Archive for the ‘Apartheid’ Category

Non-Stop Against Apartheid | Spaces of Transnational …

Sunday 12 November 2017 marks the twentieth anniversary of the death of Steven Kitson. Steve was born in 1957 as the eldest child of the South African communists and anti-apartheid activists David and Norma Kitson. In the 1980s, he became a leading member of the City of London Anti-Apartheid Group (after it grew out of the Free Steve Kitson Campaign which had been formed to protest his own brief detention by the apartheid regime in January 1982).

We told much of Steves biography in a blog post written on the 15th anniversary of his death from cancer in 1997:

Steve was born in London; but, as an infant, returned to South Africa with his parents in 1959, when they decided to deepen their involvement in the anti-apartheid struggle. His father,a member of the second High Command of Umkhontowe Siswe(the armed wing of the ANC),was arrested in 1963 and sentencedto twenty years in gaol the following year. Along with his mother and sister, Amandla, Steve endured two years of constant police harassment in South Africa following his fathers imprisonment before Norma moved her young family to London. Each December, from the age of sixteen, he used the holiday period to return to South Africa to visit David.

On 6 January 1982, while visiting his father in gaol in Pretoria, Steve was detained by the South African authorities, accused of being an ANC courier and breaching prison security by sketching the institution. Steve was violently interrogated tortured during his detention. Norma and her colleague at Red Lion Setters, Carol Brickley (a member of the Revolutionary Communist Group), quickly mobilised everyone they could think of to demand Steves freedom. The Free Steven Kitson Campaign was a success and he was released after six days. Within hours of phoning London with news of his release, Steves aunt, Joan Weinberg (Normas older sister), was murdered in her flat in Johannesburg. With Norma and the children in London, Joan had been Davids most frequent visitor throughout his imprisonment. Her killers were never found; indeed, they were never sought.

During its brief existence, the Free Steven Kitson Campaign drew scores of new people into anti-apartheid campaigning for the first time. In order not to lose this momentum, it was decided to transform the campaign into the City Of London Anti-Apartheid Group. Steve played an active role in City Group over the years. On both the86-day picketof the South African Embassy in 1982 andthe Non-Stop Picket four years later, as well as many protests in between, Steve taught picketers South African liberation songs. He frequently performed with City Group Singers. For many years he was a member of City Groups committee, often working tirelessly in the office on the groups financial and membership records, as well as contributing to its political leadership. He used his software skills to develop a membership database for the group at a time when few comparable organisations could invest in such technology.

In our research, several people remembered the time and patience that Steve would invest during his picket shifts, explaining the history of South Africa, apartheid, and resistance to it. He was central to the political education of many picketers. Like other members of the Kitson family, Steve was sometimes targeted by the police, but was also prepared to risk arrest to defend the right to protest against apartheid. In that context, one of the other voices that attested to Steves caring personality came from a (now retired) police officer. She told the following story:

Weirdly one of my most abiding memories was of being on the picket one evening and a call for assistance from a colleague coming over the radio. There was a fight happening around the corner in the Strand. I remember leaving my post and running round to help out, having a bit of a roll around on the floor helping to arrest a drunken yob and then having to trot back to the picket as by right I shouldnt have left it in the first place but some things would always take precedence. I was obviously out of breath, a bit pale and the after effects of the adrenaline had kicked in and my hands were shaking. Steven Kitson was on the picket that evening and after looking at me in a concerned fashion for a minute or two he came over and asked me if I was alright. I was really rather touched. You have to appreciate there was very little contact with the pickets, they didnt talk to us and we didnt to them unless it was to raise an issue. It was a very nice gesture.

To mark this anniversary, I wanted to post something new, that might help enrich this picture of Steve. So, I dipped once again into the two crates of his papers that still sit in my office. Two items from the files for 1984 intrigued me. They both serve as a reminder that, prior to his parents suspension from membership of the ANC and SACP, and City Groups disaffiliation from the national Anti-Apartheid Movement, there were high profile members of the ANC and SACP in London who were prepared to work closely with them.

The first item is a facsimile of a Passbook that was produced for an exhibition about apartheid,The Signs of Apartheid, that was organised by the Greater London Councils London Against Racism campaign in 1984.

What is perhaps most significant about this small brown booklet, that mimicked the internal passports used to control black workers (but, instead, contained information about apartheid), is the annotation inside it in Steves handwriting.

In Steves small, precise, script it states given to me by Adelaide Tambo. I take this both as a personalaide memoire of a small gift from a leading anti-apartheid campaigner who remained close to the Kitson family throughout; but also as political act archiving evidence of Adelaide Tambos friendship against accusations that the Kitson family were ill-disciplined and outside the ANC fold.

The second item from Steves papers speaks to the centrality of music to his life and his political work. It is a photocopy of an image of Steve, the City Group Choir, and the South African cultural activist James Madhlope-Phillips. Having arrived in London from South Africa in the 1960s, Madhlope-Phillips home was be a key site of comfort and welcome for new exiles as they arrived in England; it was also a crucial early meeting place for ANC members in London before a formal office was established there. In the 1970s, he was central to the formation of the ANCs cultural armMayibuye. Out of that contribution, he dedicated himself to teaching the freedom songs of Southern African liberation movements to progressive choirs around the world.

James Madhlope-Phillips (centre) with City Group Choir. Steve Kitson is third from left. (Source: Steve Kitson papers)

The card thanks Madhlope-Phillips for his guidance and for leading the choir in song at a conference (as part of City Groups contribution to month of action against apartheid in March of that year). Once again, Steves decision to keep a photocopy of the thank you card they sent to Madhlope-Phillips suggests a double motivation. It is, of course, a memento of a fun and energizing day of singing. But, it was also an insurance policy, recording a day of cooperation with a leading member of the ANCs cultural wing, at a time when the relationship between City Group and the AAM (as well as between Norma Kitson and the ANC) was heavily under strain. Even so, that a high profile member of the ANC/SACP did cooperate with City Group at this time suggests that the strain on those relationships was not shared universally.

Many of the songs that were central to Madhlope-Phillips repertoire became favourites for City Group members frequently led by Steve Kitson, both as part of the choir, but also more spontaneously on shifts on the Non-Stop Picket. So here, then is a wonderful recording of James Madhlope-Phillips leadingShosholoza.Sing along and remember Steve Kitson.

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Photos in Black and White: Margaret Bourke-White and the …

MARGARET BOURKE-WHITE AND THE DAWN OF APARTHEID

In 1949, Margaret Bourke-White, one of the most famous photojournalists in America, travelled to South Africa on assignment for Life magazine.

She had begun her career two decades before as an industrial photographer documenting turbines, dams, mines, bridges, steel mills, and other wonders of the mechanical age, in the U.S., in Germany, and in the Soviet Union. Hired by Henry Luce as the first photographer for Fortune magazine in 1929, by the mid-1930s she became one of four staff photographers at Luces renowned illustrated news magazine, Life.

As the shuttered factories and bread lines of the Great Depression undermined the nations faith in industry, Bourke-White turned her lens to more social subjects. During the 1930s, many of her contemporariesDorothea Lange, Arthur Rothstein, Walker Evanstook photographs for the governments Farm Security Administration, creating a visual record of the impact of the economic collapse on American life. Although she remained a successful commercial photographer, like the FSA photographersBourke-White documented the crushing poverty of the era. She showed Life readers the ravages of the drought and storms in the Dust Bowl; the desperation of victims displaced when rivers overflowed their banks; and the plight of poor blacks and poor whites in the rural South. Her trip South, resulting in the photo essay, You Have Seen Their Faces (1937), confirmed Bourke-Whites determination to turn her camera in the direction of something that might have some social significance.

Her South African travels came at the end of a series of foreign adventures as Lifes star photographer. She travelled to Czechoslovakia after Hitlers annexation of 1938; to Moscow in 1941; to defeated Germany in 1945; and to India during independence and Partition.

Bourke-Whites experience as a combat photographer profoundly shaped her vision of the postwar world. She witnessed the horrors of World War II in its most brutal theaters: the Eastern Front in 1941-42; the stalled Allied invasion of Italy in the winter of 1943; and of course, the final assault on Nazi Germany and the liberation of the concentration camps. What is the use of all this bloodshed unless we insure the future for civilization and for peace, she concluded. The hardening of white supremacy in South Africa after 1948came as a rebuke to this hope.

These experiences, driven by what she called her insatiable desire to be on the scene while history is being made, made Bourke-White an expert witness to the unfolding story of South Africa. Elected to power by whites in 1948, the Afrikaner nationalist government embarked on an ambitious program of total segregation known as Apartheid. In a country of 10 million Blacks and only 2.5 million whites, the latter retained all political power, controlled all the fertile land, and attempted to reduce Blacks to the status of an impoverished servile class. As Bourke-White wrote a friend at the end of her four month stay, South Africa left me very angry, the complete assumption of white superiority and the total focusing of the whole country around the schemes of keeping black labor cheap, and segregated, and uneducated, and without freedom of movement.

Bourke-Whites intentions after this assignment were clear: As she told her editors at Life, Its the most unbelievable system. Its vicious, and its got to be exposed.

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What are ten facts about apartheid? | Reference.com

Under the apartheid system, nonwhite South Africans, who comprised the majority of the nations population, were forced to live in separate areas from whites in both rural and urban areas. The districts set aside for nonwhites were generally much poorer agriculturally and located farther from transportation hubs and offices, which put their inhabitants at a disadvantage when getting to and from work and even completing basic tasks like shopping for groceries.

Nonwhites had no say in the politics of South Africa, and were required to have documents or passes in order to move from one area to another, which escalated the levels of hardship experienced by the people.

At first, apartheid was a social movement, but it was signed into law under the National Party with the adoption and passage of the Population Registration Act of 1950. This legislation created framework for apartheid by classifying South Africans according to their biological races. Then, the National Party enacted a series of land acts, which collectively set aside over eighty percent of the nations lands for whites. In an egregious display of authority, the government evicted thousands of nonwhite South Africans from their rural homes, driving them into cities and selling their land to whites for farming and ranching.

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Apartheid Legislation 1850s-1970s | South African History …

Apartheid Legislation 1850s-1970s

1856-1910

Masters and Servants Acts of1856

These Acts, which had been passed between 1856 and 1904 in the four territories, remained in force after Union. They made it a criminal offence to breach the contract of employment. Desertion, insolence, drunkenness, negligence and strikes were also criminal offences. Theoretically these laws applied to all races, but the courts held that the laws were applicable only to unskilled work, which was performed mostly by Black people (Dugard 1978: 85; Horrell 1978: 6). Repealed by section 51 of the Second General Law Amendment Act No 94 of 1974.

Mines and Works Act No 12 of1911

Permitted the granting of certificates of competency for a number of skilled mining occupations to Whites and Coloureds only.

Repealed by section 20 of the Mines and Works Amendment Act No 27 of 1956

Black Land Act No 27 of19 June 1913

Prohibited Blacks from owning or renting land outside designated reserves (approximately 7 per cent of land in the country). Commenced: 19 June 1913. Repealed by section 1 of the Abolition of Racially Based Land Measures Act No 108 of 1991.

1920s

The Native Affairs Act of 1920

The Native Affairs Act was yet another spin-off of the South African Native Affairs Commission report of 1905. It paved the way for the creation of a countrywide system of tribally based, but government appointed, district councils modelled on the lines of the Glen Grey Act of 1894. The principal of separate, communally-based political representation for Africans was extended by the 1936 Representation of Natives Act.

The Durban Land Alienation Ordinance, No 14 of 1922

Timeline: Anti-Indian Legislation.

This ordinance enables the Durban City Council to exclude Indians from ownership or occupation of property in White areas.

The Natal Provincial Council passes three ordinances of 1922:

The Class Areas Bill of 1923

Minister of Interior, Sir Patrick Duncan, introduces Class Areas Bill, which proposes compulsory residential and trading segregation for Indians throughout South Africa.

The Natives (Urban Areas) Act No 21 of 1923

The Natives (Urban Areas) Act legislated on a broad front to regulate the presence of Africans in the urban areas. It gave local authorities the power to demarcate and establish African locations on the outskirts of White urban and industrial areas, and to determine access to, and the funding of, these areas. Local authorities were expected to provide housing for Africans, or to require employers to provide housing for those of their workers who did not live in the locations. Africans living in White areas could be forced to move to the locations. Local authorities were empowered to administer the registration of African service contracts, and to determine the extent of African beer brewing or trading in the locations.

Municipalities were also instructed to establish separate African revenue accounts based on the income from fines, fees and rents exacted from ‘natives’ in the locations; this money was to be used for the upkeep and improvement of the locations. The critical function entrusted to the local authorities was, however, the administration of tougher Pass laws: Africans deemed surplus to the labour needs of White households, commerce and industry, or those leading an ‘idle, dissolute or disorderly life’, could be deported to the Reserves. In implementing the Act, local authorities were careful to consider the needs of industry. In Johannesburg, for instance, where industrialists made no bones about wanting a large pool of permanent standby labour, it was only intermittently applied until the end of the 1940s. The Act was amended in later years.

Boroughs Ordinance No 189 of 1924

This Bill effectively disenfranchises Indians in Natal. They lose vote in boroughs.

The Industrial Conciliation Act No 11 of 1924

This act provides for job reservation. Excluded Blacks from membership of registered trade unions and prohibited registration of Black trade unions. Commenced: 8 April 1924. Repealed by section 86 of the Industrial Conciliation Act No 36 of 1937.

The Township Franchise Ordinance of 1924

The Township Franchise Ordinance is approved by the Provincial Council of Natal to deprive Indians of municipal franchise rights, vetoed by the Union Government.

The Rural Dealers Ordinance of 1924

This Ordinance attempts to cripple Indian trade. This Ordinance prevented Indian ownership of land in White areas.

The Transvaal Dealers (Control) Ordinance No 11 of 1925

This ordinance puts obstacles in the way of obtaining licences. Aim to restrict Indian trade.

The Minimum Wages Act of 1925

This Act leads to a form of job reservation and promotes White employment. Certain trades are earmarked for Whites.

The Class Areas Bill of 1925

This Bill is designed for mere segregation.

The Areas Reservation and Immigration and Registration (Further Provision) Bill 1925

Dr. D. F. Malan, Minister of the Interior, introduces Areas Reservation and Immigration and Registration (Further Provision) Bill in Parliament. It defines Indians as aliens and recommends limitation of population through repatriation.

The Mines and Works Act (Colour Bar Act) No 25 of 1926.

Working Life Factories, Township and Popular Culture 1886 – 1940 by Luli Callinicos

Property Rights and Rent Seeking in South Africa by John M. Mbaku

The 1926 Mines and Works Act must be seen against the background of the wage and job colour bars in South Africa. The 1911 Act, mentioned earlier, reserved skilled work for Whites only. But in spite of this law, mine owners continued to desk ill jobs and give more and more work to Black miners to save labour costs. (The wages of Black mine workers remained the same no matter what work they were doing they earned about a tenth of the wages of a skilled White worker.) The 1922 strike was caused by the mine owners attempt to replace a number of White workers with lower-paid Black workers. This Act provides certificates of competency for skilled work, Indian workers are excluded. The legislation was a reflection of the belief of most Whites, especially in the labour market, that the welfare of Whites would suffer significantly if Blacks were not legislated out of the market.

The Liquor Bill of 1926

Indians and Africans could not be employed by licence holders and were not allowed on licensed premises and liquor supply vehicles. 3000 Indians employed in the brewery trade are affected.

The Local Government (Provincial Powers)Act of 1926

This Act denies citizenship rights to Indians.

The Immigration and Indian Relief (Further Provision) Bill of 1927

Minister of Interior, Dr Malan, introduces Immigration and Indian Relief Further Provision) Bill, which follows closely on Round Table Conference between India and South Africa. It requires children of South African Indian parents, born outside the Union to enter the country within three months of birth. In addition South Africans who absent themselves for three continuous years from the country forfeit domicile rights, and Indians who have entered the country illegally (mostly at the time of the Anglo-Boer War) condoned and issued with condonation certificates. Families of condonees are not allowed to join them. The Act also establishes a scheme of voluntary repatriation of South African Indians to India. The Indian government complies. Repatriates are to receive bonuses of 20 per adult and 10 per child, plus free passages. The bonus doubled in 1931, and finally abolished in 1955 when it becomes apparent that only the old, intending to retire in India, take advantage of it.

The Asiatics in the Northern Districts of Natal Act of 1927

Transvaal laws are to be applied to Indians in Utrecht, Vryheid, and Paulpietersburg. Restrictions placed on land purchase, trade and residence rights.

The Liquor Act of 1927

Africans and Indians are denied employment by license holders and are not allowed to serve liquor and drive liquor vans. They are also denied access to licensed premises.

The Womens Franchise Bill of 1927

No Indian women are allowed to vote.

The Riotous Assembly Act of 1927

Any Indians are considered dangerous agitators subject to deportation.

The Immigration and Indian Relief (Further) Provision: Act no 37 of 1927

This Bill becomes law and the scheme of assisted emigration comes into operation. (Repatriation: 1927 1655 Indians repatriated; 1928 3477 repatriated; 1929 1314 repatriated).

The Nationality and Flag Act of 1927

Segregation and Apartheid Laws as Applied to Indians (1859-1994)

Nationality and Flag Act denies Indians right to become citizens by naturalization. Indians not recognised as South African Nationals.

The Old Age Pension Act of 1927

No pension provisions made for Indians.

The Liquor Act of 1927

Prohibition (Statutory) of Natives and Indians to be employed in the Liquor Trade.

The Black Administration Act No 38 of 1927

The Act stated that all moveable property belonging to a Black and allotted by him or accruing under Black law or custom to any woman with whom he lived in a customary union, or to any house, shall upon his death devolve and be administered under Black law and custom.

The Liquor Bill Section 104 of the Liquor Bill of 1928

Prohibiting Indians from entering licensed premises is withdrawn.

1930s

The Transvaal Asiatic Land Tenure of 1930

The (Amendment) Bill is introduced by Minister of Interior as a result of recommendations of Select Committee. Proposes segregation: relocation of Indians to designated areas exempted from Gold Law within five years. No protection for those who had acquired interests on proclaimed (mining) land.

Timeline: Anti-Indian Legislation.

The Industrial Conciliation Act of 1930

Provided for the registration and regulation of trade unions and employers’ organisations, the settlement of disputes between employers and employees, and the regulation of conditions of employment. Repealed by s 56 of the Industrial Conciliation Act No 28 of 1956

The Wage Amendment Act of 1930

This is the continuation of 1925 Act.This Act provides a single national board (the Wage Board) to recommend minimum wages and conditions of unorganised or unregistered groups of workers in all industries. The Act aimed to raise the wages of semi-skilled workers to a civilised level. Ironically, the government recognised that there was a need to fix a minimum for Black workers in order to protect the White workers wages against undercutting.

The Women’s Enfranchisement Act of 1930

The Act gave only European women the right to elect and to be elected to the Houses of Parliament.

The Riotous Assemblies (Amendment) Act No 19 of 1930

This Act authorised the Governor-General to prohibit the publication or other dissemination of any documentary information calculated to engender feelings of hostility between the European inhabitants of the Union on the one hand and any other section of the inhabitants of the Union on the other hand (Dugard 1978: 177). Commenced: 21 May 1930. Repealed by section 20 of the Riotous Assemblies Act No 17 of 1956.

TheAsiatic Immigration Amendment Act of 1931

Indians have to prove the legitimacy of their domicile in the country.

The Native Service Contracts Act of 1932

The Act drew all Africans outside of the reserves into the agricultural economy, while extending existing controls over labour tenancy. This meant that a farmer could expel the entire tenant family if any one member defaulted on his or her labour obligation. The Act had additional elements allowing for farmers to whip tenants, as well as compel farm tenants to carry passes.

The Transvaal Asiatic Land Tenure (Amendment) Act No 35 of 1932

The Transvaal Asiatic Land Tenure Act and its subsequent amendments in 1934, 1935 and 1937 establish statutory segregation of Indians in the Transvaal end the state of uncertainty about their status in the Province that has obtained since the passing of Law 3, 1885. It is passed in 1935.

The Slums Act: Demolition of Slums of 1934

This Act is aimed at improving conditions in locations, but actually expropriates Indian property.Under the pretext of Sanitation, the Act is enforced to demolish and expropriate with the ultimate aim of segregation.

Segregation and Apartheid Laws as Applied to Indians (1859-1994)

TheRural Dealers Licensing Ordinance Natal of 1935

This Ordinance causes the refusal of licenses to people whose properties have depreciated in value or whose licenses endangers the comfort and health of neighbours.

Representation of Blacks Act No 12 of 1936

Removed Black voters in the Cape from the common roll and placed them on a separate roll (Dugard 1978: 90). Blacks throughout the Union were then represented by four White senators. Commenced: 10 July 1936. Repealed by section 15 of the Representation between the Republic of South Africa and self-governing Territories Act No 46 of 1959.

The Representation of Natives Act No 16 of 1936

The Bills proposed by General Barry Hertzog in the 1920s finally got the two-thirds majority required to be passed into law 1936, when the Development Trust and Land Act (also referred to as the Native Trust and Land Act and Bantu Trust and Land Act) and the Representation of Natives Act were enacted. The Representation of Natives Act essentially stripped African people in the Cape of their voting rights and offered instead a limited form of parliamentary representation, through special White representatives. Under this Act, a Natives Representative Council (NRC), which was a purely advisory body, was also created. The NRC could make recommendations to Parliament or the Provincial Councils on any legislation regarded as being in the interest of natives.

The Development Trust and Land Act No 18 1936

Expanded the reserves to a total of 13, six per cent of the land in South Africa and authorised the Department of Bantu Administration and Development to eliminate Black spots (Black-owned land surrounded by White-owned land) (Horrell 1978: 203). The South African Development Trust (SADT) was established and could, in terms of the Act, acquire land in each of the provinces for Black settlement (RRS 1991/92: 381). Commenced: 31 August 1936. Repealed by Proc R 28 of 1992, 31 March 1992 (phasing out and abolishing the SADT in terms of the Abolition of Racially Based Land Measures Act No 108 of 1991)

The Aliens Registration Act No 26 of 1936

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A history of Apartheid in South Africa | South African …

Background and policy of apartheid

Before we can look at the history of the apartheid period it is necessary to understand what apartheid was and how it affected people.

What was apartheid?

Translated from the Afrikaans meaning ‘apartness’, apartheid was the ideology supported by the National Party (NP) government and was introduced in South Africa in 1948. Apartheid called for the separate development of the different racial groups in South Africa. On paper it appeared to call for equal development and freedom of cultural expression, but the way it was implemented made this impossible. Apartheid made laws forced the different racial groups to live separately and develop separately, and grossly unequally too. It tried to stop all inter-marriage and social integration between racial groups. During apartheid, to have a friendship with someone of a different race generally brought suspicion upon you, or worse. More than this, apartheid was a social system which severely disadvantaged the majority of the population, simply because they did not share the skin colour of the rulers. Many were kept just above destitution because they were ‘non-white’.

In basic principles, apartheid did not differ that much from the policy of segregation of the South African governments existing before the Afrikaner Nationalist Party came to power in 1948. The main difference is that apartheid made segregation part of the law. Apartheid cruelly and forcibly separated people, and had a fearsome state apparatus to punish those who disagreed. Another reason why apartheid was seen as much worse than segregation, was that apartheid was introduced in a period when other countries were moving away from racist policies. Before World War Two the Western world was not as critical of racial discrimination, and Africa was colonized in this period. The Second World War highlighted the problems of racism, making the world turn away from such policies and encouraging demands for decolonization. It was during this period that South Africa introduced the more rigid racial policy of apartheid.

People often wonder why such a policy was introduced and why it had so much support. Various reasons can be given for apartheid, although they are all closely linked. The main reasons lie in ideas of racial superiority and fear. Across the world, racism is influenced by the idea that one race must be superior to another. Such ideas are found in all population groups. The other main reason for apartheid was fear, as in South Africa the white people are in the minority, and many were worried they would lose their jobs, culture and language. This is obviously not a justification for apartheid, but explains how people were thinking.

Original architects of Apartheid Image source

Apartheid Laws

Numerous laws were passed in the creation of the apartheid state. Here are a few of the pillars on which it rested:

Population Registration Act, 1950This Act demanded that people be registered according to their racial group. This meant that the Department of Home affairs would have a record of people according to whether they were white, coloured, black, Indian or Asian. People would then be treated differently according to their population group, and so this law formed the basis of apartheid. It was however not always that easy to decide what racial group a person was part of, and this caused some problems.

Group Areas Act, 1950This was the act that started physical separation between races, especially in urban areas. The act also called for the removal of some groups of people into areas set aside for their racial group.

Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act, 1959This Act said that different racial groups had to live in different areas. Only a small percentage of South Africa was left for black people (who comprised the vast majority) to form their ‘homelands’. This Act also got rid of ‘black spots’ inside white areas, by moving all black people out of the city. Well known removals were those in District 6, Sophiatown and Lady Selborne. These black people were then placed in townships outside of the town. They could not own property here, only rent it, as the land could only be white owned. This Act caused much hardship and resentment. People lost their homes, were moved off land they had owned for many years and were moved to undeveloped areas far away from their place of work.

Some other important laws were the:

Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act, 1949Immorality Amendment Act, 1950Separate Representation of Voters Act, 1951

Resistance before 1960

Resistance to apartheid came from all circles, and not only, as is often presumed, from those who suffered the negative effects of discrimination. Criticism also came from other countries, and some of these gave support to the South African freedom movements.

Some of the most important organizations involve din the struggle for liberation were the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) and the United Democratic Front (UDF). There were also Indian and Coloured organized resistance movements (e.g. the Natal Indian Congress (NIC), the Coloured People’s Organisation), white organized groups (e.g. the radical Armed Resistance Movement (ARM), and Black Sash) and church based groups (the Christian Institute). We shall consider the ANC.

The ANC

The ANC was formed in Bloemfontein in 1912, soon after the Union of South Africa. Originally it was called the South African Native National Congress (SANNC). It was started as a movement for the Black elite, that is those Blacks who were educated. In 1919 the ANC sent a deputation to London to plead for a new deal for South African blacks, but there was no change to their position.

The South African Native National Congress delegation to England, June 1919 Image source

The history of resistance by the ANC goes through three phases. The first was dialogue and petition; the second direct opposition and the last the period of exiled armed struggle. In 1949, just after apartheid was introduced, the ANC started on a more militant path, with the Youth League playing a more important role. The ANC introduced their Programme of Action in 1949, supporting strike action, protests and other forms of non-violent resistance. Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo and Walter Sisulu started to play an important role in the ANC in this period. In 1952 the ANC started the Defiance Campaign. This campaign called on people to purposefully break apartheid laws and offer themselves for arrest. It was hoped that the increase in prisoners would cause the system to collapse and get international support for the ANC. Black people got onto ‘white buses’, used ‘white toilets’, entered into ‘white areas’ and refused to use passes. Despite 8 000 people ending up in jail, the ANC caused no threat to the apartheid regime.

The ANC continued along the same path during the rest of the 1950s, until in 1959 some members broke away and formed the PAC. These members wanted to follow a more violent and militant route, and felt that success could not be reached through the ANC’s method.

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Maher: ‘Thoughts and Prayers’ Are the Republican Way of Saying ‘Tough Sh-t’


Friday during his opening monologue, HBO’s “Real Time” host Bill Maher slammed Republicans for their reactions to the mass shooting in Las Vegas nearly a week earlier. Maher focused on those offering their “thoughts and prayers” to the victims of the tragedy. He declared such an offer was the “Republican way of saying tough shit.” “I’m so sick of all of the reactions,” Maher said. “I’m so sick of ‘thoughts and prayers.’ First of all, thoughts are the opposite of prayers. A thought is, what should I do? A prayer is wishing on a star. Thoughts and prayers are the Republican way of saying tough shit.” Follow Jeff Poor on Twitter @jeff_poor

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Chris Matthews: Republican Gun ‘Fanatics’ Believe Everyone Has a Right to Own Tanks

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Thursday on MSNBC’s “Hardball,” host Chris Matthews said Republicans were “fanatics” on guns and that they even supported private ownership of tanks. Matthews said, “The Republican platform protects magazines. It protects AR-15s. It protects everything that is even discussed. They haven’t gotten to this bump thing yet, this thing that changes the gun into an automatic. But they clearly when they hear something’s coming their way, they put it in their platform and say, ‘Leave it alone.’ They are fanatics. The Republican Party as a party is a fanatic party on guns.” He added, “Well you know what the Republican’s says in their platform that the right to bear arms precedes the Constitution. It’s a God-given sort of theological right. They treat this like religion. I don’t know how to explain it. It’s a religious, essential notion to them that everybody should have any kind of gun they want, any—a bazooka, a tank. They never put a limit on it, ever.” (h/t WFB) Follow Pam Key on Twitter @pamkeyNEN

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October 7, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

David Brooks: Gun Debate a ‘Proxy for the Big Cultural Dispute’ — ‘Higher Education and Lower Education’


Friday on PBS’s “NewsHour,” New York Times columnist David Brooks described the ongoing gun control debate in the wake of last week’s mass shooting in Las Vegas to be a “proxy” for the larger culture divide underway in America. Brooks argued that the divide, which he was similar on many other issues, fell along the lines of education. “You know, one of the things that struck me about the polling on people’s gun rights or gun control is that, in 2000, not that long ago, two-thirds of Americans supported gun control, and only 29 percent supported gun rights,” Brooks said. “Now it’s about 50/50. And so the gun rights people have just had a massive shift in their direction. And that’s because the issue has now — perfectly mirrors the political divide in this country and the cultural divide between coastal and rural, between more — higher education and lower education, the divide we see on issue after issue.” “And it’s become sort of a proxy for the big cultural dispute,” he continued. “And a lot of the people who are trying to resist the post-industrial takeover of the country have seized on guns and immigration and the flag and a few

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David Brooks: Gun Debate a ‘Proxy for the Big Cultural Dispute’ — ‘Higher Education and Lower Education’

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Self-Exiled Chinese Billionaire Warns Beijing Seeking to ‘Decimate’ U.S.


Self-exiled Chinese real-estate mogul Guo Wengui blasted what he called the “kleptocracy” running China, and warned that a wave of Chinese spies are being dispatched to “decimate” the United States – where Guo is currently sheltered.

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Self-Exiled Chinese Billionaire Warns Beijing Seeking to ‘Decimate’ U.S.

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Non-Stop Against Apartheid | Spaces of Transnational …

Sunday 12 November 2017 marks the twentieth anniversary of the death of Steven Kitson. Steve was born in 1957 as the eldest child of the South African communists and anti-apartheid activists David and Norma Kitson. In the 1980s, he became a leading member of the City of London Anti-Apartheid Group (after it grew out of the Free Steve Kitson Campaign which had been formed to protest his own brief detention by the apartheid regime in January 1982). We told much of Steves biography in a blog post written on the 15th anniversary of his death from cancer in 1997: Steve was born in London; but, as an infant, returned to South Africa with his parents in 1959, when they decided to deepen their involvement in the anti-apartheid struggle. His father,a member of the second High Command of Umkhontowe Siswe(the armed wing of the ANC),was arrested in 1963 and sentencedto twenty years in gaol the following year. Along with his mother and sister, Amandla, Steve endured two years of constant police harassment in South Africa following his fathers imprisonment before Norma moved her young family to London. Each December, from the age of sixteen, he used the holiday period to return to South Africa to visit David. On 6 January 1982, while visiting his father in gaol in Pretoria, Steve was detained by the South African authorities, accused of being an ANC courier and breaching prison security by sketching the institution. Steve was violently interrogated tortured during his detention. Norma and her colleague at Red Lion Setters, Carol Brickley (a member of the Revolutionary Communist Group), quickly mobilised everyone they could think of to demand Steves freedom. The Free Steven Kitson Campaign was a success and he was released after six days. Within hours of phoning London with news of his release, Steves aunt, Joan Weinberg (Normas older sister), was murdered in her flat in Johannesburg. With Norma and the children in London, Joan had been Davids most frequent visitor throughout his imprisonment. Her killers were never found; indeed, they were never sought. During its brief existence, the Free Steven Kitson Campaign drew scores of new people into anti-apartheid campaigning for the first time. In order not to lose this momentum, it was decided to transform the campaign into the City Of London Anti-Apartheid Group. Steve played an active role in City Group over the years. On both the86-day picketof the South African Embassy in 1982 andthe Non-Stop Picket four years later, as well as many protests in between, Steve taught picketers South African liberation songs. He frequently performed with City Group Singers. For many years he was a member of City Groups committee, often working tirelessly in the office on the groups financial and membership records, as well as contributing to its political leadership. He used his software skills to develop a membership database for the group at a time when few comparable organisations could invest in such technology. In our research, several people remembered the time and patience that Steve would invest during his picket shifts, explaining the history of South Africa, apartheid, and resistance to it. He was central to the political education of many picketers. Like other members of the Kitson family, Steve was sometimes targeted by the police, but was also prepared to risk arrest to defend the right to protest against apartheid. In that context, one of the other voices that attested to Steves caring personality came from a (now retired) police officer. She told the following story: Weirdly one of my most abiding memories was of being on the picket one evening and a call for assistance from a colleague coming over the radio. There was a fight happening around the corner in the Strand. I remember leaving my post and running round to help out, having a bit of a roll around on the floor helping to arrest a drunken yob and then having to trot back to the picket as by right I shouldnt have left it in the first place but some things would always take precedence. I was obviously out of breath, a bit pale and the after effects of the adrenaline had kicked in and my hands were shaking. Steven Kitson was on the picket that evening and after looking at me in a concerned fashion for a minute or two he came over and asked me if I was alright. I was really rather touched. You have to appreciate there was very little contact with the pickets, they didnt talk to us and we didnt to them unless it was to raise an issue. It was a very nice gesture. To mark this anniversary, I wanted to post something new, that might help enrich this picture of Steve. So, I dipped once again into the two crates of his papers that still sit in my office. Two items from the files for 1984 intrigued me. They both serve as a reminder that, prior to his parents suspension from membership of the ANC and SACP, and City Groups disaffiliation from the national Anti-Apartheid Movement, there were high profile members of the ANC and SACP in London who were prepared to work closely with them. The first item is a facsimile of a Passbook that was produced for an exhibition about apartheid,The Signs of Apartheid, that was organised by the Greater London Councils London Against Racism campaign in 1984. What is perhaps most significant about this small brown booklet, that mimicked the internal passports used to control black workers (but, instead, contained information about apartheid), is the annotation inside it in Steves handwriting. In Steves small, precise, script it states given to me by Adelaide Tambo. I take this both as a personalaide memoire of a small gift from a leading anti-apartheid campaigner who remained close to the Kitson family throughout; but also as political act archiving evidence of Adelaide Tambos friendship against accusations that the Kitson family were ill-disciplined and outside the ANC fold. The second item from Steves papers speaks to the centrality of music to his life and his political work. It is a photocopy of an image of Steve, the City Group Choir, and the South African cultural activist James Madhlope-Phillips. Having arrived in London from South Africa in the 1960s, Madhlope-Phillips home was be a key site of comfort and welcome for new exiles as they arrived in England; it was also a crucial early meeting place for ANC members in London before a formal office was established there. In the 1970s, he was central to the formation of the ANCs cultural armMayibuye. Out of that contribution, he dedicated himself to teaching the freedom songs of Southern African liberation movements to progressive choirs around the world. James Madhlope-Phillips (centre) with City Group Choir. Steve Kitson is third from left. (Source: Steve Kitson papers) The card thanks Madhlope-Phillips for his guidance and for leading the choir in song at a conference (as part of City Groups contribution to month of action against apartheid in March of that year). Once again, Steves decision to keep a photocopy of the thank you card they sent to Madhlope-Phillips suggests a double motivation. It is, of course, a memento of a fun and energizing day of singing. But, it was also an insurance policy, recording a day of cooperation with a leading member of the ANCs cultural wing, at a time when the relationship between City Group and the AAM (as well as between Norma Kitson and the ANC) was heavily under strain. Even so, that a high profile member of the ANC/SACP did cooperate with City Group at this time suggests that the strain on those relationships was not shared universally. Many of the songs that were central to Madhlope-Phillips repertoire became favourites for City Group members frequently led by Steve Kitson, both as part of the choir, but also more spontaneously on shifts on the Non-Stop Picket. So here, then is a wonderful recording of James Madhlope-Phillips leadingShosholoza.Sing along and remember Steve Kitson.

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February 28, 2018  Tags:   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

Photos in Black and White: Margaret Bourke-White and the …

MARGARET BOURKE-WHITE AND THE DAWN OF APARTHEID In 1949, Margaret Bourke-White, one of the most famous photojournalists in America, travelled to South Africa on assignment for Life magazine. She had begun her career two decades before as an industrial photographer documenting turbines, dams, mines, bridges, steel mills, and other wonders of the mechanical age, in the U.S., in Germany, and in the Soviet Union. Hired by Henry Luce as the first photographer for Fortune magazine in 1929, by the mid-1930s she became one of four staff photographers at Luces renowned illustrated news magazine, Life. As the shuttered factories and bread lines of the Great Depression undermined the nations faith in industry, Bourke-White turned her lens to more social subjects. During the 1930s, many of her contemporariesDorothea Lange, Arthur Rothstein, Walker Evanstook photographs for the governments Farm Security Administration, creating a visual record of the impact of the economic collapse on American life. Although she remained a successful commercial photographer, like the FSA photographersBourke-White documented the crushing poverty of the era. She showed Life readers the ravages of the drought and storms in the Dust Bowl; the desperation of victims displaced when rivers overflowed their banks; and the plight of poor blacks and poor whites in the rural South. Her trip South, resulting in the photo essay, You Have Seen Their Faces (1937), confirmed Bourke-Whites determination to turn her camera in the direction of something that might have some social significance. Her South African travels came at the end of a series of foreign adventures as Lifes star photographer. She travelled to Czechoslovakia after Hitlers annexation of 1938; to Moscow in 1941; to defeated Germany in 1945; and to India during independence and Partition. Bourke-Whites experience as a combat photographer profoundly shaped her vision of the postwar world. She witnessed the horrors of World War II in its most brutal theaters: the Eastern Front in 1941-42; the stalled Allied invasion of Italy in the winter of 1943; and of course, the final assault on Nazi Germany and the liberation of the concentration camps. What is the use of all this bloodshed unless we insure the future for civilization and for peace, she concluded. The hardening of white supremacy in South Africa after 1948came as a rebuke to this hope. These experiences, driven by what she called her insatiable desire to be on the scene while history is being made, made Bourke-White an expert witness to the unfolding story of South Africa. Elected to power by whites in 1948, the Afrikaner nationalist government embarked on an ambitious program of total segregation known as Apartheid. In a country of 10 million Blacks and only 2.5 million whites, the latter retained all political power, controlled all the fertile land, and attempted to reduce Blacks to the status of an impoverished servile class. As Bourke-White wrote a friend at the end of her four month stay, South Africa left me very angry, the complete assumption of white superiority and the total focusing of the whole country around the schemes of keeping black labor cheap, and segregated, and uneducated, and without freedom of movement. Bourke-Whites intentions after this assignment were clear: As she told her editors at Life, Its the most unbelievable system. Its vicious, and its got to be exposed.

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What are ten facts about apartheid? | Reference.com

Under the apartheid system, nonwhite South Africans, who comprised the majority of the nations population, were forced to live in separate areas from whites in both rural and urban areas. The districts set aside for nonwhites were generally much poorer agriculturally and located farther from transportation hubs and offices, which put their inhabitants at a disadvantage when getting to and from work and even completing basic tasks like shopping for groceries. Nonwhites had no say in the politics of South Africa, and were required to have documents or passes in order to move from one area to another, which escalated the levels of hardship experienced by the people. At first, apartheid was a social movement, but it was signed into law under the National Party with the adoption and passage of the Population Registration Act of 1950. This legislation created framework for apartheid by classifying South Africans according to their biological races. Then, the National Party enacted a series of land acts, which collectively set aside over eighty percent of the nations lands for whites. In an egregious display of authority, the government evicted thousands of nonwhite South Africans from their rural homes, driving them into cities and selling their land to whites for farming and ranching.

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February 2, 2018  Tags:   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

Apartheid Legislation 1850s-1970s | South African History …

Apartheid Legislation 1850s-1970s 1856-1910 Masters and Servants Acts of1856 These Acts, which had been passed between 1856 and 1904 in the four territories, remained in force after Union. They made it a criminal offence to breach the contract of employment. Desertion, insolence, drunkenness, negligence and strikes were also criminal offences. Theoretically these laws applied to all races, but the courts held that the laws were applicable only to unskilled work, which was performed mostly by Black people (Dugard 1978: 85; Horrell 1978: 6). Repealed by section 51 of the Second General Law Amendment Act No 94 of 1974. Mines and Works Act No 12 of1911 Permitted the granting of certificates of competency for a number of skilled mining occupations to Whites and Coloureds only. Repealed by section 20 of the Mines and Works Amendment Act No 27 of 1956 Black Land Act No 27 of19 June 1913 Prohibited Blacks from owning or renting land outside designated reserves (approximately 7 per cent of land in the country). Commenced: 19 June 1913. Repealed by section 1 of the Abolition of Racially Based Land Measures Act No 108 of 1991. 1920s The Native Affairs Act of 1920 The Native Affairs Act was yet another spin-off of the South African Native Affairs Commission report of 1905. It paved the way for the creation of a countrywide system of tribally based, but government appointed, district councils modelled on the lines of the Glen Grey Act of 1894. The principal of separate, communally-based political representation for Africans was extended by the 1936 Representation of Natives Act. The Durban Land Alienation Ordinance, No 14 of 1922 Timeline: Anti-Indian Legislation. This ordinance enables the Durban City Council to exclude Indians from ownership or occupation of property in White areas. The Natal Provincial Council passes three ordinances of 1922: The Class Areas Bill of 1923 Minister of Interior, Sir Patrick Duncan, introduces Class Areas Bill, which proposes compulsory residential and trading segregation for Indians throughout South Africa. The Natives (Urban Areas) Act No 21 of 1923 The Natives (Urban Areas) Act legislated on a broad front to regulate the presence of Africans in the urban areas. It gave local authorities the power to demarcate and establish African locations on the outskirts of White urban and industrial areas, and to determine access to, and the funding of, these areas. Local authorities were expected to provide housing for Africans, or to require employers to provide housing for those of their workers who did not live in the locations. Africans living in White areas could be forced to move to the locations. Local authorities were empowered to administer the registration of African service contracts, and to determine the extent of African beer brewing or trading in the locations. Municipalities were also instructed to establish separate African revenue accounts based on the income from fines, fees and rents exacted from ‘natives’ in the locations; this money was to be used for the upkeep and improvement of the locations. The critical function entrusted to the local authorities was, however, the administration of tougher Pass laws: Africans deemed surplus to the labour needs of White households, commerce and industry, or those leading an ‘idle, dissolute or disorderly life’, could be deported to the Reserves. In implementing the Act, local authorities were careful to consider the needs of industry. In Johannesburg, for instance, where industrialists made no bones about wanting a large pool of permanent standby labour, it was only intermittently applied until the end of the 1940s. The Act was amended in later years. Boroughs Ordinance No 189 of 1924 This Bill effectively disenfranchises Indians in Natal. They lose vote in boroughs. The Industrial Conciliation Act No 11 of 1924 This act provides for job reservation. Excluded Blacks from membership of registered trade unions and prohibited registration of Black trade unions. Commenced: 8 April 1924. Repealed by section 86 of the Industrial Conciliation Act No 36 of 1937. The Township Franchise Ordinance of 1924 The Township Franchise Ordinance is approved by the Provincial Council of Natal to deprive Indians of municipal franchise rights, vetoed by the Union Government. The Rural Dealers Ordinance of 1924 This Ordinance attempts to cripple Indian trade. This Ordinance prevented Indian ownership of land in White areas. The Transvaal Dealers (Control) Ordinance No 11 of 1925 This ordinance puts obstacles in the way of obtaining licences. Aim to restrict Indian trade. The Minimum Wages Act of 1925 This Act leads to a form of job reservation and promotes White employment. Certain trades are earmarked for Whites. The Class Areas Bill of 1925 This Bill is designed for mere segregation. The Areas Reservation and Immigration and Registration (Further Provision) Bill 1925 Dr. D. F. Malan, Minister of the Interior, introduces Areas Reservation and Immigration and Registration (Further Provision) Bill in Parliament. It defines Indians as aliens and recommends limitation of population through repatriation. The Mines and Works Act (Colour Bar Act) No 25 of 1926. Working Life Factories, Township and Popular Culture 1886 – 1940 by Luli Callinicos Property Rights and Rent Seeking in South Africa by John M. Mbaku The 1926 Mines and Works Act must be seen against the background of the wage and job colour bars in South Africa. The 1911 Act, mentioned earlier, reserved skilled work for Whites only. But in spite of this law, mine owners continued to desk ill jobs and give more and more work to Black miners to save labour costs. (The wages of Black mine workers remained the same no matter what work they were doing they earned about a tenth of the wages of a skilled White worker.) The 1922 strike was caused by the mine owners attempt to replace a number of White workers with lower-paid Black workers. This Act provides certificates of competency for skilled work, Indian workers are excluded. The legislation was a reflection of the belief of most Whites, especially in the labour market, that the welfare of Whites would suffer significantly if Blacks were not legislated out of the market. The Liquor Bill of 1926 Indians and Africans could not be employed by licence holders and were not allowed on licensed premises and liquor supply vehicles. 3000 Indians employed in the brewery trade are affected. The Local Government (Provincial Powers)Act of 1926 This Act denies citizenship rights to Indians. The Immigration and Indian Relief (Further Provision) Bill of 1927 Minister of Interior, Dr Malan, introduces Immigration and Indian Relief Further Provision) Bill, which follows closely on Round Table Conference between India and South Africa. It requires children of South African Indian parents, born outside the Union to enter the country within three months of birth. In addition South Africans who absent themselves for three continuous years from the country forfeit domicile rights, and Indians who have entered the country illegally (mostly at the time of the Anglo-Boer War) condoned and issued with condonation certificates. Families of condonees are not allowed to join them. The Act also establishes a scheme of voluntary repatriation of South African Indians to India. The Indian government complies. Repatriates are to receive bonuses of 20 per adult and 10 per child, plus free passages. The bonus doubled in 1931, and finally abolished in 1955 when it becomes apparent that only the old, intending to retire in India, take advantage of it. The Asiatics in the Northern Districts of Natal Act of 1927 Transvaal laws are to be applied to Indians in Utrecht, Vryheid, and Paulpietersburg. Restrictions placed on land purchase, trade and residence rights. The Liquor Act of 1927 Africans and Indians are denied employment by license holders and are not allowed to serve liquor and drive liquor vans. They are also denied access to licensed premises. The Womens Franchise Bill of 1927 No Indian women are allowed to vote. The Riotous Assembly Act of 1927 Any Indians are considered dangerous agitators subject to deportation. The Immigration and Indian Relief (Further) Provision: Act no 37 of 1927 This Bill becomes law and the scheme of assisted emigration comes into operation. (Repatriation: 1927 1655 Indians repatriated; 1928 3477 repatriated; 1929 1314 repatriated). The Nationality and Flag Act of 1927 Segregation and Apartheid Laws as Applied to Indians (1859-1994) Nationality and Flag Act denies Indians right to become citizens by naturalization. Indians not recognised as South African Nationals. The Old Age Pension Act of 1927 No pension provisions made for Indians. The Liquor Act of 1927 Prohibition (Statutory) of Natives and Indians to be employed in the Liquor Trade. The Black Administration Act No 38 of 1927 The Act stated that all moveable property belonging to a Black and allotted by him or accruing under Black law or custom to any woman with whom he lived in a customary union, or to any house, shall upon his death devolve and be administered under Black law and custom. The Liquor Bill Section 104 of the Liquor Bill of 1928 Prohibiting Indians from entering licensed premises is withdrawn. 1930s The Transvaal Asiatic Land Tenure of 1930 The (Amendment) Bill is introduced by Minister of Interior as a result of recommendations of Select Committee. Proposes segregation: relocation of Indians to designated areas exempted from Gold Law within five years. No protection for those who had acquired interests on proclaimed (mining) land. Timeline: Anti-Indian Legislation. The Industrial Conciliation Act of 1930 Provided for the registration and regulation of trade unions and employers’ organisations, the settlement of disputes between employers and employees, and the regulation of conditions of employment. Repealed by s 56 of the Industrial Conciliation Act No 28 of 1956 The Wage Amendment Act of 1930 This is the continuation of 1925 Act.This Act provides a single national board (the Wage Board) to recommend minimum wages and conditions of unorganised or unregistered groups of workers in all industries. The Act aimed to raise the wages of semi-skilled workers to a civilised level. Ironically, the government recognised that there was a need to fix a minimum for Black workers in order to protect the White workers wages against undercutting. The Women’s Enfranchisement Act of 1930 The Act gave only European women the right to elect and to be elected to the Houses of Parliament. The Riotous Assemblies (Amendment) Act No 19 of 1930 This Act authorised the Governor-General to prohibit the publication or other dissemination of any documentary information calculated to engender feelings of hostility between the European inhabitants of the Union on the one hand and any other section of the inhabitants of the Union on the other hand (Dugard 1978: 177). Commenced: 21 May 1930. Repealed by section 20 of the Riotous Assemblies Act No 17 of 1956. TheAsiatic Immigration Amendment Act of 1931 Indians have to prove the legitimacy of their domicile in the country. The Native Service Contracts Act of 1932 The Act drew all Africans outside of the reserves into the agricultural economy, while extending existing controls over labour tenancy. This meant that a farmer could expel the entire tenant family if any one member defaulted on his or her labour obligation. The Act had additional elements allowing for farmers to whip tenants, as well as compel farm tenants to carry passes. The Transvaal Asiatic Land Tenure (Amendment) Act No 35 of 1932 The Transvaal Asiatic Land Tenure Act and its subsequent amendments in 1934, 1935 and 1937 establish statutory segregation of Indians in the Transvaal end the state of uncertainty about their status in the Province that has obtained since the passing of Law 3, 1885. It is passed in 1935. The Slums Act: Demolition of Slums of 1934 This Act is aimed at improving conditions in locations, but actually expropriates Indian property.Under the pretext of Sanitation, the Act is enforced to demolish and expropriate with the ultimate aim of segregation. Segregation and Apartheid Laws as Applied to Indians (1859-1994) TheRural Dealers Licensing Ordinance Natal of 1935 This Ordinance causes the refusal of licenses to people whose properties have depreciated in value or whose licenses endangers the comfort and health of neighbours. Representation of Blacks Act No 12 of 1936 Removed Black voters in the Cape from the common roll and placed them on a separate roll (Dugard 1978: 90). Blacks throughout the Union were then represented by four White senators. Commenced: 10 July 1936. Repealed by section 15 of the Representation between the Republic of South Africa and self-governing Territories Act No 46 of 1959. The Representation of Natives Act No 16 of 1936 The Bills proposed by General Barry Hertzog in the 1920s finally got the two-thirds majority required to be passed into law 1936, when the Development Trust and Land Act (also referred to as the Native Trust and Land Act and Bantu Trust and Land Act) and the Representation of Natives Act were enacted. The Representation of Natives Act essentially stripped African people in the Cape of their voting rights and offered instead a limited form of parliamentary representation, through special White representatives. Under this Act, a Natives Representative Council (NRC), which was a purely advisory body, was also created. The NRC could make recommendations to Parliament or the Provincial Councils on any legislation regarded as being in the interest of natives. The Development Trust and Land Act No 18 1936 Expanded the reserves to a total of 13, six per cent of the land in South Africa and authorised the Department of Bantu Administration and Development to eliminate Black spots (Black-owned land surrounded by White-owned land) (Horrell 1978: 203). The South African Development Trust (SADT) was established and could, in terms of the Act, acquire land in each of the provinces for Black settlement (RRS 1991/92: 381). Commenced: 31 August 1936. Repealed by Proc R 28 of 1992, 31 March 1992 (phasing out and abolishing the SADT in terms of the Abolition of Racially Based Land Measures Act No 108 of 1991) The Aliens Registration Act No 26 of 1936

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December 19, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

A history of Apartheid in South Africa | South African …

Background and policy of apartheid Before we can look at the history of the apartheid period it is necessary to understand what apartheid was and how it affected people. What was apartheid? Translated from the Afrikaans meaning ‘apartness’, apartheid was the ideology supported by the National Party (NP) government and was introduced in South Africa in 1948. Apartheid called for the separate development of the different racial groups in South Africa. On paper it appeared to call for equal development and freedom of cultural expression, but the way it was implemented made this impossible. Apartheid made laws forced the different racial groups to live separately and develop separately, and grossly unequally too. It tried to stop all inter-marriage and social integration between racial groups. During apartheid, to have a friendship with someone of a different race generally brought suspicion upon you, or worse. More than this, apartheid was a social system which severely disadvantaged the majority of the population, simply because they did not share the skin colour of the rulers. Many were kept just above destitution because they were ‘non-white’. In basic principles, apartheid did not differ that much from the policy of segregation of the South African governments existing before the Afrikaner Nationalist Party came to power in 1948. The main difference is that apartheid made segregation part of the law. Apartheid cruelly and forcibly separated people, and had a fearsome state apparatus to punish those who disagreed. Another reason why apartheid was seen as much worse than segregation, was that apartheid was introduced in a period when other countries were moving away from racist policies. Before World War Two the Western world was not as critical of racial discrimination, and Africa was colonized in this period. The Second World War highlighted the problems of racism, making the world turn away from such policies and encouraging demands for decolonization. It was during this period that South Africa introduced the more rigid racial policy of apartheid. People often wonder why such a policy was introduced and why it had so much support. Various reasons can be given for apartheid, although they are all closely linked. The main reasons lie in ideas of racial superiority and fear. Across the world, racism is influenced by the idea that one race must be superior to another. Such ideas are found in all population groups. The other main reason for apartheid was fear, as in South Africa the white people are in the minority, and many were worried they would lose their jobs, culture and language. This is obviously not a justification for apartheid, but explains how people were thinking. Original architects of Apartheid Image source Apartheid Laws Numerous laws were passed in the creation of the apartheid state. Here are a few of the pillars on which it rested: Population Registration Act, 1950This Act demanded that people be registered according to their racial group. This meant that the Department of Home affairs would have a record of people according to whether they were white, coloured, black, Indian or Asian. People would then be treated differently according to their population group, and so this law formed the basis of apartheid. It was however not always that easy to decide what racial group a person was part of, and this caused some problems. Group Areas Act, 1950This was the act that started physical separation between races, especially in urban areas. The act also called for the removal of some groups of people into areas set aside for their racial group. Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act, 1959This Act said that different racial groups had to live in different areas. Only a small percentage of South Africa was left for black people (who comprised the vast majority) to form their ‘homelands’. This Act also got rid of ‘black spots’ inside white areas, by moving all black people out of the city. Well known removals were those in District 6, Sophiatown and Lady Selborne. These black people were then placed in townships outside of the town. They could not own property here, only rent it, as the land could only be white owned. This Act caused much hardship and resentment. People lost their homes, were moved off land they had owned for many years and were moved to undeveloped areas far away from their place of work. Some other important laws were the: Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act, 1949Immorality Amendment Act, 1950Separate Representation of Voters Act, 1951 Resistance before 1960 Resistance to apartheid came from all circles, and not only, as is often presumed, from those who suffered the negative effects of discrimination. Criticism also came from other countries, and some of these gave support to the South African freedom movements. Some of the most important organizations involve din the struggle for liberation were the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) and the United Democratic Front (UDF). There were also Indian and Coloured organized resistance movements (e.g. the Natal Indian Congress (NIC), the Coloured People’s Organisation), white organized groups (e.g. the radical Armed Resistance Movement (ARM), and Black Sash) and church based groups (the Christian Institute). We shall consider the ANC. The ANC The ANC was formed in Bloemfontein in 1912, soon after the Union of South Africa. Originally it was called the South African Native National Congress (SANNC). It was started as a movement for the Black elite, that is those Blacks who were educated. In 1919 the ANC sent a deputation to London to plead for a new deal for South African blacks, but there was no change to their position. The South African Native National Congress delegation to England, June 1919 Image source The history of resistance by the ANC goes through three phases. The first was dialogue and petition; the second direct opposition and the last the period of exiled armed struggle. In 1949, just after apartheid was introduced, the ANC started on a more militant path, with the Youth League playing a more important role. The ANC introduced their Programme of Action in 1949, supporting strike action, protests and other forms of non-violent resistance. Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo and Walter Sisulu started to play an important role in the ANC in this period. In 1952 the ANC started the Defiance Campaign. This campaign called on people to purposefully break apartheid laws and offer themselves for arrest. It was hoped that the increase in prisoners would cause the system to collapse and get international support for the ANC. Black people got onto ‘white buses’, used ‘white toilets’, entered into ‘white areas’ and refused to use passes. Despite 8 000 people ending up in jail, the ANC caused no threat to the apartheid regime. The ANC continued along the same path during the rest of the 1950s, until in 1959 some members broke away and formed the PAC. These members wanted to follow a more violent and militant route, and felt that success could not be reached through the ANC’s method.

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December 12, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

Maher: ‘Thoughts and Prayers’ Are the Republican Way of Saying ‘Tough Sh-t’

Friday during his opening monologue, HBO’s “Real Time” host Bill Maher slammed Republicans for their reactions to the mass shooting in Las Vegas nearly a week earlier. Maher focused on those offering their “thoughts and prayers” to the victims of the tragedy. He declared such an offer was the “Republican way of saying tough shit.” “I’m so sick of all of the reactions,” Maher said. “I’m so sick of ‘thoughts and prayers.’ First of all, thoughts are the opposite of prayers. A thought is, what should I do? A prayer is wishing on a star. Thoughts and prayers are the Republican way of saying tough shit.” Follow Jeff Poor on Twitter @jeff_poor

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October 7, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

Chris Matthews: Republican Gun ‘Fanatics’ Believe Everyone Has a Right to Own Tanks

Thursday on MSNBC’s “Hardball,” host Chris Matthews said Republicans were “fanatics” on guns and that they even supported private ownership of tanks. Matthews said, “The Republican platform protects magazines. It protects AR-15s. It protects everything that is even discussed. They haven’t gotten to this bump thing yet, this thing that changes the gun into an automatic. But they clearly when they hear something’s coming their way, they put it in their platform and say, ‘Leave it alone.’ They are fanatics. The Republican Party as a party is a fanatic party on guns.” He added, “Well you know what the Republican’s says in their platform that the right to bear arms precedes the Constitution. It’s a God-given sort of theological right. They treat this like religion. I don’t know how to explain it. It’s a religious, essential notion to them that everybody should have any kind of gun they want, any—a bazooka, a tank. They never put a limit on it, ever.” (h/t WFB) Follow Pam Key on Twitter @pamkeyNEN

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October 7, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

David Brooks: Gun Debate a ‘Proxy for the Big Cultural Dispute’ — ‘Higher Education and Lower Education’

Friday on PBS’s “NewsHour,” New York Times columnist David Brooks described the ongoing gun control debate in the wake of last week’s mass shooting in Las Vegas to be a “proxy” for the larger culture divide underway in America. Brooks argued that the divide, which he was similar on many other issues, fell along the lines of education. “You know, one of the things that struck me about the polling on people’s gun rights or gun control is that, in 2000, not that long ago, two-thirds of Americans supported gun control, and only 29 percent supported gun rights,” Brooks said. “Now it’s about 50/50. And so the gun rights people have just had a massive shift in their direction. And that’s because the issue has now — perfectly mirrors the political divide in this country and the cultural divide between coastal and rural, between more — higher education and lower education, the divide we see on issue after issue.” “And it’s become sort of a proxy for the big cultural dispute,” he continued. “And a lot of the people who are trying to resist the post-industrial takeover of the country have seized on guns and immigration and the flag and a few

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October 7, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed

Self-Exiled Chinese Billionaire Warns Beijing Seeking to ‘Decimate’ U.S.

Self-exiled Chinese real-estate mogul Guo Wengui blasted what he called the “kleptocracy” running China, and warned that a wave of Chinese spies are being dispatched to “decimate” the United States – where Guo is currently sheltered.

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October 7, 2017   Posted in: Apartheid  Comments Closed


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