Archive for the ‘Black Power’ Category

Celebrating the Power and Persistence of Black Women Artist Who … – Atlanta Black Star

We Wanted a Revolution: Black Radical Women, 1965-85 Installation Views. (C) Jonathan Dorado.

The female African-American experience is center stage in the Brooklyn Museums art exhibition We Wanted a Revolution: Black Radical Women, 196585. The exhibit, which the art website Hyperallergic described as perhaps the most important exhibition New York has seen in recent years, highlights the work of Black women during a period of tremendous cultural and sociopolitical upheaval.

The 20-year time frame the exhibit spans notably gave rise to the womens liberation movement, but many Black women felt marginalized by mainstream white feminism. They began to identify as womanists (coined by The Color Purple author Alice Walker) rather than as feminists to embrace their specific take on womens liberation and the double jeopardy they experienced being both Black and female in a white supremacist and patriarchal society. And Black women artists felt sidelined by the art world as well. The marginalization they faced did not prevent them from creating, however. In fact, Black women artists flourished during this time.

The Brooklyn Museum show highlighting their accomplishments is part of a yearlong series of exhibitions marking the 10th anniversary of the Elizabeth A. Sackler Center for Feminist Art. Rujeko Hockley and Catherine Morris co-curated We Wanted a Revolution. The exhibit will run through Sept. 17, and the Brooklyn Museum has described the uniqueness of this assemblage of art, featuring more than 200 works.

It is the first exhibition to highlight the voices and experiences of women of color distinct from the primarily white, middle-class mainstream feminist movement in order to reorient conversations around race, feminism, political action, art production, and art history in this significant historical period, the museum states on its website.

Presenting a diverse group of artists and activists who lived and worked at the intersections of avant-garde art worlds, radical political movements, and profound social change, the exhibition features a wide array of work, including conceptual, performance, film, and video art, as well as photography, painting, sculpture, and printmaking.

The exhibit features too many artists to name, but among them are Faith Ringgold, Julie Dash, Lorna Simpson, Carrie Mae Weems, Kay Brown, Susan Robeson and Blondell Cummings. The cultural output of these women and other artists is featured in several galleries at the museum. In addition to individual artists, the exhibit highlights groups of artists, such as the Spiral Artist Collective and the subsequent Black Arts Movement, and how Black women fared in these collectives.

Remarkably, We Wanted a Revolution shows how the social issues of importance to the Black community during the 1965-85 time frame, such as the prison industrial complex, are much the same today. For example, it includes Faith Ringgolds work For the Womens House. In 1971, Ringgold displayed the work, which features a multicultural group of women in various roles doctor, athlete, policewoman, musician in the Womens House of Detention at Rikers Island, where she had taken up an unconventional residency. She created the work at the request of the incarcerated women.

Many of them voiced the opinion that they wanted to be able to see women being things in the world other than some of the things they had gotten arrested for, she told the New Yorker in 2010. They wanted to be able to do things in the world that were important other than being somebodys girlfriend.

Ringgold visited the prison because Angela Davis was incarcerated (in another location) at the time, and the artist became concerned about her and other women inmates. Davis, who famously studied at the Sorbonne, appreciated African-American artists, calling the Black arts movement extremely important. That movement, spearheaded by poet Amiri Baraka, was an outgrowth of the Black power movement. It included poets, writers, playwrights and musicians who embraced a political consciousness shaped by the desire for Black liberation.

Black female friendship is also the subject of the works featured in We Wanted a Revolution, as is the way in which Black artists advocated for other artists by helping to publicize their work. Moreover, historical documents paint a deeper picture of the art world at the time, including its stinging exclusion women of color. As Hyperallergic notes:

Through reams of historical documents and papers, the curators unflinchingly recount instances of racism and exclusion, from the feminist cooperative AIR Gallery to Donald Newmans controversial 1979 Nigger Drawings show at Artists Space and even the Brooklyn Museum itself. During a town hall event at the institution in 1971, its director at the time, Duncan Cameron, appeared open to criticism yet ostensibly defended the museums exclusionary practices regarding the women and minority artists who were vying for representation; there was widespread outcry.

Ringgold and other activist artists helped to hold Cameron accountable. He ended up resigning in 1973.

Artists such as Howardena Pindell were keenly aware of the impact racial microaggressions, such as those suffered by Blacks in the art field, had on African-Americans. Her video installation Free White and 21 explores the minor but persistent racial slights that serve to traumatize Blacks. Other artwork questions what kind of political activism constitutes radicalism, the intersection of race and sexual orientation, and how Black men artists marginalized Black women as well as the white art world. Yet, Black women artists still stood by Black men. The Combahee River Collective, made up of Black LGBT women artists, said as much in its 1974 mission statement.

Although we are feminists and Lesbians, we feel solidarity with progressive Black men and do not advocate the fractionalization that white women who are separatists demand, the statement said. We struggle together with Black men against racism, while we also struggle with Black men about sexism.

Despite the challenges Black women artists faced, they persisted, demanding equality whether it regarded race, sex or gender. Through We Wanted a Revolution, their efforts finally receive the recognition they have long deserved.

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Celebrating the Power and Persistence of Black Women Artist Who … – Atlanta Black Star

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"We Were 8 Years in Power": Ta-Nehisi Coates on Obama, Trump & White Fear of "Good Negro Government" – Democracy Now!

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

JUAN GONZLEZ: In your book thats about to come out, one of the things you talk about is the fear that white America has of “good Negro government.” And you make references to the Civil War, as well, yourI guess its a theme that youve often raised, the lack of attention and study of the lessons of the Civil War. But at the same time, you also say that the Obama administrations “good Negro government” also, in many ways, helped to feed white supremacy. Could you elaborate on that?

TA-NEHISI COATES: Yeah, sure. I mean, the book takes its title, We Were Eight Years in Power, from a gentleman who stood up in 1895, one of the black congressmen appointed duringor who won during Reconstruction, immediately after slavery. And as South Carolina was basically cementing the disenfranchisement of African Americans, he said, you know, “Listen, we were eight years in power.” And he listed all the great things that the African Americans, really, the multiracial government, you know, a tremendous experiment in democracy that followed the Civil War, had accomplishedyou know, reformingreally, forming the first public school system, you know, reforming the penal systemjust a list of governmental accomplishments that they had done. And he struggled to understand why folks would then perpetrate this act of disenfranchisement, given how much South Carolina had advanced during this period.

And the great W.E.B. Du Bois pointed out that the one thing white South Carolinians feared more than bad Negro government was good Negro government. It was precisely the fact of having made all of these accomplishments, because they ran counter to the ideas of white supremacy that gave the disenfranchisement movement and the redeemers their fuel.

And I dont think it was very different under President Barack Obama. I think it was, in fact, you know, his modesty. It was the lack of radicalism. It was the fact that he wasnt out, you know, firebombing or, you know, throwing up the Black Power sign or doing such that made him so scary, because I think what folks ultimately fear is Africansis kind of the ease with which African Americans could be integrated into the system, because it assaults the very ideas of white supremacy in the first place.

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"We Were 8 Years in Power": Ta-Nehisi Coates on Obama, Trump & White Fear of "Good Negro Government" – Democracy Now!

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August Wilson’s Pittsburgh – New York Times

Eventually the Civic Arena, which many came to see as a harbinger of the communitys destruction, was torn down and replaced with the modern PPG Paints Arena. Half a block away, the Freedom Corner was dedicated in 2001, commemorating the civil rights leaders of the 1950s and 1960s who sought to maintain the Hill District. It is also a symbolic gateway to the neighborhood.

In 2006, a proposal to build a casino in the lower Hill District was overwhelmingly rejected by residents. To this day, the sphere of influence from downtown generally stops at Crawford Street, which for me was a jarring reminder of how ghosts from the past dont easily dissipate.

Though much of Wilsons Pittsburgh is gone, you could use his words to tour the district. I did so, led by Kimberly C. Ellis, a digital consultant and founder of the preservation-minded Historic Hill Institute, who is also the playwrights niece. The neighborhood has changed a lot, she said, adding that there is a renewed level of pride.

Ms. Ellis took me to 1727 Bedford Avenue, where Wilson lived with his mother and most of his immediate family until he was almost 13. The brick building, listed on the National Register of Historic Places, is ringed by scaffolding. After its renovation, the house is slated to be the site of a multidisciplinary arts center, with an artist-in-residency program. We then saw her brother, Paul A. Ellis Jr., the executive director and general counsel of the August Wilson House. This center is going to be an economic anchor for the entire Hill District, which is huge, Mr. Ellis said. It is a significant undertaking.

Wilson used the house as valuable source material: It was the conceptual basis for Seven Guitars, which begins after a death and focuses on character and mortality.

I walked to the back of the house, to orient myself. In the play, the backyard is a meeting point for the characters, including Vera, who has conflicting feelings about the return of her musician ex-boyfriend, Floyd, and the down-to-earth neighbor Louise. I saw the cellar doors leading to the basement that Wilson described as storage space for the always eccentric Hedley.

Set in 1948, during Wilsons early childhood, the play chronicles a time when many African-Americans were returning from serving in World War II but still faced inequality. Wilson never shied away from this sort of commentary, as it honestly tackled the African-American experience in a northern city, something that was often overshadowed by the overt oppression of the Jim Crow South. Being near the cellar reminded me of one of Hedleys monologues, in which he laments the need to constantly defend his self-worth at a time of rigid racial norms.

Everybody say Hedley crazy cause he black. Because he know the place of the black man is not at the foot of the white mans boot. Maybe it is not all right in my head sometimes. Because I dont like the world. I dont like what I see from the people. The people is too small. I always want to be a big man. Hedley, Seven Guitars

The Bedford Hill Apartments, part of the Hope VI redevelopment plan, are across the street from Wilsons home. The apartments were intended to create mixed-use housing in areas where public housing was predominant. It, too, appeared in one of Wilsons plays. In Radio Golf, which focuses on gentrification, the Bedford Hills Redevelopment, Inc. exists.

Skepticism about the durability of minority political power is a theme in the play. In one scene, Harmond Wilks, an African-American real estate developer with mayoral ambitions, is speaking to Elder Joseph Barlow, known as Old Joe. Old Joe doesnt think a presumptive African-American mayor would be allowed to have as much power as a white mayor. Harmond disagrees, but gives a witty retort: Naw, Im going to have all the keys and theyre going to have to make me some new ones. We are going to build up everything.

Ms. Ellis and I headed to the Upper Hill District and 809 Anaheim Street, where Fences, starring Denzel Washington and Viola Davis, was filmed. It is a private residence, so there arent any tours. The facade is enough. Passing the tidy brick house, Mr. Wilsons depiction of Troy echoed in my head, especially in a heated scene with his son Cory over a desire to play football. See you swung at the ball and didnt hit it. Thats strike one. See, you in the batters box now. You swung and you missed. Thats strike one. Dont you strike out!

In the Middle Hill District, mostly along Centre and Wylie Avenues, are the remnants of the neighborhoods golden age. Several buildings are ripe for renovation, but others have been demolished.

The Pittsburgh Weil School, where Wilson created the Black Horizon Theater with the playwright Rob Penny in 1968, continues to operate as a public school. At Black Beautys Lounge, a huge, colorful mural by Kyle Holbrook of Wilson and his plays is painted on the side of the building.

The building that formerly housed Lutzs Meat Market, featured in Two Trains Running, stands vacant. In the play, an intriguing 1960s-era generational divide between Memphis Lee, who runs a diner, and Sterling, an aimless young man, breaks out in the open. Memphis is skeptical about the black power movement, while Sterling is curious about it. Memphis tells Sterling that African-Americans have to use the system thats currently available and work within it, despite its flaws. Freedom is heavy, he says. You got to put your shoulder to freedom. Put your shoulder to it and hope your back hold up. And if you around here looking for justice, you got a long wait.

The New Granada Theater, originally built as a fraternal lodge and designed by Louis A. S. Bellinger, one of Pittsburghs first African-American architects, has been in disrepair for years. Despite this, its a stunning structure, and as Ms. Ellis noted, the theater often hosted musical legends including Duke Ellington and Cab Calloway.

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August Wilson’s Pittsburgh – New York Times

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Black Power – Encyclopedia Britannica | Britannica.com

American philosophical movement

THIS IS A DIRECTORY PAGE. Britannica does not currently have an article on this topic.

Black Power became popular in the late 1960s. The slogan was first used by Carmichael in June 1966 during a civil rights march in Mississippi. However, the concept of black power predated the slogan. Essentially, it refers to all the attempts by African Americans to maximize their political and economic power.

The assassination of Malcolm X, eloquent exponent of black nationalism, in 1965 in New York and the espousal of Black Power by previously integrationist civil rights organizations such as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) helped to galvanize a generation of young black writers into rethinking the purpose of African…

…in June 1966 during a voting rights march through Mississippi following the wounding of James Meredith, who had desegregated the University of Mississippi in 1962. Carmichaels use of the black power slogan encapsulated the emerging notion of a freedom struggle seeking political, economic, and cultural objectives beyond narrowly defined civil rights reforms. By the late 1960s…

…Malcolm urged his followers to defend themselves by any means necessary. His biting critique of the so-called Negro provided the intellectual foundations for the Black Power and black consciousness movements in the United States in the late 1960s and 70s. Through the influence of the Nation of Islam,…

…Vietnam War for the available money. Despite the Civil Rights Act (1964) and the Voting Rights Act (1965), many African Americans became disenchanted with progress on civil rights. Thus, a Black Power movement arose, hitting into Johnsons popularity even among African Americans. A general crime increase and sporadic violence in the cities raised apprehension in white…

…its members faced increased violence. In response, SNCC migrated from a philosophy of nonviolence to one of greater militancy after the mid-1960s, as an advocate of the burgeoning black power movement, a facet of late 20th-century black nationalism. The shift was personified by Stokely Carmichael, who replaced John Lewis as SNCC chairman in 196667. While many…

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Crystal Bridges to Debut ‘Art in the Age of Black Power’ Exhibit … – Arkansas Business Online

Crystal Bridges Museum of American Art in Bentonville on Tuesday announced its exhibitions for 2018, including the U.S. debut of “Soul of a Nation: Art in the Age of Black Power.”

Also appearing next year will be the Crystal Bridges-organized exhibitions “Georgia O’Keeffe and Contemporary Art” and “Native North America.”

“Our 2018 exhibitions complement the story of American art shared through our permanent collection,” said Rod Bigelow, the museum’s executive director and chief diversity and inclusion officer.

The museum called “Soul of a Nation,” organized by the Tate Modern in London and debuting in the United States at Crystal Bridges, “a look at how American culture was reshaped through the work of Black artists during the tumultuous 1960s, ’70s, and early ’80s.”

Crystal Bridges is one of only two American venues to host this exhibition. Following its debut at Crystal Bridges, the exhibition travels to the Brooklyn Museum in New York.

The exhibit will feature artworks by more than 60 black artists, including Romare Bearden, Melvin Edwards, Betye Saar, Faith Ringgold, Charles White, Alvin Loving, Alma Thomas and Lorraine O’Grady.

And the art includes a wide range of styles and media, including painting, photography, fashion, sculpture and mixed media work, as well as street art in the form of murals and posters by artists of the AfriCOBRA collective, the graphic art created by Emory Douglas for The Black Panther newspaper and black feminist art.

“Soul of a Nation opens a window into the heart of the Black Power movement in all of its beauty, pride, power, and aspiration,” the museum said.

Soul of a Nation runs Feb. 3 through April 23, 2018.

As for the Georgia O’Keeffe exhibit, Crystal Bridges is building on its collection of major works by O’Keeffe including Jimson Weed/White Flower No. 1 and Radiator Building-Night, New York and is bringing together a selection of O’Keeffe’s most important works.

Alongside the works by O’Keeffe, the exhibition will display artworks by emerging contemporary artists “that evoke, investigate, and expand upon O’Keeffe’s artistic legacy,” the museum said. “This exhibition demonstrates the continuing power of O’Keeffe’s work as a touchstone for contemporary art.”

These contemporary artists include Sharona Eliassaf, Monica Kim Garza, Loie Hollowell, Molly Larkey and Matthew Ronay.

This exhibit will run May 26 through Sept. 3, 2018.

The exhibit “Native North America,” which will be on display Oct. 6, 2018, through Jan. 7, 2019, is the first exhibition to chart the development of contemporary indigenous art from the United States and Canada from the 1960s to the present, the museum said.

The exhibition will present about 75 works of art by important native artists such as Kay WalkingStick, Carl Beam, Fritz Scholder, Andrea Carlson and Kent Monkman and features works in a variety of media, including painting, drawing, photography, videos, sculpture and sound, installation and performance art.

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The original Black Ranger talks ‘Power Rangers,’ his thoughts on the … – AiPT! Comics

There have been many Power Rangers over the course of 25 years but precious few can say they were a part of the first crew. I was able to chat with Walter Jones, who played the original Black Power Ranger Zack Taylor in season 1 of Mighty Morphin Power Rangers. Jones was able to be a part of something new that changed pop culture forever. Even if you werent a fan of the series, when someone mentions Power Rangers, you know exactly what theyre talking about. I talked with Jones about the original series, the 2017 Power Rangers film, and a new film hes a part of featuring an impressive cast of original Power Rangers from previous seasons.

AiPT!:Did you know anything about the original Sentai series prior to auditioning?

Walter Jones: Ihad never seen the show or had any idea about it.

AiPT!:Was Zack the Black Ranger the role you auditioned for? Or was that the role given to you?

Walter Jones:I auditioned for the character Zack. I had no idea what color Ranger I would be. When I saw the costumes the first time I wanted the Red or the Black. I was happy to get the black costume.

AiPT!:Did you ever think that Power Rangers would last as long as it has?

Walter Jones: I never thought that Power Rangers would still be talked about 24 years later, much less that there would be new merchandise about the original series.

AiPT!:What did you enjoy most about the new Power Rangers movie?

Walter Jones:RJ Cyler was super captivating as Billy. I enjoyed all the actors! Great effects.

AiPT!:Was there anything you didnt like about it? And was there anything you would have changed about the film?

Walter Jones:[It had] no Hip Hop Kido! It was a major motivator for so many fans to explore physical arts, dancing, gymnastics, parkour, etc My character was the only character with that ability. It should have been included in some fashion.

AiPT!:Do you ever get tired of talking about Power Rangers? Is there any moment where you just arent in the mood for it?

Walter Jones:Talking about Rangers doesnt bother me. Im proud of its legacy. Of course, theres a time and place for everything.

AiPT!:One of my favorite comedies of all time is Popstar: Never Stop Never Stopping. While watching this film I noticed that you made a cameo as an angry fan. How did you come across that role?

Walter Jones:I was looping (doing voice over) on the film and the producers decided they wanted to add that part. I auditioned and got it!

AiPT!:Who was the brain behind The Order movie that you and a fantastic cast of former Power Rangers are a part of?

Walter Jones:David Fielding and Karan Ashley are the brains of the order. Its going to be a very exciting project!

AiPT!:When can we see the film and how can fans help support it?

Walter Jones:The Order should be out next year. We still have production to complete.

AiPT!:Youre about to go on a dangerous mission but can only take one other Power Ranger from any season with you. Who do you take?

Walter Jones:The one solid leader has always been Red. Gotta go with the tried and true!

Walter Jones left the Power Ranger series after season 1 and despite never making a return as his character, he did come back to voice various antagonists. Jones was the very first actor to do voice work for any character other than a Ranger (mainly for monsters or villains) on a Power Rangers show after having a role as a Ranger himself. Jones to this day is still acting, dancing and makes Con appearances all over, meeting and greeting the Power Rangers fans that he helped create.

David Fieldinginterviewmighty morphin power rangersThe OrderWalter Jones

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Revolt, Resistance and Black Power: Lessons From 50 Years of Righteous Struggle – Lasentinel

Part 3. Even as a central lesson of the 60s is the indispensability and obligation of struggle, it is also a central and sustained teaching and lesson of Kawaida that regardless of the other battles we must and might wage, the first and continuing battle is the battle is to win the hearts and minds of our people. And as we said in the 60s and constantly reaffirm, unless we win this battle, we cannot win any other. Thus, we of Us called for a radical revolution in views and values, an overturning of our negro selves and recovering the African within us.

We said that inside every negro, there is a Black person, an African, striving to come into being and we must wage a daily struggle to bring into being and sustain the best of what it means to be African and human in the world. For we are American by habit and African by choice. And we must choose every day to be African and to embody the instruction of our ancestors that African means excellence in how we understand and assert ourselves in the world.

Thus, we maintained, following Min. Malcolm, that we needed a cultural revolution that precedes, makes possible and sustains the political revolution. Clearly, we need to wage the political struggle to free ourselves, but we cant really free ourselves, if we dont be ourselves, if we deny, diminish or deform who we are as African persons and an African people. And likewise, we cant fully be ourselves, if we dont free ourselves and create space for us to come into the fullness of ourselves as persons and a people. So, we wage a simultaneous double struggle, stressing each aspect in its turn. Again, following Malcolm, we said We are a nation within a nation, a cultural nation striving to come into political existence, a people seeking power over the space it occupies, over its destiny and daily lives.

In the call for peace and security, we must not join or mimic the unthoughtful or unjust who talk of peace without justice, a submission to evil and injustice for the sake of calm or the comfort of the ruling race/class. We must refuse and reject calls for a repressive peace imposed by police violence or what Frantz Fanon calls the peaceful violence of the system which uses institutional violence without the show of weapons. Indeed, the policies and practices of its structured domination, deprivation and degradation is daily violence against the body, heart, mind and soul.

It is the violence of a degrading and deficient educational system, the denial of access to affordable and adequate housing, healthcare and employment, and the means to make a living and a decent and good life. It is the violence of the media, making us into self-mutilating mascots, blackish caricatures of humanity, and turning our social savaging and suffering into entertainment for the ruling race. And it is the violence of displacing our people from historical living spaces, replacing them with Whites, dispersing us to the winds, destroying community and centralized sites of culture, and calling it gentrification to camouflage its race and class character and the human casualties and social chaos and ruin it causes and leaves in its wake.

So, we must continue to rise up and resist in righteous anger these and all the other evils and injustices of oppression and White supremacy. For what do we have to lose except the little space that has been left for us to praise them for their oppression in this citadel of White wealth and power, this self-declared democracy of Whiteness and wealth? And as we continue to rise up in righteous and relentless struggle, let us also remember this lesson also born and reaffirmed in struggle: know that we are our own liberators. Indeed, the oppressor is responsible for our oppression, but we are responsible for our liberation.

Another lesson we bring from the 50 years of righteous and relentless struggle is the important role art (creative production, creativity activity) can play in the struggle. Author and literary critic, Larry Neal, noted that In Watts after the Rebellion, Maulana Karenga welded the Black Arts Movement into a cohesive ideology which owed much to LeRoi Jones (Amiri Baraka). Neal speaks here of the influence Kawaida had on the works of not only Baraka, but also on a wide range of artists, i.e., Haki Madhubuti, Kalamu ya Salaam, Val Gray Ward and the artists of Kuumba Theatre, later Gwen Brooks and August Wilson and others. Kawaida contended that Black art is not simply art for arts sake, but art for our peoples sake, that it must raise and praise the people, expose and attack the oppressor and open new horizons for our people to be themselves, free themselves and come into the fullness of themselves. In a word, art must be functional, collective and committing.

From our work with Dr. Harry Edwards, chair of the Olympic Project for Human Rights and organizer of the Black Olympic Boycott, we also learned the lesson of the important role Black athletes can play by taking a stand and advancing the interests of the struggle. This is clearly exemplified in the draft resistance by Muhammad Ali, 1966; Tommy Smiths and John Carlos Black Power demonstration at the Olympics in Mexico,1968; Arthur Ashes organization of athletes against apartheid, 1973; and more recently the Black football team members at the University of Missouri who supported the students demands and struggles against campus racism, and Colin Kaepernicks demonstration against the oppression and violence against our people.

Important also was the resistance of Black athletes like Jim Brown, Craig Hodges, and Curt Flood who resisted dehumanizing trading practices and especially Floods struggle which opened the way for free agency and bargaining rights in the sports world and against brutal capitalist profit-making practices. They all paid a heavy price for the sacrifice and struggle and offer a model for all others who decide to join them.

It is Min. Malcolm again who taught us that we are not to act responsibly in the eyes and interests of our oppressor, but be responsible to and acting responsibly for our people. Indeed, we are to act outrageously irresponsible in the eyes and evaluation of the oppressor. For as Malcolm taught, to be responsible in their unjust, immoral and undemocratic judgment is to betray the trust of our people. For we do not come to the battleground to concede, but to confront; not to be silenced and sidelined, but seize the center and speak on behalf of our people, especially, Malcolm says, the downtrodden and dissatisfied. And we are not to compromise at the expense of our people, but to hold the line, build united fronts, rebuild the overarching Movement, fight the good and victorious fight, and lay the basis for a larger broader radical struggle to seriously transform society in the interest of freedom, justice, human good and the well-being of the world.

Dr. Maulana Karenga, Professor and Chair of Africana Studies, California State University-Long Beach; Executive Director, African American Cultural Center (Us); Creator of Kwanzaa; and author of Kwanzaa: A Celebration of Family, Community and Culture, The Message and Meaning of Kwanzaa: Bringing Good Into the World and Essays on Struggle: Position and Analysis, ww.AfricanAmericanCulturalCenter-LA.org; ww.OfficialKwanzaaWebsite.org; www.MaulanaKarenga.org.

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Follow up ‘Detroit’ by streaming these other Black Power movies – Metro US

Summers the time to turn off your brain. But not this weekend. Dropped like an H-bomb into the glut of dumb superhero movies and light entertainments, Detroit, Kathryn Bigelows follow-up to Zero Dark Thirty, brings the 1967 Detroit riot to the multiplex. The focus is largely on the Algiers Motel incident, in which white cops tortured 12 innocent people 10 black, two white leaving three black men dead. Spoiler: They were acquitted. Its a horrific chapter in American race relations, and a stark reminder that not much has changed.

But why stop there? Continue your deep dive into the Civil Rights Era and the Black Power movement online. These films are ready to stream:

I Am Not Your Negro (Amazon Prime) O.J.: Made in America won the Best Documentary Oscar this year, and it deserved it. But it was a photo finish. It could have easily gone to 13th (see below) or Raoul Pecks look at the work of James Baldwin. The latter is no mere 101 primer; think of it as a film essay, which takes the authors unfailingly insightful books on race with heavy use of 1976s film-centric The Devil Finds Work and weaves them with images of Black Lives Matter protests and the like, showing how his work, sadly, refuses to become irrelevant.

13th (Netflix Instant) The era summoned by Detroit only takes up a decent chunk of Ava DuVernays fiery doc. Then again, she Hoovers up the whole of the American black experience since the Emancipation Proclamation. What she finds isnt pretty: Slavery may have ended, but it never really went away. There was Jim Crow, the assault on Black Panthers and the Prison Industrial Complex, which found another way to round up the black populace. Its an alternate history of America thats also the correct one.

Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution (Netflix Instant) History is written by the victors, and the story told about the Black Panthers has often been one of menace a violent, gun-toting scourge, their images still used to frighten White America. Stanley Nelsons doc tries to correct all that. The real story is far more complicated, and filled with far more good than bad. He rounds up former members to set the record straight, showing all the good they did for troubled and ignored communities, all the positive vibes they gave a people demonized and menaced by white society.

Black Panthers (FilmStruck) You could also watch the real deal, from the era itself. Filmed in 1969 by the great and peerlessly curious French filmmaker Agnes Varda, this short hangs at a rally to free jailed member Huey P. Newton thats part barnburner, part picnic. Varda makes sure to give the female Panthers, like Kathleen Cleaver, as much screentime as the men, and you get to see the peaceful yet passionate side the media of the time would never show.

The Trials of Muhammad Ali (Netflix Instant) At the height of his celebrity, Cassius Clay decided on two things: He didnt want to be known by what he deemed his white name, and he didnt want to fight in Vietnam. So he converted to Islam, changed his name and became a conscientious objector. This doc zeroes in on his most tumultuous and heroic period, when one of the great shit-talkers put his money where his mouth was, almost destroying his career but for the right cause. If you want more, check out Michael Manns Ali, starring Will Smith, which was just added to Hulu; it, too, sees one of our greatest pugilists through a righteous Black Power perspective.

What Happened, Miss Simone? (Netflix Instant) Nina Simone had plenty of demons, but one thing that definitely got right was her commitment to Black Power. Her political songs didnt just slip real talk into the mainstream; they were five-alarm bonfires, meant to burn everything down. Sometimes she went too far, but only in that she burned personal bridges she never should have torched (including the one with her daughter). This doc grants her the complicated portrait she deserved while claiming her for the sight of justice.

Fruitvale Station (Netflix Instant) Detroit is the true story of white cops who killed innocent black men and didnt go to jail. It arrives only four years after another film about the same thing: the one about Oscar Grant (Michael B. Jordan), the young man whose shouting match with cops led to his assassination. Dont watch this back-to-back with Detroit; there arent enough tissues in this bad, bad world.

The Spook Who Sat by the Door (YouTube) Its not the ideal way to see it, but if you dont catch it on YouTube, you might not believe a movie like this could have ever been made. In 1973, as Blaxploitation was on the rise, Ivan Dixon, formerly of Hogans Heroes, used his clout entertaining the masses on TV to make a film of Sam Greenlees novel, in which a black nationalist quietly works his way up through the CIA, only so he can dismantle the government from within. Its no-holds-barred filmmaking an almost plotless account of Civil Rights protestors taking on the Man and winning. But thats enough well, that, and a killer score by Herbie Hancock.

Follow Matt Prigge on Twitter @mattprigge

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Follow up ‘Detroit’ by streaming these other Black Power movies – Metro US

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Celebrating the Power and Persistence of Black Women Artist Who … – Atlanta Black Star

We Wanted a Revolution: Black Radical Women, 1965-85 Installation Views. (C) Jonathan Dorado. The female African-American experience is center stage in the Brooklyn Museums art exhibition We Wanted a Revolution: Black Radical Women, 196585. The exhibit, which the art website Hyperallergic described as perhaps the most important exhibition New York has seen in recent years, highlights the work of Black women during a period of tremendous cultural and sociopolitical upheaval. The 20-year time frame the exhibit spans notably gave rise to the womens liberation movement, but many Black women felt marginalized by mainstream white feminism. They began to identify as womanists (coined by The Color Purple author Alice Walker) rather than as feminists to embrace their specific take on womens liberation and the double jeopardy they experienced being both Black and female in a white supremacist and patriarchal society. And Black women artists felt sidelined by the art world as well. The marginalization they faced did not prevent them from creating, however. In fact, Black women artists flourished during this time. The Brooklyn Museum show highlighting their accomplishments is part of a yearlong series of exhibitions marking the 10th anniversary of the Elizabeth A. Sackler Center for Feminist Art. Rujeko Hockley and Catherine Morris co-curated We Wanted a Revolution. The exhibit will run through Sept. 17, and the Brooklyn Museum has described the uniqueness of this assemblage of art, featuring more than 200 works. It is the first exhibition to highlight the voices and experiences of women of color distinct from the primarily white, middle-class mainstream feminist movement in order to reorient conversations around race, feminism, political action, art production, and art history in this significant historical period, the museum states on its website. Presenting a diverse group of artists and activists who lived and worked at the intersections of avant-garde art worlds, radical political movements, and profound social change, the exhibition features a wide array of work, including conceptual, performance, film, and video art, as well as photography, painting, sculpture, and printmaking. The exhibit features too many artists to name, but among them are Faith Ringgold, Julie Dash, Lorna Simpson, Carrie Mae Weems, Kay Brown, Susan Robeson and Blondell Cummings. The cultural output of these women and other artists is featured in several galleries at the museum. In addition to individual artists, the exhibit highlights groups of artists, such as the Spiral Artist Collective and the subsequent Black Arts Movement, and how Black women fared in these collectives. Remarkably, We Wanted a Revolution shows how the social issues of importance to the Black community during the 1965-85 time frame, such as the prison industrial complex, are much the same today. For example, it includes Faith Ringgolds work For the Womens House. In 1971, Ringgold displayed the work, which features a multicultural group of women in various roles doctor, athlete, policewoman, musician in the Womens House of Detention at Rikers Island, where she had taken up an unconventional residency. She created the work at the request of the incarcerated women. Many of them voiced the opinion that they wanted to be able to see women being things in the world other than some of the things they had gotten arrested for, she told the New Yorker in 2010. They wanted to be able to do things in the world that were important other than being somebodys girlfriend. Ringgold visited the prison because Angela Davis was incarcerated (in another location) at the time, and the artist became concerned about her and other women inmates. Davis, who famously studied at the Sorbonne, appreciated African-American artists, calling the Black arts movement extremely important. That movement, spearheaded by poet Amiri Baraka, was an outgrowth of the Black power movement. It included poets, writers, playwrights and musicians who embraced a political consciousness shaped by the desire for Black liberation. Black female friendship is also the subject of the works featured in We Wanted a Revolution, as is the way in which Black artists advocated for other artists by helping to publicize their work. Moreover, historical documents paint a deeper picture of the art world at the time, including its stinging exclusion women of color. As Hyperallergic notes: Through reams of historical documents and papers, the curators unflinchingly recount instances of racism and exclusion, from the feminist cooperative AIR Gallery to Donald Newmans controversial 1979 Nigger Drawings show at Artists Space and even the Brooklyn Museum itself. During a town hall event at the institution in 1971, its director at the time, Duncan Cameron, appeared open to criticism yet ostensibly defended the museums exclusionary practices regarding the women and minority artists who were vying for representation; there was widespread outcry. Ringgold and other activist artists helped to hold Cameron accountable. He ended up resigning in 1973. Artists such as Howardena Pindell were keenly aware of the impact racial microaggressions, such as those suffered by Blacks in the art field, had on African-Americans. Her video installation Free White and 21 explores the minor but persistent racial slights that serve to traumatize Blacks. Other artwork questions what kind of political activism constitutes radicalism, the intersection of race and sexual orientation, and how Black men artists marginalized Black women as well as the white art world. Yet, Black women artists still stood by Black men. The Combahee River Collective, made up of Black LGBT women artists, said as much in its 1974 mission statement. Although we are feminists and Lesbians, we feel solidarity with progressive Black men and do not advocate the fractionalization that white women who are separatists demand, the statement said. We struggle together with Black men against racism, while we also struggle with Black men about sexism. Despite the challenges Black women artists faced, they persisted, demanding equality whether it regarded race, sex or gender. Through We Wanted a Revolution, their efforts finally receive the recognition they have long deserved.

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"We Were 8 Years in Power": Ta-Nehisi Coates on Obama, Trump & White Fear of "Good Negro Government" – Democracy Now!

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form. JUAN GONZLEZ: In your book thats about to come out, one of the things you talk about is the fear that white America has of “good Negro government.” And you make references to the Civil War, as well, yourI guess its a theme that youve often raised, the lack of attention and study of the lessons of the Civil War. But at the same time, you also say that the Obama administrations “good Negro government” also, in many ways, helped to feed white supremacy. Could you elaborate on that? TA-NEHISI COATES: Yeah, sure. I mean, the book takes its title, We Were Eight Years in Power, from a gentleman who stood up in 1895, one of the black congressmen appointed duringor who won during Reconstruction, immediately after slavery. And as South Carolina was basically cementing the disenfranchisement of African Americans, he said, you know, “Listen, we were eight years in power.” And he listed all the great things that the African Americans, really, the multiracial government, you know, a tremendous experiment in democracy that followed the Civil War, had accomplishedyou know, reformingreally, forming the first public school system, you know, reforming the penal systemjust a list of governmental accomplishments that they had done. And he struggled to understand why folks would then perpetrate this act of disenfranchisement, given how much South Carolina had advanced during this period. And the great W.E.B. Du Bois pointed out that the one thing white South Carolinians feared more than bad Negro government was good Negro government. It was precisely the fact of having made all of these accomplishments, because they ran counter to the ideas of white supremacy that gave the disenfranchisement movement and the redeemers their fuel. And I dont think it was very different under President Barack Obama. I think it was, in fact, you know, his modesty. It was the lack of radicalism. It was the fact that he wasnt out, you know, firebombing or, you know, throwing up the Black Power sign or doing such that made him so scary, because I think what folks ultimately fear is Africansis kind of the ease with which African Americans could be integrated into the system, because it assaults the very ideas of white supremacy in the first place.

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August Wilson’s Pittsburgh – New York Times

Eventually the Civic Arena, which many came to see as a harbinger of the communitys destruction, was torn down and replaced with the modern PPG Paints Arena. Half a block away, the Freedom Corner was dedicated in 2001, commemorating the civil rights leaders of the 1950s and 1960s who sought to maintain the Hill District. It is also a symbolic gateway to the neighborhood. In 2006, a proposal to build a casino in the lower Hill District was overwhelmingly rejected by residents. To this day, the sphere of influence from downtown generally stops at Crawford Street, which for me was a jarring reminder of how ghosts from the past dont easily dissipate. Though much of Wilsons Pittsburgh is gone, you could use his words to tour the district. I did so, led by Kimberly C. Ellis, a digital consultant and founder of the preservation-minded Historic Hill Institute, who is also the playwrights niece. The neighborhood has changed a lot, she said, adding that there is a renewed level of pride. Ms. Ellis took me to 1727 Bedford Avenue, where Wilson lived with his mother and most of his immediate family until he was almost 13. The brick building, listed on the National Register of Historic Places, is ringed by scaffolding. After its renovation, the house is slated to be the site of a multidisciplinary arts center, with an artist-in-residency program. We then saw her brother, Paul A. Ellis Jr., the executive director and general counsel of the August Wilson House. This center is going to be an economic anchor for the entire Hill District, which is huge, Mr. Ellis said. It is a significant undertaking. Wilson used the house as valuable source material: It was the conceptual basis for Seven Guitars, which begins after a death and focuses on character and mortality. I walked to the back of the house, to orient myself. In the play, the backyard is a meeting point for the characters, including Vera, who has conflicting feelings about the return of her musician ex-boyfriend, Floyd, and the down-to-earth neighbor Louise. I saw the cellar doors leading to the basement that Wilson described as storage space for the always eccentric Hedley. Set in 1948, during Wilsons early childhood, the play chronicles a time when many African-Americans were returning from serving in World War II but still faced inequality. Wilson never shied away from this sort of commentary, as it honestly tackled the African-American experience in a northern city, something that was often overshadowed by the overt oppression of the Jim Crow South. Being near the cellar reminded me of one of Hedleys monologues, in which he laments the need to constantly defend his self-worth at a time of rigid racial norms. Everybody say Hedley crazy cause he black. Because he know the place of the black man is not at the foot of the white mans boot. Maybe it is not all right in my head sometimes. Because I dont like the world. I dont like what I see from the people. The people is too small. I always want to be a big man. Hedley, Seven Guitars The Bedford Hill Apartments, part of the Hope VI redevelopment plan, are across the street from Wilsons home. The apartments were intended to create mixed-use housing in areas where public housing was predominant. It, too, appeared in one of Wilsons plays. In Radio Golf, which focuses on gentrification, the Bedford Hills Redevelopment, Inc. exists. Skepticism about the durability of minority political power is a theme in the play. In one scene, Harmond Wilks, an African-American real estate developer with mayoral ambitions, is speaking to Elder Joseph Barlow, known as Old Joe. Old Joe doesnt think a presumptive African-American mayor would be allowed to have as much power as a white mayor. Harmond disagrees, but gives a witty retort: Naw, Im going to have all the keys and theyre going to have to make me some new ones. We are going to build up everything. Ms. Ellis and I headed to the Upper Hill District and 809 Anaheim Street, where Fences, starring Denzel Washington and Viola Davis, was filmed. It is a private residence, so there arent any tours. The facade is enough. Passing the tidy brick house, Mr. Wilsons depiction of Troy echoed in my head, especially in a heated scene with his son Cory over a desire to play football. See you swung at the ball and didnt hit it. Thats strike one. See, you in the batters box now. You swung and you missed. Thats strike one. Dont you strike out! In the Middle Hill District, mostly along Centre and Wylie Avenues, are the remnants of the neighborhoods golden age. Several buildings are ripe for renovation, but others have been demolished. The Pittsburgh Weil School, where Wilson created the Black Horizon Theater with the playwright Rob Penny in 1968, continues to operate as a public school. At Black Beautys Lounge, a huge, colorful mural by Kyle Holbrook of Wilson and his plays is painted on the side of the building. The building that formerly housed Lutzs Meat Market, featured in Two Trains Running, stands vacant. In the play, an intriguing 1960s-era generational divide between Memphis Lee, who runs a diner, and Sterling, an aimless young man, breaks out in the open. Memphis is skeptical about the black power movement, while Sterling is curious about it. Memphis tells Sterling that African-Americans have to use the system thats currently available and work within it, despite its flaws. Freedom is heavy, he says. You got to put your shoulder to freedom. Put your shoulder to it and hope your back hold up. And if you around here looking for justice, you got a long wait. The New Granada Theater, originally built as a fraternal lodge and designed by Louis A. S. Bellinger, one of Pittsburghs first African-American architects, has been in disrepair for years. Despite this, its a stunning structure, and as Ms. Ellis noted, the theater often hosted musical legends including Duke Ellington and Cab Calloway.

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Black Power – Encyclopedia Britannica | Britannica.com

American philosophical movement THIS IS A DIRECTORY PAGE. Britannica does not currently have an article on this topic. Black Power became popular in the late 1960s. The slogan was first used by Carmichael in June 1966 during a civil rights march in Mississippi. However, the concept of black power predated the slogan. Essentially, it refers to all the attempts by African Americans to maximize their political and economic power. The assassination of Malcolm X, eloquent exponent of black nationalism, in 1965 in New York and the espousal of Black Power by previously integrationist civil rights organizations such as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) helped to galvanize a generation of young black writers into rethinking the purpose of African… …in June 1966 during a voting rights march through Mississippi following the wounding of James Meredith, who had desegregated the University of Mississippi in 1962. Carmichaels use of the black power slogan encapsulated the emerging notion of a freedom struggle seeking political, economic, and cultural objectives beyond narrowly defined civil rights reforms. By the late 1960s… …Malcolm urged his followers to defend themselves by any means necessary. His biting critique of the so-called Negro provided the intellectual foundations for the Black Power and black consciousness movements in the United States in the late 1960s and 70s. Through the influence of the Nation of Islam,… …Vietnam War for the available money. Despite the Civil Rights Act (1964) and the Voting Rights Act (1965), many African Americans became disenchanted with progress on civil rights. Thus, a Black Power movement arose, hitting into Johnsons popularity even among African Americans. A general crime increase and sporadic violence in the cities raised apprehension in white… …its members faced increased violence. In response, SNCC migrated from a philosophy of nonviolence to one of greater militancy after the mid-1960s, as an advocate of the burgeoning black power movement, a facet of late 20th-century black nationalism. The shift was personified by Stokely Carmichael, who replaced John Lewis as SNCC chairman in 196667. While many…

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‘black power’ Search – XVIDEOS.COM

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Crystal Bridges to Debut ‘Art in the Age of Black Power’ Exhibit … – Arkansas Business Online

Crystal Bridges Museum of American Art in Bentonville on Tuesday announced its exhibitions for 2018, including the U.S. debut of “Soul of a Nation: Art in the Age of Black Power.” Also appearing next year will be the Crystal Bridges-organized exhibitions “Georgia O’Keeffe and Contemporary Art” and “Native North America.” “Our 2018 exhibitions complement the story of American art shared through our permanent collection,” said Rod Bigelow, the museum’s executive director and chief diversity and inclusion officer. The museum called “Soul of a Nation,” organized by the Tate Modern in London and debuting in the United States at Crystal Bridges, “a look at how American culture was reshaped through the work of Black artists during the tumultuous 1960s, ’70s, and early ’80s.” Crystal Bridges is one of only two American venues to host this exhibition. Following its debut at Crystal Bridges, the exhibition travels to the Brooklyn Museum in New York. The exhibit will feature artworks by more than 60 black artists, including Romare Bearden, Melvin Edwards, Betye Saar, Faith Ringgold, Charles White, Alvin Loving, Alma Thomas and Lorraine O’Grady. And the art includes a wide range of styles and media, including painting, photography, fashion, sculpture and mixed media work, as well as street art in the form of murals and posters by artists of the AfriCOBRA collective, the graphic art created by Emory Douglas for The Black Panther newspaper and black feminist art. “Soul of a Nation opens a window into the heart of the Black Power movement in all of its beauty, pride, power, and aspiration,” the museum said. Soul of a Nation runs Feb. 3 through April 23, 2018. As for the Georgia O’Keeffe exhibit, Crystal Bridges is building on its collection of major works by O’Keeffe including Jimson Weed/White Flower No. 1 and Radiator Building-Night, New York and is bringing together a selection of O’Keeffe’s most important works. Alongside the works by O’Keeffe, the exhibition will display artworks by emerging contemporary artists “that evoke, investigate, and expand upon O’Keeffe’s artistic legacy,” the museum said. “This exhibition demonstrates the continuing power of O’Keeffe’s work as a touchstone for contemporary art.” These contemporary artists include Sharona Eliassaf, Monica Kim Garza, Loie Hollowell, Molly Larkey and Matthew Ronay. This exhibit will run May 26 through Sept. 3, 2018. The exhibit “Native North America,” which will be on display Oct. 6, 2018, through Jan. 7, 2019, is the first exhibition to chart the development of contemporary indigenous art from the United States and Canada from the 1960s to the present, the museum said. The exhibition will present about 75 works of art by important native artists such as Kay WalkingStick, Carl Beam, Fritz Scholder, Andrea Carlson and Kent Monkman and features works in a variety of media, including painting, drawing, photography, videos, sculpture and sound, installation and performance art.

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The original Black Ranger talks ‘Power Rangers,’ his thoughts on the … – AiPT! Comics

There have been many Power Rangers over the course of 25 years but precious few can say they were a part of the first crew. I was able to chat with Walter Jones, who played the original Black Power Ranger Zack Taylor in season 1 of Mighty Morphin Power Rangers. Jones was able to be a part of something new that changed pop culture forever. Even if you werent a fan of the series, when someone mentions Power Rangers, you know exactly what theyre talking about. I talked with Jones about the original series, the 2017 Power Rangers film, and a new film hes a part of featuring an impressive cast of original Power Rangers from previous seasons. AiPT!:Did you know anything about the original Sentai series prior to auditioning? Walter Jones: Ihad never seen the show or had any idea about it. AiPT!:Was Zack the Black Ranger the role you auditioned for? Or was that the role given to you? Walter Jones:I auditioned for the character Zack. I had no idea what color Ranger I would be. When I saw the costumes the first time I wanted the Red or the Black. I was happy to get the black costume. AiPT!:Did you ever think that Power Rangers would last as long as it has? Walter Jones: I never thought that Power Rangers would still be talked about 24 years later, much less that there would be new merchandise about the original series. AiPT!:What did you enjoy most about the new Power Rangers movie? Walter Jones:RJ Cyler was super captivating as Billy. I enjoyed all the actors! Great effects. AiPT!:Was there anything you didnt like about it? And was there anything you would have changed about the film? Walter Jones:[It had] no Hip Hop Kido! It was a major motivator for so many fans to explore physical arts, dancing, gymnastics, parkour, etc My character was the only character with that ability. It should have been included in some fashion. AiPT!:Do you ever get tired of talking about Power Rangers? Is there any moment where you just arent in the mood for it? Walter Jones:Talking about Rangers doesnt bother me. Im proud of its legacy. Of course, theres a time and place for everything. AiPT!:One of my favorite comedies of all time is Popstar: Never Stop Never Stopping. While watching this film I noticed that you made a cameo as an angry fan. How did you come across that role? Walter Jones:I was looping (doing voice over) on the film and the producers decided they wanted to add that part. I auditioned and got it! AiPT!:Who was the brain behind The Order movie that you and a fantastic cast of former Power Rangers are a part of? Walter Jones:David Fielding and Karan Ashley are the brains of the order. Its going to be a very exciting project! AiPT!:When can we see the film and how can fans help support it? Walter Jones:The Order should be out next year. We still have production to complete. AiPT!:Youre about to go on a dangerous mission but can only take one other Power Ranger from any season with you. Who do you take? Walter Jones:The one solid leader has always been Red. Gotta go with the tried and true! Walter Jones left the Power Ranger series after season 1 and despite never making a return as his character, he did come back to voice various antagonists. Jones was the very first actor to do voice work for any character other than a Ranger (mainly for monsters or villains) on a Power Rangers show after having a role as a Ranger himself. Jones to this day is still acting, dancing and makes Con appearances all over, meeting and greeting the Power Rangers fans that he helped create. David Fieldinginterviewmighty morphin power rangersThe OrderWalter Jones

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Revolt, Resistance and Black Power: Lessons From 50 Years of Righteous Struggle – Lasentinel

Part 3. Even as a central lesson of the 60s is the indispensability and obligation of struggle, it is also a central and sustained teaching and lesson of Kawaida that regardless of the other battles we must and might wage, the first and continuing battle is the battle is to win the hearts and minds of our people. And as we said in the 60s and constantly reaffirm, unless we win this battle, we cannot win any other. Thus, we of Us called for a radical revolution in views and values, an overturning of our negro selves and recovering the African within us. We said that inside every negro, there is a Black person, an African, striving to come into being and we must wage a daily struggle to bring into being and sustain the best of what it means to be African and human in the world. For we are American by habit and African by choice. And we must choose every day to be African and to embody the instruction of our ancestors that African means excellence in how we understand and assert ourselves in the world. Thus, we maintained, following Min. Malcolm, that we needed a cultural revolution that precedes, makes possible and sustains the political revolution. Clearly, we need to wage the political struggle to free ourselves, but we cant really free ourselves, if we dont be ourselves, if we deny, diminish or deform who we are as African persons and an African people. And likewise, we cant fully be ourselves, if we dont free ourselves and create space for us to come into the fullness of ourselves as persons and a people. So, we wage a simultaneous double struggle, stressing each aspect in its turn. Again, following Malcolm, we said We are a nation within a nation, a cultural nation striving to come into political existence, a people seeking power over the space it occupies, over its destiny and daily lives. In the call for peace and security, we must not join or mimic the unthoughtful or unjust who talk of peace without justice, a submission to evil and injustice for the sake of calm or the comfort of the ruling race/class. We must refuse and reject calls for a repressive peace imposed by police violence or what Frantz Fanon calls the peaceful violence of the system which uses institutional violence without the show of weapons. Indeed, the policies and practices of its structured domination, deprivation and degradation is daily violence against the body, heart, mind and soul. It is the violence of a degrading and deficient educational system, the denial of access to affordable and adequate housing, healthcare and employment, and the means to make a living and a decent and good life. It is the violence of the media, making us into self-mutilating mascots, blackish caricatures of humanity, and turning our social savaging and suffering into entertainment for the ruling race. And it is the violence of displacing our people from historical living spaces, replacing them with Whites, dispersing us to the winds, destroying community and centralized sites of culture, and calling it gentrification to camouflage its race and class character and the human casualties and social chaos and ruin it causes and leaves in its wake. So, we must continue to rise up and resist in righteous anger these and all the other evils and injustices of oppression and White supremacy. For what do we have to lose except the little space that has been left for us to praise them for their oppression in this citadel of White wealth and power, this self-declared democracy of Whiteness and wealth? And as we continue to rise up in righteous and relentless struggle, let us also remember this lesson also born and reaffirmed in struggle: know that we are our own liberators. Indeed, the oppressor is responsible for our oppression, but we are responsible for our liberation. Another lesson we bring from the 50 years of righteous and relentless struggle is the important role art (creative production, creativity activity) can play in the struggle. Author and literary critic, Larry Neal, noted that In Watts after the Rebellion, Maulana Karenga welded the Black Arts Movement into a cohesive ideology which owed much to LeRoi Jones (Amiri Baraka). Neal speaks here of the influence Kawaida had on the works of not only Baraka, but also on a wide range of artists, i.e., Haki Madhubuti, Kalamu ya Salaam, Val Gray Ward and the artists of Kuumba Theatre, later Gwen Brooks and August Wilson and others. Kawaida contended that Black art is not simply art for arts sake, but art for our peoples sake, that it must raise and praise the people, expose and attack the oppressor and open new horizons for our people to be themselves, free themselves and come into the fullness of themselves. In a word, art must be functional, collective and committing. From our work with Dr. Harry Edwards, chair of the Olympic Project for Human Rights and organizer of the Black Olympic Boycott, we also learned the lesson of the important role Black athletes can play by taking a stand and advancing the interests of the struggle. This is clearly exemplified in the draft resistance by Muhammad Ali, 1966; Tommy Smiths and John Carlos Black Power demonstration at the Olympics in Mexico,1968; Arthur Ashes organization of athletes against apartheid, 1973; and more recently the Black football team members at the University of Missouri who supported the students demands and struggles against campus racism, and Colin Kaepernicks demonstration against the oppression and violence against our people. Important also was the resistance of Black athletes like Jim Brown, Craig Hodges, and Curt Flood who resisted dehumanizing trading practices and especially Floods struggle which opened the way for free agency and bargaining rights in the sports world and against brutal capitalist profit-making practices. They all paid a heavy price for the sacrifice and struggle and offer a model for all others who decide to join them. It is Min. Malcolm again who taught us that we are not to act responsibly in the eyes and interests of our oppressor, but be responsible to and acting responsibly for our people. Indeed, we are to act outrageously irresponsible in the eyes and evaluation of the oppressor. For as Malcolm taught, to be responsible in their unjust, immoral and undemocratic judgment is to betray the trust of our people. For we do not come to the battleground to concede, but to confront; not to be silenced and sidelined, but seize the center and speak on behalf of our people, especially, Malcolm says, the downtrodden and dissatisfied. And we are not to compromise at the expense of our people, but to hold the line, build united fronts, rebuild the overarching Movement, fight the good and victorious fight, and lay the basis for a larger broader radical struggle to seriously transform society in the interest of freedom, justice, human good and the well-being of the world. Dr. Maulana Karenga, Professor and Chair of Africana Studies, California State University-Long Beach; Executive Director, African American Cultural Center (Us); Creator of Kwanzaa; and author of Kwanzaa: A Celebration of Family, Community and Culture, The Message and Meaning of Kwanzaa: Bringing Good Into the World and Essays on Struggle: Position and Analysis, ww.AfricanAmericanCulturalCenter-LA.org; ww.OfficialKwanzaaWebsite.org; www.MaulanaKarenga.org.

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August 3, 2017   Posted in: Black Power  Comments Closed

Follow up ‘Detroit’ by streaming these other Black Power movies – Metro US

Summers the time to turn off your brain. But not this weekend. Dropped like an H-bomb into the glut of dumb superhero movies and light entertainments, Detroit, Kathryn Bigelows follow-up to Zero Dark Thirty, brings the 1967 Detroit riot to the multiplex. The focus is largely on the Algiers Motel incident, in which white cops tortured 12 innocent people 10 black, two white leaving three black men dead. Spoiler: They were acquitted. Its a horrific chapter in American race relations, and a stark reminder that not much has changed. But why stop there? Continue your deep dive into the Civil Rights Era and the Black Power movement online. These films are ready to stream: I Am Not Your Negro (Amazon Prime) O.J.: Made in America won the Best Documentary Oscar this year, and it deserved it. But it was a photo finish. It could have easily gone to 13th (see below) or Raoul Pecks look at the work of James Baldwin. The latter is no mere 101 primer; think of it as a film essay, which takes the authors unfailingly insightful books on race with heavy use of 1976s film-centric The Devil Finds Work and weaves them with images of Black Lives Matter protests and the like, showing how his work, sadly, refuses to become irrelevant. 13th (Netflix Instant) The era summoned by Detroit only takes up a decent chunk of Ava DuVernays fiery doc. Then again, she Hoovers up the whole of the American black experience since the Emancipation Proclamation. What she finds isnt pretty: Slavery may have ended, but it never really went away. There was Jim Crow, the assault on Black Panthers and the Prison Industrial Complex, which found another way to round up the black populace. Its an alternate history of America thats also the correct one. Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution (Netflix Instant) History is written by the victors, and the story told about the Black Panthers has often been one of menace a violent, gun-toting scourge, their images still used to frighten White America. Stanley Nelsons doc tries to correct all that. The real story is far more complicated, and filled with far more good than bad. He rounds up former members to set the record straight, showing all the good they did for troubled and ignored communities, all the positive vibes they gave a people demonized and menaced by white society. Black Panthers (FilmStruck) You could also watch the real deal, from the era itself. Filmed in 1969 by the great and peerlessly curious French filmmaker Agnes Varda, this short hangs at a rally to free jailed member Huey P. Newton thats part barnburner, part picnic. Varda makes sure to give the female Panthers, like Kathleen Cleaver, as much screentime as the men, and you get to see the peaceful yet passionate side the media of the time would never show. The Trials of Muhammad Ali (Netflix Instant) At the height of his celebrity, Cassius Clay decided on two things: He didnt want to be known by what he deemed his white name, and he didnt want to fight in Vietnam. So he converted to Islam, changed his name and became a conscientious objector. This doc zeroes in on his most tumultuous and heroic period, when one of the great shit-talkers put his money where his mouth was, almost destroying his career but for the right cause. If you want more, check out Michael Manns Ali, starring Will Smith, which was just added to Hulu; it, too, sees one of our greatest pugilists through a righteous Black Power perspective. What Happened, Miss Simone? (Netflix Instant) Nina Simone had plenty of demons, but one thing that definitely got right was her commitment to Black Power. Her political songs didnt just slip real talk into the mainstream; they were five-alarm bonfires, meant to burn everything down. Sometimes she went too far, but only in that she burned personal bridges she never should have torched (including the one with her daughter). This doc grants her the complicated portrait she deserved while claiming her for the sight of justice. Fruitvale Station (Netflix Instant) Detroit is the true story of white cops who killed innocent black men and didnt go to jail. It arrives only four years after another film about the same thing: the one about Oscar Grant (Michael B. Jordan), the young man whose shouting match with cops led to his assassination. Dont watch this back-to-back with Detroit; there arent enough tissues in this bad, bad world. The Spook Who Sat by the Door (YouTube) Its not the ideal way to see it, but if you dont catch it on YouTube, you might not believe a movie like this could have ever been made. In 1973, as Blaxploitation was on the rise, Ivan Dixon, formerly of Hogans Heroes, used his clout entertaining the masses on TV to make a film of Sam Greenlees novel, in which a black nationalist quietly works his way up through the CIA, only so he can dismantle the government from within. Its no-holds-barred filmmaking an almost plotless account of Civil Rights protestors taking on the Man and winning. But thats enough well, that, and a killer score by Herbie Hancock. Follow Matt Prigge on Twitter @mattprigge

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August 2, 2017   Posted in: Black Power  Comments Closed


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