were some of the more surprising finds in the archive. This is because these men were widely known as part of the self-proclaimed liberal English-speaking business elite of the time. Though perhaps, this surprise is misplaced big business motivated by profit, notoriously funds whoever is in power. We also found letters of support from Altech (now electronics giant Altron) head, WP (Bill) Venter. A long-time ally of the apartheid military, Venter made profits supplying the military with missile systems and other key technology at the height of apartheids war in Angola and cross-border raids. To return the favour, Venter made hefty donations to the NP. In 1982, he pledged R150 000 (R2.4m in today’s terms) – with promises of more to come which he honoured in 1985 and 1989 with generous donations of R200 000 (R2.2m in todays terms). In the letter, Venter points out the success that his company has achieved, adding that, “we believe that we would be able to achieve very little without the firm support of the current [NP] government” In February 2017, Venter finally stepped down as Altron chair and was praised for his contribution to the South African economy. His collaboration with the apartheid state was conveniently ignored. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) concluded that many businesses “benefited financially and materially from apartheid”. While many businesses presented themselves as victims of apartheid and part of an enlightened opposition to apartheid these letters tell a different story. They reveal a complicity with the NP government, and show that a significant portion of the business elite kept the taps open to the party at the height of domestic repression and foreign wars. It also allows us to go beyond the broad brushstrokes of the TRC and have a more nuanced conversation about the degrees of complicity within the private sector. As the Gupta leaks have shown, South Africa is still struggling with the undue influence of the private sector in politics, it is vital to understand the nature of these networks. Read more about the #GuptaLeaks here South Africa desperately needs a private sector that can create jobs but it also requires far more effective enforcement of the laws governing private sector misconduct. This is an important message as Parliament has now finally begun the process of drafting a law that could for the first time regulate the private funding of political parties. The success of this process and the enforcement of these rules is vital to ensure that the powerful and corrupt are limited in their use of secret funding to undermine democratic politics and buy political favours. Secret funds fuelled the National Party’s machinery we cannot allow it to continue to be a conduit for entrenching political and economic inequality in South Africa. Apartheid Guns and Money: A tale of Profit by Hennie van Vuuren is published by Jacana Media *The Archive for Contemporary Affairs at the University of the Free State does not require any PAIA requests to access documents. *Open Secrets is an independent non-profit with a mission to promote private sector accountability for economic crime and related human rights violations in Southern Africa. 24.com encourages commentary submitted via MyNews24. Contributions of 200 words or more will be considered for publication.

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‘We’ve nearly reproduced past that we inherited from apartheid at … – Eyewitness News

‘We’ve nearly reproduced past that we inherited from apartheid at policy level’ Themba Godi says in 2019 the current government will wake up to the realisation that South Africans will no longer vote based on history. FILE: Scopa chairperson Themba Godi. Picture: GCIS. JOHANNESBURG – Chairperson of Parliament’s standing committee on public accounts Themba Godi says the country’s anger towards corruption and ill-governance will translate in the 2019 elections. Godi was discussing the progress of the National Development Plan alongside former Finance Minister Nhlanhla Nene at the 20th Southern African Internal Audit Conference in Sandton. He says in 2019 the current government will wake up to the realisation that South Africans will no longer vote based on history. People have come to realise that corruption actually cost them the better life and that promised freedom. He says it would be wrong to think the removal of the Gupta family from the country and state affairs would be the ultimate remedy. We have issues with particular individuals but there are also fundamental issues with the policy trajectory of the country. We have nearly reproduced the past that we inherited from apartheid at the policy level. Godi says while certain individuals such as the Guptas family and the President Jacob Zuma may be part of the problem the core issue is policy and not personalities. (Edited by Winnie Theletsane) However, we will NOT condone the following: – Racism (including offensive comments based on ethnicity and nationality) – Sexism – Homophobia – Religious intolerance – Cyber bullying – Hate speech – Derogatory language – Comments inciting violence. We ask that your comments remain relevant to the articles they appear on and do not include general banter or conversation as this dilutes the effectiveness of the comments section. We strive to make the EWN community a safe and welcoming space for all. EWN reserves the right to: 1) remove any comments that do not follow the above guidelines; and, 2) ban users who repeatedly infringe the rules. Should you find any comments upsetting or offensive you can also flag them and we will assess it against our guidelines. EWN is constantly reviewing its comments policy in order to create an environment conducive to constructive conversations.

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Monday 14 – Morning Star Online

In July, KEN KEABLE went to South Africa to attend the national congress of the South African Communist Party to receive a special recognition award on behalf of all the London Recruits. Here is his story After the Rivonia trial ended in 1964, with Nelson Mandela and other leaders jailed for life, almost all other African National Congress (ANC) members had to go into exile to avoid arrest and torture. Then they were faced with the problem: how were they to carry on their liberation struggle inside South Africa when they were outside? A brilliant idea was put forward. The exiles would recruit young, white internationalists mainly in the London area people who had no personal connection with South Africa and were therefore not known to the racist regime. We I was one of them would enter the country posing as tourists, business people or honeymoon couples, without arousing suspicion. In fact the regime assumed we were racists like them. Some of the London Recruits, as we were called, were students at the London School of Economics and included several young Trotskyists belonging to the International Socialists; others had no political affiliation at all. The great majority of the recruits were young workers members of the British Young Communist League or, in a few cases, the Communist Party. The expenses were met by the Soviet Union and some received training in the Soviet Union or Cuba. In 2005 when I began researching and editing the book London Recruits: The Secret War Against Apartheid I was aware that there were other recruits but I knew very little as to who they were, how many there were or what they actually did. Each of us only knew our own part of the story and we had kept that secret for decades, so deeply ingrained was our habit of a need for top secrecy. Besides, it seemed to belong to another era. I was amazed at what I found. Some of us had smuggled large quantities of weapons, others did reconnaissance, helped uMkhonto we Sizwe (abbreviated as MK, meaning Spear of the Nation) fighters to enter the country or smuggled thousands of letters and packages into South Africa and put them in the post locally. However, the main activity was to set off leaflet bombs or other leaflet distribution devices, alongside street broadcasts using amplified cassette players. We did that once a year every year from 1967 to 1971 each time hitting five cities simultaneously, Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, Durban, East London and Cape Town. This made the newspaper headlines and told people that the ANC was not defeated. The leaflets brought news, gave advice on how to conduct the struggle and most importantly brought hope. All royalties from the book go to the Nelson Mandela Childrens Fund. While in South Africa, I visited the Museum of the Armed Struggle at Lilliesleaf Farm, Rivonia, which has a special section devoted to the London Recruits. Our story is now being made into a documentary film to be released next year. The film company, Barefoot Rascals, has done a huge amount of research and British trade unions have given the project terrific support. Details about the film are on www.londonrecruits.com. We now know the names of 66 London Recruits besides the Brits, these include four from the US, four from Ireland, one Greek, one Greek-Australian, one Frenchwoman and one, only recently discovered, comes from Britains Ugandan Asian community. She did her work in Botswana 13 of the 66 are women. Three of them Sean Hosey, Alex Moumbaris and Marie-Jose Moumbaris were arrested and tortured. This July saw the 50th anniversary of the arrival of the first of the London Recruits in South Africa. How significant our efforts were is for others to judge. The South African people liberated themselves from the evil apartheid regime but we are happy to have played a part, however small. The defeat of the apartheid regime struck a mighty blow against racism all round the world, not least in Britain, so we are grateful for that. We were not busybodies, interfering in the internal affairs of another country that were none of our business. Apartheid was a crime against humanity and capitalist Britain was involved up to its neck. The British Parliament founded the Union of South Africa on May 31 1910 as the unification of four previously separate British colonies on a basis of institutional racism. Most British banks and big corporations and the finance institutions of the City of London invested heavily in apartheid South Africa and profited hugely from it, while the British diplomatic service did its utmost to protect South Africa from international sanctions. Those institutions are still in place. That is why our struggle continues. As I said in my acceptance speech for the SACP award to the London Recruits, the ideals that motivated us in our youth are now more relevant than ever. We hope that our story will inspire people, especially the young, to fight for a better world. I was impressed by the congress, which was attended by over 2,000 delegates. The SACP is growing rapidly and has over 284,000 members in more than 7,000 branches. For me, besides the award ceremony, the main focus of what took place was the decision to reconfigure SACPs relationship with the ANC and allowing SACP candidates to stand in elections separately from ANC. This was preceded by the decision not to invite South Africas President Jacob Zuma to the congress. Normally the ANC president who so far has also been the president of South Africa attends the congress and addresses it. This time he was pointedly not invited. The decision to change the relationship between the SACP and the ANC was greeted with an outburst of dancing and singing that lasted over 15 minutes I was witnessing an historic turning point. The resolution left the leadership more room for manoeuvre and allows for sensitive handling of the relationship. Many South Africans have a deep loyalty to the ANC because it was the instrument of their liberation and some of them may perceive the SACPs change of policy as a betrayal. My impression was that the delegates were fed up with having to defend the indefensible just because the SACP was in government with the ANC and especially the corruption and what they call state capture by the wealthy Gupta family and their dubious relationship with President Zuma. I left feeling optimistic for the future. Ken Keable is the editor of London Recruits: The Secret War Against Apartheid, which is available from the Morning Star or from any bookseller. For his acceptance speech, or to watch it on video (with the introduction by Ronnie Kasrils), visit www.londonrecruits.org.uk

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‘Dagga laws’ from apartheid era – Expert – South African Broadcasting Corporation

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Apartheid spy boss’s memoirs insightful but disconcerting – Independent Online

I was not disappointed. Barnard has documented valuable information that provides insight into the negotiations. But he has also drawn his own conclusions, some of which, unfortunately, are not quite right. I am grateful that a different dimension to this history will soon be available, as the late Dr Mario Oriani-Ambrosinis memoir, The Prince and I, is ready to be launched. Ambrosini, a constitutional law expert and adviser to the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) in negotiations, became the brilliant bane of both the ANC and the former National Party government. His memoir, like all the others, is written from a subjective perspective. But Ambrosinis perspective is unique as he was an outsider operating on the inside. As a former history professor at Georgetown University, he understood the wider historical context and could draw parallels and lessons from experiences throughout the world. Also as a libertarian, he approached the negotiations with an agenda to win the best possible democratic outcomes for our country with the greatest possible freedoms, and the greatest possible protection of those freedoms. His memoir will break new ground in terms of what we know, and what we believed. However, until it becomes part of the public debate, it would be remiss of me not to respond to Barnards book. I too have a duty to complete the picture of the past for I am one the key protagonists. Barnard has dedicated his chapter “Critical Talks” to what he calls one of the most important – and the most demanding parties to the negotiations: the IFP and Buthelezi. Our positions, according to him, were more often right than wrong but the IFP endured obstacles to its participation on an equal footing with the ANC and the then government. A major obstacle was the Record of Understanding signed by the ANC and the government behind the IFPs back, which intended to make further negotiations bilateral, under the pretence of multiparty participation. I disagree with Barnard, however, that our influence in the negotiation process gradually faded. If that were the case, there would have been no need for Nelson Mandela, FW de Klerk and me to sign a memorandum of understanding for reconciliation and peace just eight days before the 1994 election. It was understood that the election would not be credible without the IFPs participation as millions of South Africans would have been excluded from a “democratic” outcome. The IFP secured substantial gains during the negotiations in the interests of a strong democracy. We tabled the need for social and economic rights, a constitutional court, independent organs of state controlling the executive, the recognition of indigenous and customary law, a federal state with provinces, and many other aspects of a modern constitution. While others focused on the details of the transfer of power, the IFP looked ahead to the kind of democracy we were forging. We insisted on discussing issues such as the form of state, whether South Africa would be a unitary or a federal state, whether the powers of governance would be centralised or devolved, and how we could create checks and balances to limit unfettered power, which always produces corruption. We insisted that the constitution contain a Bill of Rights. The ANC failed to see the need, believing a democratic government would never infringe on the rights of its people; and it was simply not on the governments agenda. Securing a Bill of Rights and securing provinces were just two of the IFPs victories. One can hardly say that our influence was insubstantial. But we faced obstacles, not least the fact that NIS was intercepting my communications and those of the IFP’s. This made it difficult to trust those we were negotiating with. One of the ANCs key negotiators, Cyril Ramaphosa, later told Ambrosini that they had been intercepting our faxes. It is no surprise Barnard now openly admits De Klerk would receive copies of IFP speeches before they were even delivered. Barnard freely quotes from minutes of meetings between the IFP and the government. He feels equally at liberty to quote from what he repeatedly calls a confidential letter I wrote to my late friend Dr John Aspinall. Evidently, my personal correspondence was watched as carefully as my public statements. I must admit I am rather disconcerted by Barnards verbatim recollection of my private correspondence. Evidently he still has copies of these covertly obtained confidential documents, which to my mind is not merely unethical but possibly illegal. To a large extent, it was hardly necessary for national intelligence to intercept my communications, for the IFP had a habit, as Barnard relates, of putting everything in writing, handing out copies, and then reading everything out word for word. Our reasons for doing this were quite simple. The IFP was willing to commit to a position. We didnt play the game of saying one thing in this meeting and something different in another. We also believed strongly in documenting a factual record for we had endured endless lies and propaganda against us. It was important that the facts were on record at the time, and for the future. The campaign of propaganda and vilification are exactly what made Mandela uncomfortable and not entirely at ease whenever I came up in discussions with then justice minister Kobie Coetsee and Barnard, before his release. Mandela was uncomfortable with the lie propagated by the ANCs leadership-in-exile that I was an apartheid collaborator, because he knew full well that Oliver Tambo and Inkosi Luthuli had asked me to lead the KwaZulu government. Because of this propaganda, my life was continually threatened while I served as chief minister. Having no private army such as Umkhonto weSizwe, and unable to issue a single firearm licence to the KwaZulu police, I was forced to seek the governments assistance with security for me and my ministers. But Barnard overplays the extent to which national intelligence supported the KwaZulu government. It was not him who brought Jacob Zuma to me, but the Reverend CJ Mtetwa. I then took Zuma to see the king at his Enyokeni residence. I have never done things for personal gain or advancement. As Barnard points out, my principled stand on the issue of the king earned me nothing. This perhaps is where the IFPs approach to the negotiations differed from that of other participants. We did, as Barnard says, have to become confrontational. At times we did need to employ delay tactics and a boycott strategy. However, none of it was done to advance the IFPs position in a democratic South Africa. Our fundamental goal was to create a strong democracy in which we would serve in whatever capacity the people chose. Many analysts still struggle to understand this truth at the heart of the IFP. The record of the IFPs participation provides insight into the partys longevity and continued influence in South African politics. We maintain a legacy of putting principles first, honouring our commitments, and working in the best interests of all South Africans. To some extent, this uncompromising approach has prevented the IFP from capturing the limelight, but it has provided South Africa with a trusted political leadership for whatever lies ahead. That is likely our greatest contribution to South Africa. * Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi is an MP. He is the president of the IFP. ** The views expressed here are not necessarily those of Independent Media. The Sunday Independent

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August 13, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

Makhosi Khoza: ANC hounds are worse than apartheid forces – Daily Maverick

Makhosi Khoza has been an ANC activist since she was 12 years old, but shes deeply distressed by her partys continued support of President Jacob Zuma and the hounding of his opponents. Its common cause how I voted, she said on Tuesdays no confidence motion in Zuma. Obviously I cant betray my conscience. Khoza, along with more than a handful of ANC Members of Parliament, made it clear that she would vote according to her conscience during the no confidence motion meaning she would vote against Zuma. The presidents supporters have called for her and others who refused to follow the party line to be punished after Zuma survived by a slim margin, with up to 39 ANC MPs voting against him or abstaining. Its people that have no foresight. Its people that are denialists. It is people that dont love the ANC. Its people that want to protect what theyve accrued, said Khoza on the ANC leaders calling for disciplinary action to be taken against MPs suspected of voting against the president in the secret ballot. Zuma and his key allies, such as Free State Premier Ace Magashule and ANC Womens League President Bathabile Dlamini, have said that errant MPs should face consequences, even though the Constitutional Court and former ANC presidents Thabo Mbeki and Kgalema Motlanthe have said MPs should be able to vote according to their obligations to the Constitution without fear of censure. Theyre not different from the apartheid forces. In fact, theyre worse, said Khoza. During apartheid there was a common enemy that never pretended to be in the ANCs corner. Now, she said, ANC members pretend to be committed to building the country but are only trying to protect their self-interest, captured by capitalism. Evil has no colour, thats the point Im trying to say. Khoza said she would not stoop to the level of her detractors and she will accept it if she is fired. The mission has changed. The values have changed, she said, claiming that the ANC has been trapped by capitalisms benefits. There is a tendency to glorify and romanticise the liberation struggle as if everything was fine. The struggle movements had their problems Khoza saw people who were necklaced and almost lost her life when she tried to intervene. She said Zumas problems were known before he came into power. I think the ANC should have recalled Zuma before this vote. Defending him only undermined the future of the party. Its just a crazy organisation, she said. Khoza is still committed to saving the ANC, but she clearly believes the party is going in the wrong direction and, like other liberation movements across the continent, its losing public support as leaders enrich themselves and the party fails to hold them accountable. Khoza refuted the official ANC statement claiming Zumas victory on Tuesday was a positive for the party. However, she said there were positives to take away from the vote. Some ANC MPs, more than any before in such a vote, understood the issues and stood up to the president. She said the public response to her stance had been humbling. To be honest with you its been quite overwhelming. Its been really, really positive. Its come with a cost. Khoza choked up when she spoke of her children. She said her daughter was the most shaken by the death threats sent to both her and her family. But her 19-year-old son, who has grown up knowing only Khoza as a single parent, had also been severely affected. My son actually at some stage was actually like, I think the police are actually treating you like a fugitive. She said the police would go to her house and ask her son who Khoza has been meeting with, where she is. Its really taking its toll on my kids, she said. That sometimes breaks me but I am resolute as I want to do it. The last thing they want me to do is retreat. On 10 September, Khoza will face disciplinary charges from the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal. She believes the charges are politically motivated and theyve been laid against her specifically because shes spoken out against Zuma. Khoza said the result of the disciplinary hearing is a foregone conclusion. She wants to participate because she believes the ANCs principles should be applied equally, even if the president seems to have violated much of the partys rules. Can Khoza continue to serve as an MP under Zumas leadership? What will she do now? Khoza would not answer questions about her future, only to say she would first go through her ANC KZN disciplinary proceedings. Do not be surprised after that if she chooses to resign from Parliament and focus on transforming the ANC ahead of its December conference, where Zuma will be replaced. DM Photo: ANC MP Makhosi Khoza (GCIS)

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August 13, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed


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