Archive for the ‘Apartheid’ Category

It’s apartheid, PAGE says of plastic cup segregation – Free Malaysia Today

Founder Noor Azimah Abdul Rahim says such practices are an effort to demean other religions.

PETALING JAYA: An education group has described the segregation of plastic cups for Muslim and non-Muslim students at a school here, as a form of apartheid that must be stopped.

But instead of blacks and whites, its Muslims and non-Muslims.

Parents who have a problem with their kids sharing cups should just get them to bring their own. In fact, bring your own drinks, Noor Azimah Abdul Rahim, the founder of Parent Action Group for Education Malaysia (PAGE), said.

She was commenting on a photo that went viral recently, of plastic cups bearing the labels Muslims and non-Muslims that were placed beside a drinking water dispenser at Sekolah Kebangsaan Taman Puteri in Hulu Langat.

Azimah said while the matter may seem trivial or inconsequential to some, it had wide implications.

For her, it appeared to be an effort to demean other races and religions.

Azimah compared such practices to those in the past like Nazi Germanys treatment of the Jews, and the ethnic division between the Tutsi minority and the Hutu majority in Rwanda.

It is a direction which is detrimental to the integration and acceptance of all ethnicities in Malaysia. Islam is a simple religion and does not exist to cause hardship for anyone.

The Centre For A Better Tomorrow, a civil society group that champions moderation, described the practice as a colossal misconduct on the part of the school and said it was akin to a crime against humanity.

We are teaching them to live in a divisive world at a young age, its co-founder Gan Ping Sieu said when contacted.

The former deputy minister said if society continued to condone such bigotry as adults, they would be guilty of destroying the unity forged by the nations forefathers.

Gan said religious leaders must also play their part by rectifying such misguided mentalities.

A visit to Sekolah Kebangsaan Taman Puteri by FMT yesterday found that the school had separated the cups, which were placed next to a drinking water dispenser in the walkway of one of the blocks.

The cups were labelled Muslims and non-Muslims.

A canteen worker said the practice began last year under the schools principal, who was transferred last month after a four-year tenure.

The views expressed in the contents are those of our users and do not necessarily reflect the views of FMT.

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It’s apartheid, PAGE says of plastic cup segregation – Free Malaysia Today

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Post-Apartheid, Zuma And Black Re-construction | News24 – News24

White race iniquity in Africa entered Southern Africa with serial blasts of violence. Armies of European raiders, robbers and arsonists swept across the region with dynamites, guns and Bible, decimating and destroying erstwhile peaceful and prosperous indigenous societies.

An anti-climax of this organized barbarity was the establishment of apartheid rule in South Africa. Apartheid categorized the black indigenous of the land as sub-humans fit for all evil treatment conceivable by white conscience. It reduced black people to mere raw materials for white economic property. The Sharpeville massacre of March 21 1960 was a most naked exhibition of white mans definition of decent response to the cry of the oppressed for liberty and comfort. For standing against apartheid rule in South Africa, the likes of Steve Biko and Nelson Mandela were targeted by the racist and illegitimate Boer (white) leadership of the segregated country. Steve Biko was beaten and tortured to death. Mandela was imprisoned for 27 years in solitary confinement!

In recent years, about a decade and a half since apartheid was officially wound-down, the international community has been receiving news of intermittent violence in the so-called Rainbow Country. A Truth Commission was once set-up to settle grievances spewing from decades of extreme white iniquity in South Africa. The post-apartheid eruptions in black South Africa since that Commission concluded its task clearly mirror the fact that post-apartheid black South Africa is far from rehabilitated.

After the gruesome murder of protecting black miners by South Africa police authorities a few year ago, xenophobic attacks have been happening against blacks from other Africa countries. Black South Africans accuse their brothers and sisters from Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Mozambique, Zambia and elsewhere of denying them jobs and other economic opportunities due to them in their country. Black South Africas defense of its campaign of brutal assault against fellow black is as illogical as the arguments often put forward by US police authorities in respect of their cold-blooded murder of African-Americans.

The primary interest of white in any foreign territory he is able to enter and occupy is profit! White man is dangerously red-eyes for economic power and is ever plotting to protect and continually enhance his illegitimate economic advantage. The recommendations of South Africas Truth commission that was set-up to address gross human-rights abuses perpetrated by its white population in the years of apartheids brutal existence are more insulting than disappointing. Part of its recommendation was that each victim or family (blacks) should receive approximately $3,500 every year for six years. Meaning, at best, what black victims of any degree of inhumanity visited on them by white South Africans are entitled to; as far as financial compensation is concerned, is $21,000! And to imagine that the paltry sum was to be paid in a long spread of six-years tells white South Africa attended the Truth Communication without repentance!

Today, the post-apartheid refusal of white South Africans to support genuine economic rehabilitation of black South Africa is producing violent outcomes that are, expectedly, being blamed on black people. Whites such as the Oppenheimer and Rhodes families freely looted South Africa for many decades and are still extracting enormous profit from that territory till this day on the black, sweat and blood of black South Africa! They grew stupendously rich by robbing, enslaving and killing blacks in South Africa. These evidently criminal white families control the economic jugular of South Africa and have, since their successful scheming of the Truth Commission against adequate compensation and rehabilitation of black South Africans, been plotting to exercise effective control on political South Africa.

Black numerical superiority in South Africa is considered a viable threat to Boer economic dominance in the long-run. To avert the emergence of a black South Africa that is politically strong and organized enough to force white South Africa to concede to meaningful economic enhancement for black South Africans, the strategic harassment of anti-apartheid President Jacob Zuma arises. Boers are quietly determined to dominate and control profit in South Africa forever!

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DA’s plan to bring back era of colonialism and apartheid has been exposed ANCWL – Politicsweb

POLITICS DA’s plan to bring back era of colonialism and apartheid has been exposed ANCWL

Meokgo Matuba |

10 August 2017

Women’s league not shocked by party’s announcement that it will table a motion for dissolution of parliament

ANCWL statement on the DA motion to dissolve Parliament

10 August 2017

The African National Congress Women’s League (ANCWL) is not surprised nor shocked by Democratic Alliance (DA) announcement that it will table a motion for the dissolution of parliament.

DA’s plan to bring back their highly praised era of colonialism and apartheid has been exposed and must be rejected. The DA’s plan to remove the democratically elected government from power, is motivated by its desire to defend the supremacy of minority in terms of land and economic ownership.

After realizing the seriousness of the ANC to implement the radical economic transformation (RET) which is for the benefit of the majority of black people and women, the DA funded by the imperialists is hellbent in ensuring that the RET program fails. The intention of the DA to dissolve parliament means not having oversight to government departments and will negatively impact the provision of much needed services to the poor and the working class.

South Africans must take note that the DA has never had the interests of the people in particular Africans at heart. It has never supported budget votes passed in Parliament to enable government departments to deliver much needed services to the poor and the working class. DA is not pleased with some of the following achievements by the ANC led government which benefits majority of people:

– Housing Nearly 500 informal settlements replaced with quality housing and basic services. Three million free houses built, benefiting more than 16 million people.

– Water Approximately 93% of South Africans accessing potable water.

– Electricity Approximately 12 million accessing to electricity.

– Education More than nine million children attending no-fee schools, whilst nine million children are also provided with free meals at school. All children in public schools receiving free stationary. In 2016 over R14 billion was disbursed as loans and bursaries supporting approximately 480 000 poor undergraduate students to access universities and TVET colleges.

– Social welfare In providing temporary intervention to fight poverty ravaging millions of people and around 17 million people receiving social support grants.

– Healthcare All HIV positive South Africans qualifying for anti-retroviral treatment regardless of their CD4 count.

The ANCWL calls it’s supporters, members and society at large to support government initiatives aimed at improving the lives of the poor and working class. Despite different political ideologies South Africans must join hands to built united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic prosperous country.

Issued byMeokgo Matuba, ANCWL Secretary General, 10 August 2017

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DA’s plan to bring back era of colonialism and apartheid has been exposed ANCWL – Politicsweb

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Victory in the Shadows – New York Times

I came to understand that the use of open, seemingly fallow space as a compositional element was key to the power of Mofokengs work. Take a look, for instance, at a photograph he made in 1989, on the occasion of the funeral of one Chief More, which took place near the village of GaMogopa. A gently undulating grassland dominates the scene. In the distance is a bus, in front of which is a hearse and a crowd of marchers. Behind the bus are two women, who might be walking intentionally slowly or trying to catch up with the main party. And in the foreground is a man, in whose body language we can definitively read a lateness. He is hurrying to join the marchers, awkward in his isolation. Around them all is the great expanse of the landscape, and the photo comes to feel less like an image of a funeral than an image of this space, in which the main event is almost too small to be properly seen. It is Mofokengs ability to evoke a space like this one and its associated slowness an ability to permanently postpone any demand for a main event in the picture that makes his work convincing.

If your pictures arent good enough, youre not close enough, the Magnum co-founder Robert Capa once said. But Mofokengs pictures are often not close enough, as at Chief Mores funeral. Or they are too close, as in the train church photos. He locates the energy of the photograph elsewhere: in waiting, in uncertainty, in deep shadow. His photographs made the effects of oppression visible, but they were not primarily about that. He was drawn to the interstices of African life: worship services, concerts, funerals, civic activities and the workaday world. The people in his photographs are kin to those the South African writer Alex La Guma evoked in his 1962 story A Walk in the Night, people who hang around idling, talking, smoking, waiting. Mofokeng himself traveled long distances and would sometimes be stranded while working. He would go to townships, some of which he didnt know well, and hang around for days, allowing the sensibility of the place to enter his camera. I know of no photographer whose work contains so much of the drift that poorer folk know.

When Mofokeng left South Africa to study at the International Center of Photography in New York in 1991, through a scholarship named for Ernest Cole, he attended Roy DeCaravas workshops. It was a meeting of minds. The point is not that DeCarava was an influence Mofokengs voice was established before he met DeCarava but that both artists found productive use for stylistic reticence and literal obscurity. Perhaps no photographer since DeCarava has kept as much faith with shadows as Mofokeng has. Mofokengs work did not seek to demystify the townships just as DeCaravas did not seek to explain Harlem.

The youths that Mofokeng captured in one photo from a 1988 concert in Sewefontein are extremely blurred, barely there. (And note, too, all the extra wall space to either side of them, which most photographers would avoid.) The most likely reason for the blur was that he was shooting at a low shutter speed, without a flash or a tripod. But the way the picture looks typified another quality of his work, something Mofokeng has encapsulated through a word in his native Sesotho language: seriti. It is a word whose senses include shadow as well as aura, dignity, presence and confidence. Against the harsh interrogative light of an unjust political reality, Mofokeng offers seriti: knowledge of a more secret sort.

Apartheid came to an end in South Africa in 1994, but the achievement of political freedom did not bring an end to Mofokengs explorations. In fact they became more intense, because he saw that seriti was an undiminished aspect of black South African life. And it is from this post-apartheid period that some of his most mysterious and boldly composed images arise. The Easter Sunday Church Service (1996), for instance, from a series he called Chasing Shadows, is dreamlike in effect, full of smoke and scattered light, as devotees (most of them women in white head scarves) gather around for worship. Mofokeng took a keen interest particularly in church services that were held in the caves of Motouleng and Mautse, services that contained elements of traditional African religion. It was a situation in which reality and spirituality become inseparable. Mofokeng has written, of the atmosphere of these services: While I feel reluctant to partake in this gossamer world, I can identify with it.

The spaciousness and blur of Mofokengs pictures come ultimately from intimacy with this gossamer world. It is a world that isnt insubstantial but that is elusive to the uninitiated or to outsiders. His photographs have used a variety of techniques to adumbrate this world. The pictures drift away from the picturesque and come closer to life itself, to seriti, and the subtle range of associations embedded in that word. These are photographs of quiet disorder and imprecision, shadow-work and strategic refusal, evocations of what can neither be hurried along nor extinguished.

Teju Cole is a photographer, novelist and the magazines photography critic. He is the author of four books, the most recent of which is Blind Spot.

All images: Santu Mofokeng Foundation. From Lunetta Bartz, Maker, Johannesburg.

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A version of this article appears in print on August 13, 2017, on Page MM12 of the Sunday Magazine with the headline: Through blur, shadow and drift, the photographer Santu Mofokeng shows that black South Africans were more than their suffering.

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Leftist Declares ‘Apartheid’ If Noncitizens Not Allowed to Vote – Breitbart News

College Park, Maryland, home to the main campus for the University of Maryland and roughly 20,000 residents overall, is currently reviewing a policy that would open regular ballot access to illegal aliens for municipal elections. While the town would be the largest to do so in the Mid-Atlantic, it would not be the first. The Baltimore Sun reports that College Park would be the eleventh city between Montgomery and Prince Georges Counties; both sharing boundaries with Washington, D.C.

The legality of such proposals and policies are not under question in Maryland, which is why the illegal alien voting rights movement sees consistent success. State law has allowed for townships to determine voter eligibility for municipal elections going back to the mid-1800s. The local paper notes that Barnesville in Montgomery County maintains the longest-running rule, dating back to 1918. The trend began picking up steam in the 1970s with larger jurisdictions joining in thereafter.

The Sun also adds that a certain foreign influence in elections has come into play: support for noncitizen voting here has also been driven by the large numbers of diplomatic staff who work in Washington and live in the Maryland suburbs.

Justifications for illegal alien voting rights tend to follow similar tracks in local and national debates. Perhaps the most common argument is the weve allowed them to vote before angle. While the United States has experimented with franchise eligibility over the ages, current federal law prohibits any non-U.S. citizen from participating in an election, much less registering to vote. Felony convictions, deportation, and barriers to naturalization are all intended deterrentsdespite the fact that no requirement rests on voter registrars to verify claims of citizenship during the process.

Other liberal states show serious conversations on illegal alien voting increase recently. One activist in California is now dialing up the rhetoric well beyond historic claims and appeals to broadening democracy, favoring political overtones.

Joe Matthews writes in the Sacramento Bee that its time to go on offense against President Donald Trumps larger concerns for election integrity by empowering noncitizens to vote.

Given Trumps threats to both immigrants and democracy, this is the moment to give the franchise back to noncitizens, Matthews argues. He also compares California to an apartheid state until it grants voting rights to all present:

California is home to about five million adults (thats one-in-six adults) who cant vote because theyre not citizens. This mass disenfranchisement is an affront to American principles. Taxation without representation? Noncitizens pay taxes, but are not represented. Consent of the governed? Noncitizens must follow our laws but cant vote to consent. Home of the brave? Noncitizens serve in the military but cant vote for the government that sends them to war.

We Californians tolerate this apartheid, even though the lesser status of noncitizens especially the 2 million-plus undocumented Californians makes them more vulnerable to abuse and removal from the country theyve helped build. To its credit, California has taken steps on behalf of noncitizens, who now enjoy in-state tuition to our public universities, drivers licenses, the ability to practice the law, and if they are children state-funded health care.

Rather than admitting that the referenced actions are pathways to naturalization, the activist contends that Californians wont be equal until all have ballots, only further blurring the distinctions between citizen and not. The column laments the fact, however, that Governor Jerry Brown (D) serves as a major impediment to statewide change, given his record of opposing such matters.

While Maryland and select portions of New York, California, and Illinois struggle with granting voting rights to illegal aliens, Virginia was recently reported to be identifying and removing non-U.S. citizens from voter rolls at an alarming rate. The Public Interest Legal Foundation found more than 5,500 voters were canceled by the Commonwealth over citizenship concerns in May, Breitbart Texas reported.

Local clerks in Maryland report that steps are taken to keep illegal aliens from voting in races they are not eligible for, should elections be held on the same day. Takoma Park told the Baltimore paper that separate registration lists are kept to prevent ballot confusion.

The College Park City Council is slated to debate the measure on Tuesday, August 8.

Logan Churchwell is a founding editor of the Breitbart Texas team. You can follow him on Twitter @LCChurchwell. He also serves as the communications director for the Public Interest Legal Foundation.

P.S. DO YOU WANT MORE ARTICLES LIKE THIS ONE DELIVERED RIGHT TO YOUR INBOX?SIGN UP FOR THE DAILY BREITBART NEWSLETTER.

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Timol inquest: The apartheid police officers accused of torture … – Mail & Guardian

Johannes Van Niekerk and Captain Johannes Gloy. (All pictures from the Timol inquest)

Anti-apartheid activists Ahmed Timol and Salim Essop were interrogated by the same Security Branch officers at the time of their detention in October 1971. Allegations of torture have been at the centre of the inquest into Timols death, and Essop, in a photo identification at the inquest, showed presiding Judge Billy Mothle the men who hadtortured him.

On October 26 1971, Essop was taken to hospital after he fell into a coma as a result of the injuries he sustained at John Vorster Square in Johannesburg. In affidavits submitted to the first inquest in 1972, two of the apartheid security policemen who interrogated him also admitted to interrogating Timol before his death. Their names are Captain Johannes van Niekerk and Captain Johannes Gloy.

Both Gloy and Van Niekerk had been accused of assaulting detainees prior to Timol and Essops detention in 1971. Van Niekerk was convicted of two counts of assault in May 1960 of an injured detainee at Brooklyn police station. Helater died from his wounds. Complaints had also been filed against Gloy for assaulting detainees in 1970 and 1971.

The two were cleared of Timols death in the 1972 inquest, when presiding MagistrateJL de Villiers held that Timol killed himself.

The Timol family believes that Timol was tortured severely until he was in a coma or barely conscious at the time of his death. Timol died on October 27 1971 after he allegedly dived from the 10th floor of John Vorster Square.

On Friday, Essop was handed two photo albums with images of apartheid policemen andgave the names of some of the police officers he recognised. At the time of his detention, Essop didnt know the names of his interrogators, but sought their identities later.

After my release, I went back to the [newspaper] articles and compiled a list of names, he said.

When Essop was admitted to hospital, his family applied for an urgent interdict to stop the police from further torturing him. He had been slapped, suffocated with a plastic bag, forced to imitate sitting on a chair for hours, and sleep deprived for four and a half days, he said. Two judges found in favour of the Essops and ordered the police to stop torturing him.

Essop was emotional as he looked atthe images of Gloy and Van Niekerk. He made an effort to hold back tears.

As he saw the images of the apartheid cops, he would simply say: He was one of my interrogators and torturers.

They had carte blanche to do anythingTimol and Essop were arrested after the car they were traveling in, a yellow Angelia, was stopped on October 22 1971. Police allegedly found anti-apartheid pamphlets the two were said to be distributing. Liberation pamphlets and their dissemination was banned by the apartheid regime.

One of the policeman who arrested the two was Sergeant Leonard Kleyn. Essop testified on Friday that Kleyn had also assaulted him and Timol. Kleyn, in a statement after Timols death in 1971, said he never assaulted Timol and that Timol was never assaulted in his presence.

The sergeant arrested Essop and Timol at a roadblock that had been set up on Fuel Road, Coronationville. Timol and Essop were taken to Newlands police station and then to John Vorster Square. Essopwas tortured on the 10th floor in room 1013 one of the waarkamers (truth rooms).

Essop testified that in the four and a half days he was detained, at least 15 police officers tortured him. There were two or three policemen with him at a time, and they would take it in shifts to deprive him of sleep.

He said that was likely that he andTimol were interrogated by the same policemen, who moved between room1013and room 1026 the room where Timol was allegedly tortured and fell to his death.

They would come to me with a certain question with information they could only get from Timol, Essop said.

The torture took place in vaults -whichhe hasdescribedin previous testimony – attached to the rooms. Among the policemen who tortured him, Essop identified Security Branch cops Major JH Fourie and Lieutenant Colonel WP van Wyk.

At the 1972 inquest, Van Wyk testified that he interrogated Timol from 3.15am to 5.30am on October 23. He requested Van Niekerk and Gloy to help with the interrogation; they arrived at 6am that morning.

He would then interrogate Timol again, according to his testimony, from 8:30am to 19:30pm on October 25 two days before Timols death. He said he had not assaulted Timol and Timol was never assaulted in his presence. There were no injuries, he said.

At the current inquest, Essop testified that Van Wyk and the other security policemen were brutal, but firmly believed their actions were just.

They have no morality about this, they didnt think they were doing any wrong, Essop said.

They had carte blanche to do anything.

Waiting for the truthLast week, Joao Rodrigues dominated the reopened inquest with his testimony that ran for three days. The former apartheid police clerk, who is allegedly the last person to see Timol alive, testified that an agile and healthy Timol dived to his death.

Rodrigues is the only apartheid policemen still alive who is known to have been involved in the Timol case. Evidence presented to theinquest has countered his testimony, and he has been warned that the Timol family will seek his prosecution for murder or accessory to murder.

Gloy, Van Niekerk and Rodrigues never appeared before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and therefore do not have amnesty. The Timol family lawyers are trying to track down when Gloy and Van Niekerk died.

General Johan Coetzee, who Essop identified in a photo, was an apartheid police commissioner who told the TRC that he had not condoned political assassinations. Butat the inquest,testimony from Security Branch policeman Paul Erasmusdisputed Coetzees claim to the TRC.

Essop said on Friday that the inquest is an opportunity for apartheid cops to tell the truth and come clean.

Maybe this is the unfinished business the TRC didnt complete, he said.

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South African History Archive calls for Bank to release apartheid records – Business Day (registration)

Blaauw, who was allegedly involved in the arms trade, is no longer alive. Hill was prosecuted for fraud, in some cases related to forged Eskom bonds. However, prosecuting authorities elected not to pursue charges at the time.

“The records requested were those that would reveal evidence of significant fraud. What we have [concerning Blaauw and Palazzolo] doesnt constitute a record showing any evidence of that,” said advocate Nic Maritz, representing the Bank.

The National Prosecuting Authority would have the best records revealing serious exchange control contravention and fraud by Hill, Maritz said.

Asking for all documents in the Banks possession concerning Blaauw and Palazzolo, as the archive later did, would unreasonably divert the resources of a public body, which was grounds for refusing access to information under the act, he said.

The Bank, which was seeking a cost order against the archive, also relied on other exemptions under the Promotion of Access to Information Act, such as the mandatory protection of personal and commercial information pertaining to third parties.

For example, a member of the public could not access information pertaining to the movement of foreign exchange, as this was privileged information that the Bank obtained in the course of performing its functions, said Maritz.

Notwithstanding the exemptions, it was in the public interest for the information to be made available, Budlender said.

The act was gazetted in 2000 to give effect to the constitutional right of access to information held by the state. In its preamble it notes that the apartheid regime “resulted in a secretive and unresponsive culture in public and private bodies, which often led to an abuse of power and human rights violations”.

Judgment was reserved.

ziadyh@bdlive.co.za

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BDS conference in Australia: end complicity with Israeli apartheid – International Solidarity Movement

7th August 2017 | International Solidarity Movement, support group Australia | Australia

Multi-award winning poet and playwright Samah Sabawi began Australias second and biggest national conference on Israeli Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions last week in Sydney, with words from the diaspora: In 2005, after decades of failed negotiations, Palestinian civil society lit a candle in the darkness. They started a non-violent, grassroots movement, based on international law and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They called on people of good conscience around the world to apply boycotts, divestments and sanctions on IsraelAnd we are here at this conference to discuss ways in which to respond to this call. Palestinian civil society is not asking us to get involved. They are asking us to end our involvement with Israeli apartheid. Because we are already knee-deep in complicity.

Watch a live video of the conference here.

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BDS conference in Australia: end complicity with Israeli apartheid – International Solidarity Movement

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About 80000 apartheid victims denied access to proper compensation – Business Day (registration)

When Thamsanqa Zitha returned to SA after more than a decade in exile he reached out to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) hoping to gain an audience.

Zitha a former operative for the ANC and Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) military wings was kidnapped and tortured by Eugene de Kocks death squad in 1984.

He should have been entitled to compensation for the crimes committed against him by the former government but now Zitha is one of an estimated 80000 people who have not benefited from a special reparations fund that currently holds more than R1.5bn according to the Khulumani Support Group.

The Department of Justice has refused to divulge what exactly the money will be used for.

The Presidents Fund was established under the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act (34 of 1995) after the TRC recommended that reparations be paid out to apartheid victims who had made successful submissions to the commission.

By 2005, nearly 17000 people had received at least R30000 each to compensate for atrocities they had experienced under the oppressive regime.

“If I had known [about the fund], I would have gone to them but not to accept the R30000. I would have gone as an opposition because what good is R30000 for what Ive gone through? I would ask them to pay for my education that I missed my medical expenses. How can they give me only R30000 when I pay R5000 a month for medicine?” Zitha asked.

“You could count the bones on my body. I was so thin and weak. I couldnt even walk. The people who were taking care of me were scared for my life” Zitha said.

“I never got a response from the TRC. I wrote out my whole autobiography for them.”

Marjorie Jobson national director of Khulumani the countrys largest support group for apartheid victims said the process set up by the commission was biased towards “privileged victims”, and ignored thousands who could not make submissions due to their circumstances.

“[Victims] who got it are people who lived largely in the cities had access to transport had the capacity to find the statement takers and had TV or radio to know where they would be” Jobson said.

Department of Justice spokesperson Mthunzi Mhaga would not confirm how the remainder of the fund would be spent and if those with valid claims would be allowed to access it.

Mhaga said an amount of R550m was paid out to victims in respect of reparations in line with the regulations contained in the 1995 law.

Under the regulations, the government also paid out about R11m for education for victims and their families and more than R1m for exhumation and reburial of deceased victims.

Some victims who received R30000 from the fund say the payout has made little difference.

“What can you do with R30000 if you are not working?” said Emson Banda who lost the use of his right eye and struggles to walk after being wrongfully arrested and beaten by apartheid police in 1987.

“The government let us down.”

Jobson said that many victims ended up paying back the money to the government because of utility debts they had accumulated.

“All of those who wanted to get a chance in life have missed the bus” she said. “And if this society is going to be built on a foundation of justice they need to be recognised in a registration process and they need to get compensation.”

Khulumani has ongoing advocacy on national justice issues related to the “unfinished business” of the TRC.

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It’s apartheid, PAGE says of plastic cup segregation – Free Malaysia Today

Founder Noor Azimah Abdul Rahim says such practices are an effort to demean other religions. PETALING JAYA: An education group has described the segregation of plastic cups for Muslim and non-Muslim students at a school here, as a form of apartheid that must be stopped. But instead of blacks and whites, its Muslims and non-Muslims. Parents who have a problem with their kids sharing cups should just get them to bring their own. In fact, bring your own drinks, Noor Azimah Abdul Rahim, the founder of Parent Action Group for Education Malaysia (PAGE), said. She was commenting on a photo that went viral recently, of plastic cups bearing the labels Muslims and non-Muslims that were placed beside a drinking water dispenser at Sekolah Kebangsaan Taman Puteri in Hulu Langat. Azimah said while the matter may seem trivial or inconsequential to some, it had wide implications. For her, it appeared to be an effort to demean other races and religions. Azimah compared such practices to those in the past like Nazi Germanys treatment of the Jews, and the ethnic division between the Tutsi minority and the Hutu majority in Rwanda. It is a direction which is detrimental to the integration and acceptance of all ethnicities in Malaysia. Islam is a simple religion and does not exist to cause hardship for anyone. The Centre For A Better Tomorrow, a civil society group that champions moderation, described the practice as a colossal misconduct on the part of the school and said it was akin to a crime against humanity. We are teaching them to live in a divisive world at a young age, its co-founder Gan Ping Sieu said when contacted. The former deputy minister said if society continued to condone such bigotry as adults, they would be guilty of destroying the unity forged by the nations forefathers. Gan said religious leaders must also play their part by rectifying such misguided mentalities. A visit to Sekolah Kebangsaan Taman Puteri by FMT yesterday found that the school had separated the cups, which were placed next to a drinking water dispenser in the walkway of one of the blocks. The cups were labelled Muslims and non-Muslims. A canteen worker said the practice began last year under the schools principal, who was transferred last month after a four-year tenure. The views expressed in the contents are those of our users and do not necessarily reflect the views of FMT.

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Post-Apartheid, Zuma And Black Re-construction | News24 – News24

White race iniquity in Africa entered Southern Africa with serial blasts of violence. Armies of European raiders, robbers and arsonists swept across the region with dynamites, guns and Bible, decimating and destroying erstwhile peaceful and prosperous indigenous societies. An anti-climax of this organized barbarity was the establishment of apartheid rule in South Africa. Apartheid categorized the black indigenous of the land as sub-humans fit for all evil treatment conceivable by white conscience. It reduced black people to mere raw materials for white economic property. The Sharpeville massacre of March 21 1960 was a most naked exhibition of white mans definition of decent response to the cry of the oppressed for liberty and comfort. For standing against apartheid rule in South Africa, the likes of Steve Biko and Nelson Mandela were targeted by the racist and illegitimate Boer (white) leadership of the segregated country. Steve Biko was beaten and tortured to death. Mandela was imprisoned for 27 years in solitary confinement! In recent years, about a decade and a half since apartheid was officially wound-down, the international community has been receiving news of intermittent violence in the so-called Rainbow Country. A Truth Commission was once set-up to settle grievances spewing from decades of extreme white iniquity in South Africa. The post-apartheid eruptions in black South Africa since that Commission concluded its task clearly mirror the fact that post-apartheid black South Africa is far from rehabilitated. After the gruesome murder of protecting black miners by South Africa police authorities a few year ago, xenophobic attacks have been happening against blacks from other Africa countries. Black South Africans accuse their brothers and sisters from Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Mozambique, Zambia and elsewhere of denying them jobs and other economic opportunities due to them in their country. Black South Africas defense of its campaign of brutal assault against fellow black is as illogical as the arguments often put forward by US police authorities in respect of their cold-blooded murder of African-Americans. The primary interest of white in any foreign territory he is able to enter and occupy is profit! White man is dangerously red-eyes for economic power and is ever plotting to protect and continually enhance his illegitimate economic advantage. The recommendations of South Africas Truth commission that was set-up to address gross human-rights abuses perpetrated by its white population in the years of apartheids brutal existence are more insulting than disappointing. Part of its recommendation was that each victim or family (blacks) should receive approximately $3,500 every year for six years. Meaning, at best, what black victims of any degree of inhumanity visited on them by white South Africans are entitled to; as far as financial compensation is concerned, is $21,000! And to imagine that the paltry sum was to be paid in a long spread of six-years tells white South Africa attended the Truth Communication without repentance! Today, the post-apartheid refusal of white South Africans to support genuine economic rehabilitation of black South Africa is producing violent outcomes that are, expectedly, being blamed on black people. Whites such as the Oppenheimer and Rhodes families freely looted South Africa for many decades and are still extracting enormous profit from that territory till this day on the black, sweat and blood of black South Africa! They grew stupendously rich by robbing, enslaving and killing blacks in South Africa. These evidently criminal white families control the economic jugular of South Africa and have, since their successful scheming of the Truth Commission against adequate compensation and rehabilitation of black South Africans, been plotting to exercise effective control on political South Africa. Black numerical superiority in South Africa is considered a viable threat to Boer economic dominance in the long-run. To avert the emergence of a black South Africa that is politically strong and organized enough to force white South Africa to concede to meaningful economic enhancement for black South Africans, the strategic harassment of anti-apartheid President Jacob Zuma arises. Boers are quietly determined to dominate and control profit in South Africa forever! Disclaimer: All articles and letters published on MyNews24 have been independently written by members of News24’s community. The views of users published on News24 are therefore their own and do not necessarily represent the views of News24. News24 editors also reserve the right to edit or delete any and all comments received.

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August 10, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

DA’s plan to bring back era of colonialism and apartheid has been exposed ANCWL – Politicsweb

POLITICS DA’s plan to bring back era of colonialism and apartheid has been exposed ANCWL Meokgo Matuba | 10 August 2017 Women’s league not shocked by party’s announcement that it will table a motion for dissolution of parliament ANCWL statement on the DA motion to dissolve Parliament 10 August 2017 The African National Congress Women’s League (ANCWL) is not surprised nor shocked by Democratic Alliance (DA) announcement that it will table a motion for the dissolution of parliament. DA’s plan to bring back their highly praised era of colonialism and apartheid has been exposed and must be rejected. The DA’s plan to remove the democratically elected government from power, is motivated by its desire to defend the supremacy of minority in terms of land and economic ownership. After realizing the seriousness of the ANC to implement the radical economic transformation (RET) which is for the benefit of the majority of black people and women, the DA funded by the imperialists is hellbent in ensuring that the RET program fails. The intention of the DA to dissolve parliament means not having oversight to government departments and will negatively impact the provision of much needed services to the poor and the working class. South Africans must take note that the DA has never had the interests of the people in particular Africans at heart. It has never supported budget votes passed in Parliament to enable government departments to deliver much needed services to the poor and the working class. DA is not pleased with some of the following achievements by the ANC led government which benefits majority of people: – Housing Nearly 500 informal settlements replaced with quality housing and basic services. Three million free houses built, benefiting more than 16 million people. – Water Approximately 93% of South Africans accessing potable water. – Electricity Approximately 12 million accessing to electricity. – Education More than nine million children attending no-fee schools, whilst nine million children are also provided with free meals at school. All children in public schools receiving free stationary. In 2016 over R14 billion was disbursed as loans and bursaries supporting approximately 480 000 poor undergraduate students to access universities and TVET colleges. – Social welfare In providing temporary intervention to fight poverty ravaging millions of people and around 17 million people receiving social support grants. – Healthcare All HIV positive South Africans qualifying for anti-retroviral treatment regardless of their CD4 count. The ANCWL calls it’s supporters, members and society at large to support government initiatives aimed at improving the lives of the poor and working class. Despite different political ideologies South Africans must join hands to built united, non-racial, non-sexist, democratic prosperous country. Issued byMeokgo Matuba, ANCWL Secretary General, 10 August 2017

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Victory in the Shadows – New York Times

I came to understand that the use of open, seemingly fallow space as a compositional element was key to the power of Mofokengs work. Take a look, for instance, at a photograph he made in 1989, on the occasion of the funeral of one Chief More, which took place near the village of GaMogopa. A gently undulating grassland dominates the scene. In the distance is a bus, in front of which is a hearse and a crowd of marchers. Behind the bus are two women, who might be walking intentionally slowly or trying to catch up with the main party. And in the foreground is a man, in whose body language we can definitively read a lateness. He is hurrying to join the marchers, awkward in his isolation. Around them all is the great expanse of the landscape, and the photo comes to feel less like an image of a funeral than an image of this space, in which the main event is almost too small to be properly seen. It is Mofokengs ability to evoke a space like this one and its associated slowness an ability to permanently postpone any demand for a main event in the picture that makes his work convincing. If your pictures arent good enough, youre not close enough, the Magnum co-founder Robert Capa once said. But Mofokengs pictures are often not close enough, as at Chief Mores funeral. Or they are too close, as in the train church photos. He locates the energy of the photograph elsewhere: in waiting, in uncertainty, in deep shadow. His photographs made the effects of oppression visible, but they were not primarily about that. He was drawn to the interstices of African life: worship services, concerts, funerals, civic activities and the workaday world. The people in his photographs are kin to those the South African writer Alex La Guma evoked in his 1962 story A Walk in the Night, people who hang around idling, talking, smoking, waiting. Mofokeng himself traveled long distances and would sometimes be stranded while working. He would go to townships, some of which he didnt know well, and hang around for days, allowing the sensibility of the place to enter his camera. I know of no photographer whose work contains so much of the drift that poorer folk know. When Mofokeng left South Africa to study at the International Center of Photography in New York in 1991, through a scholarship named for Ernest Cole, he attended Roy DeCaravas workshops. It was a meeting of minds. The point is not that DeCarava was an influence Mofokengs voice was established before he met DeCarava but that both artists found productive use for stylistic reticence and literal obscurity. Perhaps no photographer since DeCarava has kept as much faith with shadows as Mofokeng has. Mofokengs work did not seek to demystify the townships just as DeCaravas did not seek to explain Harlem. The youths that Mofokeng captured in one photo from a 1988 concert in Sewefontein are extremely blurred, barely there. (And note, too, all the extra wall space to either side of them, which most photographers would avoid.) The most likely reason for the blur was that he was shooting at a low shutter speed, without a flash or a tripod. But the way the picture looks typified another quality of his work, something Mofokeng has encapsulated through a word in his native Sesotho language: seriti. It is a word whose senses include shadow as well as aura, dignity, presence and confidence. Against the harsh interrogative light of an unjust political reality, Mofokeng offers seriti: knowledge of a more secret sort. Apartheid came to an end in South Africa in 1994, but the achievement of political freedom did not bring an end to Mofokengs explorations. In fact they became more intense, because he saw that seriti was an undiminished aspect of black South African life. And it is from this post-apartheid period that some of his most mysterious and boldly composed images arise. The Easter Sunday Church Service (1996), for instance, from a series he called Chasing Shadows, is dreamlike in effect, full of smoke and scattered light, as devotees (most of them women in white head scarves) gather around for worship. Mofokeng took a keen interest particularly in church services that were held in the caves of Motouleng and Mautse, services that contained elements of traditional African religion. It was a situation in which reality and spirituality become inseparable. Mofokeng has written, of the atmosphere of these services: While I feel reluctant to partake in this gossamer world, I can identify with it. The spaciousness and blur of Mofokengs pictures come ultimately from intimacy with this gossamer world. It is a world that isnt insubstantial but that is elusive to the uninitiated or to outsiders. His photographs have used a variety of techniques to adumbrate this world. The pictures drift away from the picturesque and come closer to life itself, to seriti, and the subtle range of associations embedded in that word. These are photographs of quiet disorder and imprecision, shadow-work and strategic refusal, evocations of what can neither be hurried along nor extinguished. Teju Cole is a photographer, novelist and the magazines photography critic. He is the author of four books, the most recent of which is Blind Spot. All images: Santu Mofokeng Foundation. From Lunetta Bartz, Maker, Johannesburg. Sign up for our newsletter to get the best of The New York Times Magazine delivered to your inbox every week. A version of this article appears in print on August 13, 2017, on Page MM12 of the Sunday Magazine with the headline: Through blur, shadow and drift, the photographer Santu Mofokeng shows that black South Africans were more than their suffering.

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Leftist Declares ‘Apartheid’ If Noncitizens Not Allowed to Vote – Breitbart News

College Park, Maryland, home to the main campus for the University of Maryland and roughly 20,000 residents overall, is currently reviewing a policy that would open regular ballot access to illegal aliens for municipal elections. While the town would be the largest to do so in the Mid-Atlantic, it would not be the first. The Baltimore Sun reports that College Park would be the eleventh city between Montgomery and Prince Georges Counties; both sharing boundaries with Washington, D.C. The legality of such proposals and policies are not under question in Maryland, which is why the illegal alien voting rights movement sees consistent success. State law has allowed for townships to determine voter eligibility for municipal elections going back to the mid-1800s. The local paper notes that Barnesville in Montgomery County maintains the longest-running rule, dating back to 1918. The trend began picking up steam in the 1970s with larger jurisdictions joining in thereafter. The Sun also adds that a certain foreign influence in elections has come into play: support for noncitizen voting here has also been driven by the large numbers of diplomatic staff who work in Washington and live in the Maryland suburbs. Justifications for illegal alien voting rights tend to follow similar tracks in local and national debates. Perhaps the most common argument is the weve allowed them to vote before angle. While the United States has experimented with franchise eligibility over the ages, current federal law prohibits any non-U.S. citizen from participating in an election, much less registering to vote. Felony convictions, deportation, and barriers to naturalization are all intended deterrentsdespite the fact that no requirement rests on voter registrars to verify claims of citizenship during the process. Other liberal states show serious conversations on illegal alien voting increase recently. One activist in California is now dialing up the rhetoric well beyond historic claims and appeals to broadening democracy, favoring political overtones. Joe Matthews writes in the Sacramento Bee that its time to go on offense against President Donald Trumps larger concerns for election integrity by empowering noncitizens to vote. Given Trumps threats to both immigrants and democracy, this is the moment to give the franchise back to noncitizens, Matthews argues. He also compares California to an apartheid state until it grants voting rights to all present: California is home to about five million adults (thats one-in-six adults) who cant vote because theyre not citizens. This mass disenfranchisement is an affront to American principles. Taxation without representation? Noncitizens pay taxes, but are not represented. Consent of the governed? Noncitizens must follow our laws but cant vote to consent. Home of the brave? Noncitizens serve in the military but cant vote for the government that sends them to war. We Californians tolerate this apartheid, even though the lesser status of noncitizens especially the 2 million-plus undocumented Californians makes them more vulnerable to abuse and removal from the country theyve helped build. To its credit, California has taken steps on behalf of noncitizens, who now enjoy in-state tuition to our public universities, drivers licenses, the ability to practice the law, and if they are children state-funded health care. Rather than admitting that the referenced actions are pathways to naturalization, the activist contends that Californians wont be equal until all have ballots, only further blurring the distinctions between citizen and not. The column laments the fact, however, that Governor Jerry Brown (D) serves as a major impediment to statewide change, given his record of opposing such matters. While Maryland and select portions of New York, California, and Illinois struggle with granting voting rights to illegal aliens, Virginia was recently reported to be identifying and removing non-U.S. citizens from voter rolls at an alarming rate. The Public Interest Legal Foundation found more than 5,500 voters were canceled by the Commonwealth over citizenship concerns in May, Breitbart Texas reported. Local clerks in Maryland report that steps are taken to keep illegal aliens from voting in races they are not eligible for, should elections be held on the same day. Takoma Park told the Baltimore paper that separate registration lists are kept to prevent ballot confusion. The College Park City Council is slated to debate the measure on Tuesday, August 8. Logan Churchwell is a founding editor of the Breitbart Texas team. You can follow him on Twitter @LCChurchwell. He also serves as the communications director for the Public Interest Legal Foundation. P.S. DO YOU WANT MORE ARTICLES LIKE THIS ONE DELIVERED RIGHT TO YOUR INBOX?SIGN UP FOR THE DAILY BREITBART NEWSLETTER.

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August 8, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

Timol inquest: The apartheid police officers accused of torture … – Mail & Guardian

Johannes Van Niekerk and Captain Johannes Gloy. (All pictures from the Timol inquest) Anti-apartheid activists Ahmed Timol and Salim Essop were interrogated by the same Security Branch officers at the time of their detention in October 1971. Allegations of torture have been at the centre of the inquest into Timols death, and Essop, in a photo identification at the inquest, showed presiding Judge Billy Mothle the men who hadtortured him. On October 26 1971, Essop was taken to hospital after he fell into a coma as a result of the injuries he sustained at John Vorster Square in Johannesburg. In affidavits submitted to the first inquest in 1972, two of the apartheid security policemen who interrogated him also admitted to interrogating Timol before his death. Their names are Captain Johannes van Niekerk and Captain Johannes Gloy. Both Gloy and Van Niekerk had been accused of assaulting detainees prior to Timol and Essops detention in 1971. Van Niekerk was convicted of two counts of assault in May 1960 of an injured detainee at Brooklyn police station. Helater died from his wounds. Complaints had also been filed against Gloy for assaulting detainees in 1970 and 1971. The two were cleared of Timols death in the 1972 inquest, when presiding MagistrateJL de Villiers held that Timol killed himself. The Timol family believes that Timol was tortured severely until he was in a coma or barely conscious at the time of his death. Timol died on October 27 1971 after he allegedly dived from the 10th floor of John Vorster Square. On Friday, Essop was handed two photo albums with images of apartheid policemen andgave the names of some of the police officers he recognised. At the time of his detention, Essop didnt know the names of his interrogators, but sought their identities later. After my release, I went back to the [newspaper] articles and compiled a list of names, he said. When Essop was admitted to hospital, his family applied for an urgent interdict to stop the police from further torturing him. He had been slapped, suffocated with a plastic bag, forced to imitate sitting on a chair for hours, and sleep deprived for four and a half days, he said. Two judges found in favour of the Essops and ordered the police to stop torturing him. Essop was emotional as he looked atthe images of Gloy and Van Niekerk. He made an effort to hold back tears. As he saw the images of the apartheid cops, he would simply say: He was one of my interrogators and torturers. They had carte blanche to do anythingTimol and Essop were arrested after the car they were traveling in, a yellow Angelia, was stopped on October 22 1971. Police allegedly found anti-apartheid pamphlets the two were said to be distributing. Liberation pamphlets and their dissemination was banned by the apartheid regime. One of the policeman who arrested the two was Sergeant Leonard Kleyn. Essop testified on Friday that Kleyn had also assaulted him and Timol. Kleyn, in a statement after Timols death in 1971, said he never assaulted Timol and that Timol was never assaulted in his presence. The sergeant arrested Essop and Timol at a roadblock that had been set up on Fuel Road, Coronationville. Timol and Essop were taken to Newlands police station and then to John Vorster Square. Essopwas tortured on the 10th floor in room 1013 one of the waarkamers (truth rooms). Essop testified that in the four and a half days he was detained, at least 15 police officers tortured him. There were two or three policemen with him at a time, and they would take it in shifts to deprive him of sleep. He said that was likely that he andTimol were interrogated by the same policemen, who moved between room1013and room 1026 the room where Timol was allegedly tortured and fell to his death. They would come to me with a certain question with information they could only get from Timol, Essop said. The torture took place in vaults -whichhe hasdescribedin previous testimony – attached to the rooms. Among the policemen who tortured him, Essop identified Security Branch cops Major JH Fourie and Lieutenant Colonel WP van Wyk. At the 1972 inquest, Van Wyk testified that he interrogated Timol from 3.15am to 5.30am on October 23. He requested Van Niekerk and Gloy to help with the interrogation; they arrived at 6am that morning. He would then interrogate Timol again, according to his testimony, from 8:30am to 19:30pm on October 25 two days before Timols death. He said he had not assaulted Timol and Timol was never assaulted in his presence. There were no injuries, he said. At the current inquest, Essop testified that Van Wyk and the other security policemen were brutal, but firmly believed their actions were just. They have no morality about this, they didnt think they were doing any wrong, Essop said. They had carte blanche to do anything. Waiting for the truthLast week, Joao Rodrigues dominated the reopened inquest with his testimony that ran for three days. The former apartheid police clerk, who is allegedly the last person to see Timol alive, testified that an agile and healthy Timol dived to his death. Rodrigues is the only apartheid policemen still alive who is known to have been involved in the Timol case. Evidence presented to theinquest has countered his testimony, and he has been warned that the Timol family will seek his prosecution for murder or accessory to murder. Gloy, Van Niekerk and Rodrigues never appeared before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and therefore do not have amnesty. The Timol family lawyers are trying to track down when Gloy and Van Niekerk died. General Johan Coetzee, who Essop identified in a photo, was an apartheid police commissioner who told the TRC that he had not condoned political assassinations. Butat the inquest,testimony from Security Branch policeman Paul Erasmusdisputed Coetzees claim to the TRC. Essop said on Friday that the inquest is an opportunity for apartheid cops to tell the truth and come clean. Maybe this is the unfinished business the TRC didnt complete, he said.

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South African History Archive calls for Bank to release apartheid records – Business Day (registration)

Blaauw, who was allegedly involved in the arms trade, is no longer alive. Hill was prosecuted for fraud, in some cases related to forged Eskom bonds. However, prosecuting authorities elected not to pursue charges at the time. “The records requested were those that would reveal evidence of significant fraud. What we have [concerning Blaauw and Palazzolo] doesnt constitute a record showing any evidence of that,” said advocate Nic Maritz, representing the Bank. The National Prosecuting Authority would have the best records revealing serious exchange control contravention and fraud by Hill, Maritz said. Asking for all documents in the Banks possession concerning Blaauw and Palazzolo, as the archive later did, would unreasonably divert the resources of a public body, which was grounds for refusing access to information under the act, he said. The Bank, which was seeking a cost order against the archive, also relied on other exemptions under the Promotion of Access to Information Act, such as the mandatory protection of personal and commercial information pertaining to third parties. For example, a member of the public could not access information pertaining to the movement of foreign exchange, as this was privileged information that the Bank obtained in the course of performing its functions, said Maritz. Notwithstanding the exemptions, it was in the public interest for the information to be made available, Budlender said. The act was gazetted in 2000 to give effect to the constitutional right of access to information held by the state. In its preamble it notes that the apartheid regime “resulted in a secretive and unresponsive culture in public and private bodies, which often led to an abuse of power and human rights violations”. Judgment was reserved. ziadyh@bdlive.co.za

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BDS conference in Australia: end complicity with Israeli apartheid – International Solidarity Movement

7th August 2017 | International Solidarity Movement, support group Australia | Australia Multi-award winning poet and playwright Samah Sabawi began Australias second and biggest national conference on Israeli Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions last week in Sydney, with words from the diaspora: In 2005, after decades of failed negotiations, Palestinian civil society lit a candle in the darkness. They started a non-violent, grassroots movement, based on international law and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They called on people of good conscience around the world to apply boycotts, divestments and sanctions on IsraelAnd we are here at this conference to discuss ways in which to respond to this call. Palestinian civil society is not asking us to get involved. They are asking us to end our involvement with Israeli apartheid. Because we are already knee-deep in complicity. Watch a live video of the conference here.

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About 80000 apartheid victims denied access to proper compensation – Business Day (registration)

When Thamsanqa Zitha returned to SA after more than a decade in exile he reached out to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) hoping to gain an audience. Zitha a former operative for the ANC and Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) military wings was kidnapped and tortured by Eugene de Kocks death squad in 1984. He should have been entitled to compensation for the crimes committed against him by the former government but now Zitha is one of an estimated 80000 people who have not benefited from a special reparations fund that currently holds more than R1.5bn according to the Khulumani Support Group. The Department of Justice has refused to divulge what exactly the money will be used for. The Presidents Fund was established under the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act (34 of 1995) after the TRC recommended that reparations be paid out to apartheid victims who had made successful submissions to the commission. By 2005, nearly 17000 people had received at least R30000 each to compensate for atrocities they had experienced under the oppressive regime. “If I had known [about the fund], I would have gone to them but not to accept the R30000. I would have gone as an opposition because what good is R30000 for what Ive gone through? I would ask them to pay for my education that I missed my medical expenses. How can they give me only R30000 when I pay R5000 a month for medicine?” Zitha asked. “You could count the bones on my body. I was so thin and weak. I couldnt even walk. The people who were taking care of me were scared for my life” Zitha said. “I never got a response from the TRC. I wrote out my whole autobiography for them.” Marjorie Jobson national director of Khulumani the countrys largest support group for apartheid victims said the process set up by the commission was biased towards “privileged victims”, and ignored thousands who could not make submissions due to their circumstances. “[Victims] who got it are people who lived largely in the cities had access to transport had the capacity to find the statement takers and had TV or radio to know where they would be” Jobson said. Department of Justice spokesperson Mthunzi Mhaga would not confirm how the remainder of the fund would be spent and if those with valid claims would be allowed to access it. Mhaga said an amount of R550m was paid out to victims in respect of reparations in line with the regulations contained in the 1995 law. Under the regulations, the government also paid out about R11m for education for victims and their families and more than R1m for exhumation and reburial of deceased victims. Some victims who received R30000 from the fund say the payout has made little difference. “What can you do with R30000 if you are not working?” said Emson Banda who lost the use of his right eye and struggles to walk after being wrongfully arrested and beaten by apartheid police in 1987. “The government let us down.” Jobson said that many victims ended up paying back the money to the government because of utility debts they had accumulated. “All of those who wanted to get a chance in life have missed the bus” she said. “And if this society is going to be built on a foundation of justice they need to be recognised in a registration process and they need to get compensation.” Khulumani has ongoing advocacy on national justice issues related to the “unfinished business” of the TRC.

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