Archive for the ‘Black Racism’ Category

White Versus Black Racism & the "WINNER" is ? – Video



White Versus Black Racism the “WINNER” is ?

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White Racism vs. Black Racism: Most People Are Confused About What Racism Is – Video



White Racism vs. Black Racism: Most People Are Confused About What Racism Is
Most people are confused about what Racism is because of lack of knowledge of History and the confusion in the media have no clue what Racism is. Racism is a…

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White Racism vs. Black Racism: Most People Are Confused About What Racism Is – Video

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THE BLACK RACIST: TIME OUT WITH THE BLACK ON BLACK RACISM!! – Video



THE BLACK RACIST: TIME OUT WITH THE BLACK ON BLACK RACISM!!
VIDEO ARTICLE: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vdnu6CKc-Qg For Business Inquiries: https://fullscreen.wufoo.com/forms/business-inquiry/ WISEFIRE TRADING: htt…

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Ferguson Opened the Door to a Discussion of Black Equality

Suddenly the nation is talking about black equality.

It took Molotov cocktails in Ferguson, Mo., to forcefully penetrate our slumbering racial consciousness. Ferguson has become a metaphor for race relations in the 21st century; a signifier for the convergence of poverty, segregation, police brutality, and federal and civic neglect. Most importantly, the Ferguson crisis has forced the nation to re-examine the idea of black equality.

Make no mistake: Notions of black equality travel through both historical and contemporary terrain that Americans are loath to discuss. Black equality is more specific, and ironically more universal, than the generic advocacy of racial equality.

Anti-black racism in America is essential to understanding the roots of the Ferguson tragedy. From this perspective, Michael Brown is simply the latest victim in a much larger racial drama.

Black enslavement created this nation and in the process reinvented global capitalism. Our national heritage includes deep and enduring patterns of institutional racism that haunt us all even as some deny its very existence. Contrary to popular opinion, the civil rights movement did not save Americas soul. It merely ushered us into a new, uneasy phase of national race relations, where transcendent black achievement co-exists alongside staggering black disadvantage.

Black equality is always the unspoken elephant in the room in discussions of race and democracy. This is not to ignore the issues of class on obvious display during this upheaval, since the black poverty rate, which stands at 28 percent, should be a national crisis. Almost 40 percent of black children (pdf) live below the poverty line. To be #PBB (Poor, Black and Broke) is part of the urban black experience and is quickly becoming a suburban and rural phenomenon as well.

The search for black equality in the age of Obama has been obscured, even hampered, by the fetishization of the transcendent achievement of black elites, exemplified by the presidents own iconography. Not to blame President Barack Obama or suggest that black excellence be ignoredit cant and it shouldnt. But so long as we remain idly obsessed with the purchasing power and bling of rappers, movie stars and celebrities, we ignore our collective responsibility to the black poor and working class who make up the bulk of black America.

The measuring stick for American democracy now, as always, is how far a nation based in racial slavery, subjugation and caste has come on the issue of black equality. Ending racial segregation, unemployment, poverty and mass incarceration in the black community is a universal struggle. If they are defeated here, poverty and inequality can be eradicated nationally. Conversely, so long as they thrive in the black community, the rest of society will continue to be plagued by massive inequality, too.

Black equality in reality would mean that African-American success and failure would be closely aligned with that of our white counterparts. This would lift millions out of poverty, transform public education, employ countless numbers of the unemployed and release thousands from the criminal-justice system.

Perhaps most importantly, black equality would end unequal treatment that African Americans receive from institutions and their representatives. Michael Browns death is the tip of the iceberg on this score. Access to health care, voting rights, good jobs and schools, local city services, and environmentally safe, clean neighborhoods are all impacted not just by racial bias but also by anti-black racism.

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Ferguson Opened the Door to a Discussion of Black Equality

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A matter of death and death: Confronting anti-black racism among Latinos

But people are actively critiquing the ways that some non-black Latinos perpetuate anti-blackness particularly on social media, where black Latinas especially have led the conversation. On Twitter, black Latinas like @bad_dominicana put vital pressure on our biases. When @bad_dominicana tweets about anti-blackness, the response from non-black Latinos is varied but always complicated. The first line of defense is usually an attempt to derail the conversation and draw attention away from anti-blackness and toward absolutely anything else. I know this because this is exactly what I did when @bad_dominicana questioned my own anti-black bias.

When Russell Simmonspublished his horrid Harriet Tubman sex video,I tweeted that it illustrated that women of color are never safe, even in death. @bad_dominicanapointed out that it was imperative to specify that this was about black women in particular.

After trying to derail her critique initially by bringing up abuse against Native women and feeling confused for some time, I came to see that @bad_dominicana and other black women who had made this distinction were right: I was making an argument that all women of color are somehow the same. Were not and making that distinction, especially in reference to Simmons video, was crucial. The lesson felt difficult for about 20 minutes. Soon enough, I realized that I was nervous only because I allowed myself to listen to the very women I purported to want to represent by taking Simmons on.

We dont always listen, however. Sometimes we derail, we push back and we refuse to take black women seriously. Time and again, Ive seen @bad_dominicana called jealous, hateful and angry by non-black Latinas on Twitter despite the fact that her tone is often thoughtful. But, for far too many people Ive seen engage with her on Twitter, it seems that the fact that shes black automatically weaponizes her words. This distortion becomes the pretext by which to dismiss or even ridicule her.

When I address the issue of anti-blackness on social media, my interactions are almost completely positive. In fact, Ive seen some of the same non-black Latinas that attack @bad_dominicana embrace me. Even though Im a non-black Latina or precisely because Im a non-black Latina its as if only I can make legitimate what black Latinas have been tweeting. Accepting my tweets, but rejecting the tweets that @bad_dominicana and countless other black women have been producing for years, is perhaps one of the most ironic forms of black erasure that Ive seen perpetuated by non-black Latinos.

This isnt to say I dont receive pushback. While my conversations on Twitter have been largely positive, my conversations on Facebook where I have more personal contact with users than I do on Twitter have been mixed. While many black and non-black people I know who have opened up on Facebook, shared personal and often painful stories either publicly or in personal messages to me, some non-black Latinos have mentioned that these conversations are just too difficult to have. Although as non-black Latinos, we often know firsthand what its like to face personal discrimination and institutional racism, were also more often comfortable with identifying as the injured party, and not the perpetrator. For non-black Latinos, the anxiety over having these conversations is rooted in the contradiction that we can simultaneously be the oppressed and be the oppressors.

Some of the anti-black bias among non-black Latinos is driven by the misconception that black people do not support the immigrants rights movement. But this erases the fact that there are black immigrants from the Americas and elsewhere, and it assumes that there are not already entire black organizations that focus on immigrant justice. But the argument also expects black people to be working on behalf of non-black Latinos as if that work is automatically owed to us. The unchecked entitlement packed into the argument that black people need to support non-black Latinos demonstrates not that non-black Latinos are aspiring toward whiteness but that we already actively employ some of its trappings.

In the immigrant rights community in particular, non-black Latinos use the term Juan Crow to reference the systematic terror that undocumented immigrants face in the South. This is a powerful articulation of the injustice experienced by undocumented immigrants, but it is often employed without recognizing how the most recent struggle of Latino immigrant communities is distinct from the nearly century-long struggle of black people under Jim Crow. When babies born to undocumented immigrants are hatefully described as anchor babies, we cite birthright citizenship under the 14th Amendment of the Constitution. Yet we rarely acknowledge that doing so takes advantage of a piece of legislation created to confer citizenship to formerly enslaved black people following the Civil War.

The citizenship we envision for ourselves, however, is not the limited form of citizenship that black people still experience today. Black citizens whose very right to vote remains contested may not be slated for deportation, but they are disproportionately targeted for stop-and-frisk, for jail and prison, for violence, and for death. Whenever non-black Latinos claim or even aspire to citizenship without also advocating for the recognition of the full humanity (and full citizenship) of black people, then we are allowing white supremacy to operate unchallenged. We may, indeed, creatively acquire a fuller citizenship through a piece of legislation that was historically intended for black people, but it is immoral to do so at the cost of preserving a racial hierarchy that maintains that those same black people are a little less than human.

For years, Ive heard friends try to justify their anti-blackness by stressing that many of us are indigenous to different places in the Americas. Many non-black Latinos do, indeed, descend from the original peoples of these continents, but that does not magically makes it impossible for us to perpetuate anti-blackness. We know racism and discrimination because we endure it but that doesnt mean we lack the power to be oppressive. Just as importantly, this argument illustrates the tendency to ignore our learned behavior, and re-center the conversation on our own identity instead of our biases.

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A matter of death and death: Confronting anti-black racism among Latinos

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The Rising Tide of Anti-Black Racism – The American Prospect

This image was distributed by a Republican organization in San Bernardino, California during the 2008 Presidential election.

Thomas Edsall has a fascinating column in todays New York Times on the persistence of racial resentment in the Obama-era. For those not familiar with the term, racial resentment is defined as the convergence of anti-black sentiments with traditional American views on hard work and individualism.

Its measured using questions that focus on race and effort. People who answer in the affirmative to questions like thisIrish, Italian, Jewish and many other minorities overcame prejudice and worked their way up. Blacks should do the same without any special favorsand in the negative to questions like thisGenerations of slavery and discrimination have created conditions that make it difficult for blacks to work their way out of the lower classare assigned a high place on the resentment scale.

Edsall runs though recent research from a variety of sources to show the extent to which President Obamas term has coincided with a sharp increase in the proportion of Americans who express anti-black attitudes. In one survey, for example, The percentage of voters with explicit anti-black attitudes rose from 47.6 in 2008 and 47.3 percent in 2010 to 50.9 percent in 2012. This wasnt a uniform changenot only were Republicans more likely to express anti-black attitudes, but people who identified themselves as Republicans in 2012 expressed such attitudes more often than their counterparts of 2008:

In 2008, Pasek and his collaborators note, the proportion of people expressing anti-Black attitudes was 31 percent among Democrats, 49 percent among independents, and 71 percent among Republicans. By 2012, the numbers had gone up. The proportion of people expressing anti-Black attitudes, they write, was 32 percent among Democrats, 48 percent among independents, and 79 percent among Republicans.

Edsall sees this as a crucial through-line in the ongoing story of GOP extremism. Growing racial resentment has deepened the conservatism of right-wing Republicans, and contributed to their total rejection of President Obama and the Democratic Party in 2010 and 2012.

Its worth noting the real disputes over the racial resentment scale. Over the years, a growing group of political scientists have questioned the actual influence of ideology on anti-black attitudes. Racial resentment is seen as a form of new prejudice: Its not racism as much as it is an outgrowth of traditional ideas about individualism, hard work, and equality of treatment. Everyone can succeed if they try, and those who dont succeed, just arent tryingtheres no use in crying racism, its an excuse. In this narrative, opposition to race-conscious policies has less to do with outright animus, and more with a belief in equal opportunity and a desire to treat people fairly.

But the divide between racism and ideology isnt so neatas has been true throughout American history, beliefs about race are hard to separate from political ideology. To wit, a recent study from Oberlin political scientist Christopher DeSante found that when you put blacks and whites in direct competition for scarce resources, racial prejudice interacts with American norms of hard work to amplify white racial privilege.

In DeSantes experiment, participants are asked to allocate $1,500 in welfare benefits to two applicants. All applicants are women and divided into two categories, poor or excellent work ethic. Two of the applicants had stereotypically white namesLaurie and Emilyand two have comparable black names, Latoya and Keisha. Participants could also distribute benefits to a deficit-reduction fund. The hypothesis is straightforward: If racial resentment is more principle than prejudice, then high scorers will give more money to deficit reduction, with the fewest benefits going to applicants with poor work ethic, regardless of race.

Overall, those with the most racial resentment were the least likely to spend benefits on welfare. But this varied with the race of the applicants. When faced with two black applicants, the racially resentful gave far less than when faced with two white ones. As whites become more racially resentful, writes DeSante, they are less willing to spend money on welfare, but are always willing to spend more on applicants with white names.

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The Rising Tide of Anti-Black Racism – The American Prospect

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Pillow Talk Prophecies: Black Racism – Video



Pillow Talk Prophecies: Black Racism
BGM: “We Are One” by Frankie Beverly Maze.

By: VERBAL ABUSENETWORK

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Weekend Wrap Up: Seven Packs & Black Racism | ANIMATION DOMINATION – Video



Weekend Wrap Up: Seven Packs amp; Black Racism | ANIMATION DOMINATION
Duff beer has a new seven pack, Peter addresses one of the country's biggest issues, and other jokes from this past week's Animation Domination. Subscribe no.

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Weekend Wrap Up: Seven Packs & Black Racism | ANIMATION DOMINATION – Video

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Black Racism Rampant In America – Rense

Nor did they seem at all cognizant of the fact that there are mountains of evidence which entirely contradict their contention that black youngsters routinely get a raw deal from the juvenile justice system. To cite just one example: A mere five weeks before the Jena incident, a gang of perhaps 30 black teenagers brutally assaulted three white women — 21-year-old Laura Schneider, 19-year-old Michelle Smith, and 19-year-old Loren Hyman — in the Bixby Knolls section of Long Beach, California. Hyman suffered 13 facial fractures that required extensive facial reconstruction surgery. Schneider suffered a concussion after one of the attackers yelled a racial slur at her, smashed a skateboard against her head, and continued beating her after she was already unconscious. In February 2007 the four main perpetrators, all of whom were aged 16 to 17 at the time of the attack, were each sentenced to serve a mere 60 days of house arrest — which they were permitted to break in order to attend school and church — and 250 hours of community service. The judge also ordered the lead attacker to attend an eight-week racial tolerance program at the Simon Wiesenthal Center. Not much of a penalty for crimes that could easily have resulted in a death or two. And of course the ACLU, NAACP, Sharpton, and Jackson were nowhere to be seen or heard.

Black Racism – Disturbingly Widespread In America

There is a larger issue at play, however, apart from whatever penalties the juvenile justice system metes out. That is the issue of black racism, a disturbingly widespread phenomenon in contemporary America. This phenomenon explains why tens of thousands of protesters willingly traveled long distances to stage a show of support for a pack of thugs who had indisputably perpetrated a brutally violent attack against a white person. It explains why they focused exclusively on defending the “rights” of those attackers, rather than on condemning the wrong they had done. And it explains why they chose to portray a group of raging predators as the ‘innocent, misunderstood victims’ of modern America’s allegedly boundless bigotry.

Black racism also accounts for the fact that the vast majority of interracial violent crimes are of the black-on-white variety (90% of race crime victims are WHITE -ed), and that statistically the “average” black is many times more likely (50 times -ed) to attack a white, than vice versa. While not all interracial crimes are motivated by racial animosities, many of them — like this recently videotaped gang assault in Viriginia — certainly are.

But why should black racism be prevalent in America at this comparatively late stage in our nation’s evolution — long after the rise of equal-opportunity mandates, affirmative action policies, civil rights advances, and the stigmatization of racism to the point where “racist” is by far the epithet most feared by whites, be they political figures, business leaders, clergy, academics, or social commentators?

It’s actually quite simple. Black racism remains a dynamic phenomenon because African Americans have been told, ad nauseum, by “civil rights leaders” and by leftist whites in influential organizations like the ACLU, to look outside of themselves for the roots of every ill that plagues their community; to reflexively blame white society for their problems rather than to take responsibility for their own lives; and to view themselves as the oppressed and powerless victims of a white “power structure,” a status they are led to believe renders them somehow incapable of being genuine racists themselves — no matter how much they may detest the white people they perceive to be their tormenters. Moreover, they have been taught to angrily reject astute observations like those of Bill Cosby, who has publicly lamented how illegitimacy, parental neglect, lack of educational effort, and bad behavior have decimated black life.

Only the victim mentality fostered by the “civil rights” champions of our day could have prompted tens of thousands of people to think that rallying on behalf of the Jena Six was a worthwhile use of their time. Having listened for so long to the “civil rights” establishment’s incessant depictions of the United States as a land of racial inequity, many black Americans have become angry, embittered racists themselves. They are among the legions who, in the words of black columnist Michael Meyers, zealously “transform themselves into the apostles of their own delusions.”

__________

John Perazzo is the author of The Myths That Divide Us: How Lies Have Poisoned American Race Relations. For more information on his book, click http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0965 126811/centerforthest01A/104-3704288-7751118 here.

E-mail him at wsbooks25@hotmail.com

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Black Racism Rampant In America – Rense

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White Versus Black Racism & the "WINNER" is ? – Video




White Versus Black Racism the “WINNER” is ? By: House Of White Supremacy

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September 23, 2014   Posted in: Black Racism  Comments Closed

White Racism vs. Black Racism: Most People Are Confused About What Racism Is – Video




White Racism vs. Black Racism: Most People Are Confused About What Racism Is Most people are confused about what Racism is because of lack of knowledge of History and the confusion in the media have no clue what Racism is. Racism is a… By: AfricanHistoryNtwrk

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September 11, 2014   Posted in: Black Racism  Comments Closed

THE BLACK RACIST: TIME OUT WITH THE BLACK ON BLACK RACISM!! – Video




THE BLACK RACIST: TIME OUT WITH THE BLACK ON BLACK RACISM!! VIDEO ARTICLE: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vdnu6CKc-Qg For Business Inquiries: https://fullscreen.wufoo.com/forms/business-inquiry/ WISEFIRE TRADING: htt… By: Fearless2005

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August 31, 2014   Posted in: Black Racism  Comments Closed

Ferguson Opened the Door to a Discussion of Black Equality

Suddenly the nation is talking about black equality. It took Molotov cocktails in Ferguson, Mo., to forcefully penetrate our slumbering racial consciousness. Ferguson has become a metaphor for race relations in the 21st century; a signifier for the convergence of poverty, segregation, police brutality, and federal and civic neglect. Most importantly, the Ferguson crisis has forced the nation to re-examine the idea of black equality. Make no mistake: Notions of black equality travel through both historical and contemporary terrain that Americans are loath to discuss. Black equality is more specific, and ironically more universal, than the generic advocacy of racial equality. Anti-black racism in America is essential to understanding the roots of the Ferguson tragedy. From this perspective, Michael Brown is simply the latest victim in a much larger racial drama. Black enslavement created this nation and in the process reinvented global capitalism. Our national heritage includes deep and enduring patterns of institutional racism that haunt us all even as some deny its very existence. Contrary to popular opinion, the civil rights movement did not save Americas soul. It merely ushered us into a new, uneasy phase of national race relations, where transcendent black achievement co-exists alongside staggering black disadvantage. Black equality is always the unspoken elephant in the room in discussions of race and democracy. This is not to ignore the issues of class on obvious display during this upheaval, since the black poverty rate, which stands at 28 percent, should be a national crisis. Almost 40 percent of black children (pdf) live below the poverty line. To be #PBB (Poor, Black and Broke) is part of the urban black experience and is quickly becoming a suburban and rural phenomenon as well. The search for black equality in the age of Obama has been obscured, even hampered, by the fetishization of the transcendent achievement of black elites, exemplified by the presidents own iconography. Not to blame President Barack Obama or suggest that black excellence be ignoredit cant and it shouldnt. But so long as we remain idly obsessed with the purchasing power and bling of rappers, movie stars and celebrities, we ignore our collective responsibility to the black poor and working class who make up the bulk of black America. The measuring stick for American democracy now, as always, is how far a nation based in racial slavery, subjugation and caste has come on the issue of black equality. Ending racial segregation, unemployment, poverty and mass incarceration in the black community is a universal struggle. If they are defeated here, poverty and inequality can be eradicated nationally. Conversely, so long as they thrive in the black community, the rest of society will continue to be plagued by massive inequality, too. Black equality in reality would mean that African-American success and failure would be closely aligned with that of our white counterparts. This would lift millions out of poverty, transform public education, employ countless numbers of the unemployed and release thousands from the criminal-justice system. Perhaps most importantly, black equality would end unequal treatment that African Americans receive from institutions and their representatives. Michael Browns death is the tip of the iceberg on this score. Access to health care, voting rights, good jobs and schools, local city services, and environmentally safe, clean neighborhoods are all impacted not just by racial bias but also by anti-black racism.

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August 31, 2014   Posted in: Black Racism  Comments Closed

A matter of death and death: Confronting anti-black racism among Latinos

But people are actively critiquing the ways that some non-black Latinos perpetuate anti-blackness particularly on social media, where black Latinas especially have led the conversation. On Twitter, black Latinas like @bad_dominicana put vital pressure on our biases. When @bad_dominicana tweets about anti-blackness, the response from non-black Latinos is varied but always complicated. The first line of defense is usually an attempt to derail the conversation and draw attention away from anti-blackness and toward absolutely anything else. I know this because this is exactly what I did when @bad_dominicana questioned my own anti-black bias. When Russell Simmonspublished his horrid Harriet Tubman sex video,I tweeted that it illustrated that women of color are never safe, even in death. @bad_dominicanapointed out that it was imperative to specify that this was about black women in particular. After trying to derail her critique initially by bringing up abuse against Native women and feeling confused for some time, I came to see that @bad_dominicana and other black women who had made this distinction were right: I was making an argument that all women of color are somehow the same. Were not and making that distinction, especially in reference to Simmons video, was crucial. The lesson felt difficult for about 20 minutes. Soon enough, I realized that I was nervous only because I allowed myself to listen to the very women I purported to want to represent by taking Simmons on. We dont always listen, however. Sometimes we derail, we push back and we refuse to take black women seriously. Time and again, Ive seen @bad_dominicana called jealous, hateful and angry by non-black Latinas on Twitter despite the fact that her tone is often thoughtful. But, for far too many people Ive seen engage with her on Twitter, it seems that the fact that shes black automatically weaponizes her words. This distortion becomes the pretext by which to dismiss or even ridicule her. When I address the issue of anti-blackness on social media, my interactions are almost completely positive. In fact, Ive seen some of the same non-black Latinas that attack @bad_dominicana embrace me. Even though Im a non-black Latina or precisely because Im a non-black Latina its as if only I can make legitimate what black Latinas have been tweeting. Accepting my tweets, but rejecting the tweets that @bad_dominicana and countless other black women have been producing for years, is perhaps one of the most ironic forms of black erasure that Ive seen perpetuated by non-black Latinos. This isnt to say I dont receive pushback. While my conversations on Twitter have been largely positive, my conversations on Facebook where I have more personal contact with users than I do on Twitter have been mixed. While many black and non-black people I know who have opened up on Facebook, shared personal and often painful stories either publicly or in personal messages to me, some non-black Latinos have mentioned that these conversations are just too difficult to have. Although as non-black Latinos, we often know firsthand what its like to face personal discrimination and institutional racism, were also more often comfortable with identifying as the injured party, and not the perpetrator. For non-black Latinos, the anxiety over having these conversations is rooted in the contradiction that we can simultaneously be the oppressed and be the oppressors. Some of the anti-black bias among non-black Latinos is driven by the misconception that black people do not support the immigrants rights movement. But this erases the fact that there are black immigrants from the Americas and elsewhere, and it assumes that there are not already entire black organizations that focus on immigrant justice. But the argument also expects black people to be working on behalf of non-black Latinos as if that work is automatically owed to us. The unchecked entitlement packed into the argument that black people need to support non-black Latinos demonstrates not that non-black Latinos are aspiring toward whiteness but that we already actively employ some of its trappings. In the immigrant rights community in particular, non-black Latinos use the term Juan Crow to reference the systematic terror that undocumented immigrants face in the South. This is a powerful articulation of the injustice experienced by undocumented immigrants, but it is often employed without recognizing how the most recent struggle of Latino immigrant communities is distinct from the nearly century-long struggle of black people under Jim Crow. When babies born to undocumented immigrants are hatefully described as anchor babies, we cite birthright citizenship under the 14th Amendment of the Constitution. Yet we rarely acknowledge that doing so takes advantage of a piece of legislation created to confer citizenship to formerly enslaved black people following the Civil War. The citizenship we envision for ourselves, however, is not the limited form of citizenship that black people still experience today. Black citizens whose very right to vote remains contested may not be slated for deportation, but they are disproportionately targeted for stop-and-frisk, for jail and prison, for violence, and for death. Whenever non-black Latinos claim or even aspire to citizenship without also advocating for the recognition of the full humanity (and full citizenship) of black people, then we are allowing white supremacy to operate unchallenged. We may, indeed, creatively acquire a fuller citizenship through a piece of legislation that was historically intended for black people, but it is immoral to do so at the cost of preserving a racial hierarchy that maintains that those same black people are a little less than human. For years, Ive heard friends try to justify their anti-blackness by stressing that many of us are indigenous to different places in the Americas. Many non-black Latinos do, indeed, descend from the original peoples of these continents, but that does not magically makes it impossible for us to perpetuate anti-blackness. We know racism and discrimination because we endure it but that doesnt mean we lack the power to be oppressive. Just as importantly, this argument illustrates the tendency to ignore our learned behavior, and re-center the conversation on our own identity instead of our biases.

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May 20, 2014   Posted in: Black Racism  Comments Closed

The Rising Tide of Anti-Black Racism – The American Prospect

This image was distributed by a Republican organization in San Bernardino, California during the 2008 Presidential election. Thomas Edsall has a fascinating column in todays New York Times on the persistence of racial resentment in the Obama-era. For those not familiar with the term, racial resentment is defined as the convergence of anti-black sentiments with traditional American views on hard work and individualism. Its measured using questions that focus on race and effort. People who answer in the affirmative to questions like thisIrish, Italian, Jewish and many other minorities overcame prejudice and worked their way up. Blacks should do the same without any special favorsand in the negative to questions like thisGenerations of slavery and discrimination have created conditions that make it difficult for blacks to work their way out of the lower classare assigned a high place on the resentment scale. Edsall runs though recent research from a variety of sources to show the extent to which President Obamas term has coincided with a sharp increase in the proportion of Americans who express anti-black attitudes. In one survey, for example, The percentage of voters with explicit anti-black attitudes rose from 47.6 in 2008 and 47.3 percent in 2010 to 50.9 percent in 2012. This wasnt a uniform changenot only were Republicans more likely to express anti-black attitudes, but people who identified themselves as Republicans in 2012 expressed such attitudes more often than their counterparts of 2008: In 2008, Pasek and his collaborators note, the proportion of people expressing anti-Black attitudes was 31 percent among Democrats, 49 percent among independents, and 71 percent among Republicans. By 2012, the numbers had gone up. The proportion of people expressing anti-Black attitudes, they write, was 32 percent among Democrats, 48 percent among independents, and 79 percent among Republicans. Edsall sees this as a crucial through-line in the ongoing story of GOP extremism. Growing racial resentment has deepened the conservatism of right-wing Republicans, and contributed to their total rejection of President Obama and the Democratic Party in 2010 and 2012. Its worth noting the real disputes over the racial resentment scale. Over the years, a growing group of political scientists have questioned the actual influence of ideology on anti-black attitudes. Racial resentment is seen as a form of new prejudice: Its not racism as much as it is an outgrowth of traditional ideas about individualism, hard work, and equality of treatment. Everyone can succeed if they try, and those who dont succeed, just arent tryingtheres no use in crying racism, its an excuse. In this narrative, opposition to race-conscious policies has less to do with outright animus, and more with a belief in equal opportunity and a desire to treat people fairly. But the divide between racism and ideology isnt so neatas has been true throughout American history, beliefs about race are hard to separate from political ideology. To wit, a recent study from Oberlin political scientist Christopher DeSante found that when you put blacks and whites in direct competition for scarce resources, racial prejudice interacts with American norms of hard work to amplify white racial privilege. In DeSantes experiment, participants are asked to allocate $1,500 in welfare benefits to two applicants. All applicants are women and divided into two categories, poor or excellent work ethic. Two of the applicants had stereotypically white namesLaurie and Emilyand two have comparable black names, Latoya and Keisha. Participants could also distribute benefits to a deficit-reduction fund. The hypothesis is straightforward: If racial resentment is more principle than prejudice, then high scorers will give more money to deficit reduction, with the fewest benefits going to applicants with poor work ethic, regardless of race. Overall, those with the most racial resentment were the least likely to spend benefits on welfare. But this varied with the race of the applicants. When faced with two black applicants, the racially resentful gave far less than when faced with two white ones. As whites become more racially resentful, writes DeSante, they are less willing to spend money on welfare, but are always willing to spend more on applicants with white names.

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May 16, 2014   Posted in: Black Racism  Comments Closed

Pillow Talk Prophecies: Black Racism – Video




Pillow Talk Prophecies: Black Racism BGM: “We Are One” by Frankie Beverly Maze. By: VERBAL ABUSENETWORK

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May 13, 2014   Posted in: Black Racism  Comments Closed

Weekend Wrap Up: Seven Packs & Black Racism | ANIMATION DOMINATION – Video




Weekend Wrap Up: Seven Packs amp; Black Racism | ANIMATION DOMINATION Duff beer has a new seven pack, Peter addresses one of the country's biggest issues, and other jokes from this past week's Animation Domination. Subscribe no. By: flower love

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May 7, 2014   Posted in: Black Racism  Comments Closed

Black Racism Rampant In America – Rense

Nor did they seem at all cognizant of the fact that there are mountains of evidence which entirely contradict their contention that black youngsters routinely get a raw deal from the juvenile justice system. To cite just one example: A mere five weeks before the Jena incident, a gang of perhaps 30 black teenagers brutally assaulted three white women — 21-year-old Laura Schneider, 19-year-old Michelle Smith, and 19-year-old Loren Hyman — in the Bixby Knolls section of Long Beach, California. Hyman suffered 13 facial fractures that required extensive facial reconstruction surgery. Schneider suffered a concussion after one of the attackers yelled a racial slur at her, smashed a skateboard against her head, and continued beating her after she was already unconscious. In February 2007 the four main perpetrators, all of whom were aged 16 to 17 at the time of the attack, were each sentenced to serve a mere 60 days of house arrest — which they were permitted to break in order to attend school and church — and 250 hours of community service. The judge also ordered the lead attacker to attend an eight-week racial tolerance program at the Simon Wiesenthal Center. Not much of a penalty for crimes that could easily have resulted in a death or two. And of course the ACLU, NAACP, Sharpton, and Jackson were nowhere to be seen or heard. Black Racism – Disturbingly Widespread In America There is a larger issue at play, however, apart from whatever penalties the juvenile justice system metes out. That is the issue of black racism, a disturbingly widespread phenomenon in contemporary America. This phenomenon explains why tens of thousands of protesters willingly traveled long distances to stage a show of support for a pack of thugs who had indisputably perpetrated a brutally violent attack against a white person. It explains why they focused exclusively on defending the “rights” of those attackers, rather than on condemning the wrong they had done. And it explains why they chose to portray a group of raging predators as the ‘innocent, misunderstood victims’ of modern America’s allegedly boundless bigotry. Black racism also accounts for the fact that the vast majority of interracial violent crimes are of the black-on-white variety (90% of race crime victims are WHITE -ed), and that statistically the “average” black is many times more likely (50 times -ed) to attack a white, than vice versa. While not all interracial crimes are motivated by racial animosities, many of them — like this recently videotaped gang assault in Viriginia — certainly are. But why should black racism be prevalent in America at this comparatively late stage in our nation’s evolution — long after the rise of equal-opportunity mandates, affirmative action policies, civil rights advances, and the stigmatization of racism to the point where “racist” is by far the epithet most feared by whites, be they political figures, business leaders, clergy, academics, or social commentators? It’s actually quite simple. Black racism remains a dynamic phenomenon because African Americans have been told, ad nauseum, by “civil rights leaders” and by leftist whites in influential organizations like the ACLU, to look outside of themselves for the roots of every ill that plagues their community; to reflexively blame white society for their problems rather than to take responsibility for their own lives; and to view themselves as the oppressed and powerless victims of a white “power structure,” a status they are led to believe renders them somehow incapable of being genuine racists themselves — no matter how much they may detest the white people they perceive to be their tormenters. Moreover, they have been taught to angrily reject astute observations like those of Bill Cosby, who has publicly lamented how illegitimacy, parental neglect, lack of educational effort, and bad behavior have decimated black life. Only the victim mentality fostered by the “civil rights” champions of our day could have prompted tens of thousands of people to think that rallying on behalf of the Jena Six was a worthwhile use of their time. Having listened for so long to the “civil rights” establishment’s incessant depictions of the United States as a land of racial inequity, many black Americans have become angry, embittered racists themselves. They are among the legions who, in the words of black columnist Michael Meyers, zealously “transform themselves into the apostles of their own delusions.” __________ John Perazzo is the author of The Myths That Divide Us: How Lies Have Poisoned American Race Relations. For more information on his book, click http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/0965 126811/centerforthest01A/104-3704288-7751118 here. E-mail him at wsbooks25@hotmail.com

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May 7, 2014   Posted in: Black Racism  Comments Closed


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