Archive for the ‘B’nai B’rith’ Category

Why Do Nazis Hate Jews? – Yahoo News

Newsweekpublished this story under the headline of Again, Anti-Semitism on February 16, 1981. In light of the recent neo-Nazi, white power and alt-right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, Newsweekis republishing the story.

Charles Benjamin, a leader of the Jewish community in his quiet, suburban New Jersey town, came home to find bright red swastikas painted on his back door. The outdoor furniture had been dumped into the pool. The mailbox had been looted. “My knees buckled,” Benjamin later told a television interviewer. “I sat down on the ground, not believing that this could happen in… my little patch in the United States. “Anti-Semitism is an ancient story that is suddenly making news across the United States. The Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith reported 377 anti-Semitic “episodes” in 1980, a nearly threefold increase in one year. Most of these sporadic incidents involved little more than scrawled graffiti or vandalism, but there were also 10cases of arson, four fire-bombings and several death threats. No one has been killed or seriously injured, and no evidence suggests a campaign of any scale; most of the incidents have been juvenile pranks. Yet many American Jews are worried. “Hitler started with a handful of people and paint brushes,” says Jeffrey Maas of the ADL in New Jersey. And many government officials agree that the incidents cannot be shrugged off. “There is a tendency… to treat incidents of anti-Semitic or racial vandalism as isolated acts of mischief,” warns New Jersey Attorney General John J. Degnan. “Unfortunately … these acts may represent deep-seated racial and religious hatred.”

To combat the flurry of anti-Semitic incidents, Degnan and other law-enforcement officials around the country have stepped up their investigations, often forming special police and prosecution units. Many Jewish leaders have begun holding seminars on bigotry and rallies against anti-Semitism, such as one that drew 3,000 people in California’s San Fernando Valley a fortnight ago. Not satisfied with these steps, Jewish militants have redoubled their own controversial efforts at self-defensepatrolling Jewish neighborhoods and training Jews in the use of high-powered rifles and pistols.

Some Jewish organizations are reluctant to read too much into the new statistics of anti-Semitism, noting that vandalism and violent crime are on the rise generally. “It will take another year of monitoring to find out what the numbers actually mean,” says a spokesman for the American Jewish Committee in New York. Other Jews see the low-level violence and harassment as part of a larger pattern. With mounting alarm, they note the renewed organizing efforts of the Ku Klux Klan and American Nazi Party, the tone of some of the criticism of Israel in the United Nations and above all the bloody attacks on Jews in several European cities last year. “There is a feeling,” says Murray Wood, an executive of the Jewish Federation Council of Greater Los Angeles, “that all roads somehow lead to Auschwitz.”

Anti-Semitism in the United States today hardly compares in virulence with the anti-Jewish attitudes and actions in the 1920s and 1930s. Then, Henry Ford’s Dearborn Independent (circulation: 700,000) ran anti-Semitic diatribes with headlines such as JEWISH GAMBLERS CORRUPT AMERICAN BASEBALL. More damaging, unstated quotas and restrictions kept Jews out of schools, jobs, neighborhoods and hotels. Today, most such barriers have fallen, and many public-opinion polls show a continuing decline in prejudice against Jews. In one survey last year, for example, only 8 percent of those questioned thought Jews had “too much political influence.”

But other polls indicate a persistent suspicion and distaste for Jews as “pushy, clannish, unethical.” In Anti-Semitism in America, published two years ago, authors Charles Y. Glock and Harold E. Quinley reported that a third of Americans share such negative attitudesabout the same number, according to a more recent poll, that suspect Jews of being more loyal to Israel than to the United States.

Alan Sandler and his bride, Zipporah, had just returned from their honeymoon in New York City. The mailbox of their Cranston, R.I. home was brimming with congratulatory cards. One was decorated with two lovebirds on the front. But inside was a swastika and the words. “We are back. ” Many experts blame the nation’s economic problems for the new signs of anti-Semitism. “Times of distress, social unrest and economic depression [are] often preliminary to outbreaks of anti-Semitism,” explains the Rev. Edward H. Flannery, author of another book on the subject, Anguish of the Jews. In hard times people find it comforting to have a scape-goat, Flannery says, “And they always look in the direction of the Jews.” In the spotlight of full media coverage, one episode often leads to others. Says New York City police official Patrick J. Murphy: “The incidents feed off each other. The kids read about themselves…and any dope can see himself immortalized.” In three days last month, officials at the University of Florida in Gainesville found thirteen examples of anti-Semitic graffiti on campus. After the wife of university President Robert Marston spoke out forcefully against such bigotry, her telephone rang. “This is the Florida-wide organization of Hitler,” said the caller. “I am going to kill you.” In fact few of the reported incidents seem directly connected with extremist groups. “If it were more organized,” says Long Island ADL director Melvin Cooperman, “we could zero in and nail them.” But both the Nazi Party and the Klan have run avowedly anti-Semitic candidates for public officewith disturbing success. Harold Covington, 27, chairman of the National Socialist Party of America in North Carolina, won more than 43 percent of the vote in the state’s Republican primary for attorney general last year. The rise of racist groups also seems to create a climate favorable to individual extremists and a certain public tolerance for isolated incidents.

The dramatic growth of Christian fundamentalismand Moral Majority politicsmay also spur anti-Semitism. Just last week, the Rev. Dan C. Fore, Moral Majority leader in New York City, told a reporter: “Jews have a God-given ability to make money, almost a supernatural ability…. They control this city.” Even without such stereotyping, the fundamentalist emphasis on “Christian politics” and efforts to convert Jews are threatening, says William Gralnick of the American Jewish Committee in Atlanta. “What it says is that the Jewish faith is not a valid path to salvation; it tends to separate us from grace.” Last year in Macon, Georgia, says Gralnick, Protestant ministers refused to speak out when the head of the Southern Baptist Convention said, “God Almighty does not hear the prayer of a Jew.” It was shortly after 1 a. m. when two men drove up to the synagogue in Temple City, California.They pried open a window, poured gasoline over a wooden pew and set the synagogue ablaze. Seven stained-glass windows were shattered and other damage to Temple Beth David was estimated at $180, 000. The incident was followed” by nearly 30 more anti-Semitic outbursts in the Los Angeles area over the last eight weeks.

The randomness of anti-Semitic incidents, and the absence of links to organized groups in most cases, makes prosecution difficult. In the 377 cases reported by the ADL last year, only 20 arrests were made. Even when there are arrests, the charge is normally a misdemeanor State assemblymen in California and New Jersey have proposed legislation that would stiffen penalties for religiously motivated vandalism. “When a cross is burned or a swastika is smeared, the terror it generates is as intense as from a bomb threat,” says New Jersey Assemblyman Byron Baer. But some judges prefer to sentence juvenile perpetrators to study Jewish history and the Nazi Holocaust. Said one such youth: “I am beginning to realize through these books the great deal of suffering I must have caused.”

Many Jewish organizations have escalated their own programs of public education. Last week the ADLworking with the Urban League and the U.S. Justice Departmentsponsored a conference in Providence, Rhode Island, on “extremist groups” and another in Boston on “religious and racial harassment.” About 1,500 people attended an anti-Nazi rally last month at the Wiesenthal Center for Holocaust Studies in Los Angeles, itself a target of three anti-Semitic attacks earlier this year. But education didn’t seem to do much good at Great Neck North Senior High School in New York. Though the school has offered courses on the Holocaust for five years, vandals spray-painted the walls with “KKK” and “Hi’Hitler” last October, And police in many areas reported a flurry of similar anti-Semitic incidents after the “Holocaust” series on television.

Such incidents have only encouraged militant groups like the Jewish Defense League to expand their often provocative paramilitary operations. The JDL plans to offer 10-week courses in “warfare tactics” at secret sites in southern California, Michigan and upstate New York. Most mainstream Jewish organizations see these steps as an inflammatory overreaction. But equally dangerous, they agree, would be simply to ignore the current upsurge in anti-Semitic incidents. “There’s no reason to panic; the country is not being overrun byanti-Semites,” says Art Teitelbaum of the Anti-Defamation League in Miami. “But it is something to be vigilant about.”

White nationalists carry torches on the grounds of the University of Virginia, on the eve of a planned Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, on August 12. Neo-Nazis were among those present. Alejandro Alvarez/News2Share via REUTERS

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Why Do Nazis Hate Jews? – Yahoo News

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August 18, 2017   Posted in: B'nai B'rith  Comments Closed

This Undercover Spy Operation Helped Foil a Nazi Plot in 1930s LA – L.A. Weekly

German American Bund meeting, 1935

CRC Papers

In the spring of 1933, a police report submitted to LAPD captain William “Red” Hynes noted “considerable quantities” of Nazi literature littering the streets of downtown Los Angeles. A new group in town, Friends of the New Germany (FNG), was thought to be the source of this sudden burst of Nazi propaganda. Over the next several weeks Hynes, captain of LAPD’s “Red Squad” intelligence unit, assigned men to keep an eye on the new group. On Aug. 1, 1933, he sent detective R.A. Wellpott undercover to attend FNG’s second public meeting.

The meeting was held at 902 S. Alvarado St. in a mansion that had been converted into a German-American community center, of sorts. It housed an old-style German restaurant, the Alt Heidelberg; a new bookshop, the Aryan Bookstore; and a meeting hall. Approximately 100 people gathered in the hall for the meeting. Wellpott reported that a makeshift stage was set up in the hall, with a speaker’s podium flanked by an American flag, the imperial German flag and the Nazi (swastika) flag. Fifteen young men dressed in brown shirts, “whose arms bulge with excess power,” were scattered about the hall, “guarding” the meeting.

The meeting began with a phonograph recording of a German march. The West Coast leader of Friends of the New Germany, Robert Pape, called the meeting to order. A keynote speaker spoke on “the German-Jewish conflict,” explaining that Nazis wanted to prevent the “bastardization of Germany” by eliminating Jews from power. When several people in the audience jumped up in protest, they were swept out of the meeting by the brown-shirted attendants. The meeting resumed with recorded speeches by Hindenburg and Hitler played on the phonograph. At the end of the evening, the attendees rose and gave the Nazi salute while the new German national anthem was played.

FNG’s political activities in Los Angeles raised concern among Jewish and non-Jewish groups alike. The Jewish community newspaper B’nai B’rith Messenger (no relationship to the fraternal order of the same name) took notice of Nazi activity in the city in April. An article, “Hitlerites Organize Branch Here,” claimed that Nazi propaganda agents had been sent to Los Angeles by Berlin. The paper even printed the alleged agents’ names and addresses on the front page and called for their immediate deportation.

The Jewish press, the secular press, the Red Squad and local Jewish groups were just some of the groups in Los Angeles that viewed Nazi activity in the city with concern. Another group also was watching with concern: the city’s veterans organizations. In the spring and summer of 1933, Friends of the New Germany focused its recruitment efforts on local veterans. FNG leaders assumed that U.S. veterans would flock to join their group, presuming that the former military members felt just as betrayed by the American government over recent cuts in their veterans’ benefits as the FNG themselves had felt with the Weimar government in Germany at the end of World War I.

Herman Schwinn, West Coast leader of the German American Bund, 1934-1941

CRC Papers

Among the first veterans to be approached by FNG officers was the former U.S. Army lieutenant John Schmidt. Schmidt was the perfect potential FNG recruit. Born in Germany in 1879, Schmidt was a career soldier. In his teens, he had served in the German imperial army. In 1900, Schmidt immigrated to the United States and enlisted in the U.S. Army after his naturalization was complete in 1908. Even though Schmidt was an American citizen, FNG leaders believed that loyalty was determined by blood, not by the artifice of naturalized citizenship. He was precisely the type of recruit FNG was hoping to win.

However, FNG leaders were mistaken. Schmidt was neither disloyal nor angry. True, he had been born in Bavaria, and he was a U.S. veteran. Schmidt even had cause to be disillusioned with the U.S. government. Following the war, he had been hospitalized for six years with what today would be considered post-traumatic stress disorder. He suffered from chronic physical and emotional pain as a result of his military service and in 1930 had lost most of his disability pension when, in the wake of the stock market crash, Congress made sweeping budgetary cuts, which significantly reduced benefits to disabled veterans.

Yes, Schmidt should have been the perfect recruit for FNG; but he wasn’t. Schmidt was a loyal and patriotic American. He was a member of the Americanism Committee and one of the city’s several veterans organizations, the Disabled American Veterans of the World War (DAV). Schmidt was committed to the nation’s defense, even as he carried the emotional scars, physical disabilities and financial wounds from his World War I service.

On Aug. 17, 1933, Schmidt went over to FNG headquarters on South Alvarado Street to check out the group. There he met FNG gauleiter Robert Pape, Herman Schwinn and bookstore co-owner Paul Themlitz. Schmidt then submitted his first written report on FNG to fellow Americanism Committee member Leon Lewis. Using code name “11,” Schmidt described what he learned about Friends of the New Germany to Lewis. FNG’s mission, Schmidt reported, was to fight communism. FNG leaders, he wrote, “show[ed] me plenty of literature proving without a doubt that Communism was part of the Jewish plan of things and that therefore we must all combine to show the Jew as the author of all our troubles in America and throughout the world.” Pape told Schmidt that the purpose of FNG was to drive Jews and Catholics out of government in the United States and replace them with German-Americans. Pape told Schmidt that he was confident that, once in power, German-Americans would lead the movement to bring Hitlerism into America.

Pape was concerned that veterans misunderstood Friends of the New Germany. He told Schmidt that recent resolutions passed by the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) and the American Legion denouncing Nazism were misguided and misinformed. FNG was committed to defending Americanism and fighting communists, Pape told Schmidt. FNG wanted to ally with American veterans against their common enemy. Pape encouraged Schmidt to bring some of his American Legion and VFW friends to FNG’s next membership meeting to help forge new friendships, and he invited Schmidt to speak at the meeting. Schmidt agreed to both requests.

Schmidt returned to 902 S. Alvarado St. a few days later with his wife, Alyce. They dined at the Alt Heidelberg restaurant. The ambience and the food, Schmidt wrote in his reports, were reminiscent of the old country. The Alt Heidelberg was decorated in the style of an old German beer hall. Dinner there was a Depression-era bargain: three courses for 60 cents and beer for a nickel. The restaurant attracted an older German-American crowd, but lately, a rowdier, younger crowd of pro-Nazi German nationals had also been frequenting the place.

During the dinner, Alyce got up and left the table to find the powder room. Making her way up the stairs to the second floor, she was stopped by a woman who was agitated to find Alyce on the landing.

“Verboten!” Alyce was told. Alyce turned around and went back downstairs to her table.

Schmidt wrote that he had the distinct impression that there were secrets on the upper floors: “I am sure they have arms and equipment someplace. If it is in the house, I will know it soon.”

Schmidt’s early visits to FNG convinced him that Friends of the New Germany was no friend of democracy. He related his early observations to the Disabled American Veterans post commander Captain Carl Sunderland and DAV state adjutant Major Bert Allen. Both men agreed to join Schmidt in his undercover investigation of L.A.’s Nazis.

Sunderland accompanied Schmidt to lunch at the Alt Heidelberg a week after Schmidt’s first visit, in early September, to meet with bookstore owners Themlitz and Hans Winterhalder. At the end of the meeting, Sunderland was convinced that the Nazis were smart, systematic and dangerous: “You know, Schmidt, when you first brought me down here, I thought you were playing a joke on me, and when I first met these guys, I thought it was all kid’s play. Now I’m convinced that if they ever find you out, they are going to massacre you so that your own mother wouldn’t know you. These fellows are covering up an awful lot and I surely would like to get to the bottom of this matter.”

Sunderland went on: “Such a mob has no place in the United States. These men are not only out to drive the Jews from their public positions and destroy their properties but also they would not stop at starting any kind of trouble in this country which would serve their purpose. … The[se] Nazis are not just against Jews. … [They are] out to overthrow the United States.”

Anti-Hollywood handbill, 1938

CRC Papers

Socializing with FNG officers proved as informative as attending FNG meetings. Alcohol loosened them up. They shared more with their new American friends than they probably should have concerning the secret political objectives of their organization. One evening in late September 1933, the DAV volunteers learned about FNG’s plans for der tag, “the day” when the Nazi revolution would begin in the United States. Sunderland, the Schmidts, and the Allens, with their wives, went out with Winterhalder and two FNG officers for an evening of drinking, dancing and political conversation to the Loralei Restaurant, a German-American beer hall patronized by Nazis. According to reports filed by all three DAV informants, FNG was training a private militia to foment a Nazi-led insurrection in the United States. The plan called for FNG to incite unrest among American workers to hasten a communist insurrection, whereupon FNG and veteran allies would come to the rescue, “consolidat[ing] and march[ing] in military phalanxes to take the government.”

“The kikes … run this country,” stormtroop commander Diederich Gefken told his new DAV friends. Jews, Gefken asserted, were responsible for the rotten deal vets were getting, and he was confident that American veterans were ready to vindicate themselves just as German veterans had done. He told Sunderland, “Thousands of stormtroopers in the U.S. were ready to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with U.S. veterans when the time came … to help them take back the government from Communists and Jews.” The uprising would start in cities where FNG was most active, like St. Louis, Chicago, New York and Los Angeles, and then spread across the country. Within two weeks of the insurrection, Protestant churches in the United States, led by the Lutheran Church, would launch a boycott of Jewish businesses. “That will take care of the ‘Goddamn jews [sic].'”

Gefken, Pape and Schwinn also were eager to infiltrate the Los Angeles National Guard as part of their preparation for der tag. They peppered Schmidt with questions: How many Jews were in the U.S. armed forces? How many men were in the local National Guard? Would the National Guard be loyal in an uprising that targeted only Jews? Gefken and his friend Zimmerman were particularly eager to infiltrate the machine-gun company of the California National Guard to learn the American system of military training firsthand. Pape wanted to get into the National Guard to learn telegraphy. Could Schmidt get FNG men into key National Guard units in Southern California so that they could propagandize from within?

FNG had orders to secure the blueprints for the National Guard armories in San Diego and San Francisco. Gefken asked Sunderland if he could get the floor plans of the Southern California armory and of the National Guard aircraft unit in San Diego. Several FNG members had already joined the National Guard in San Francisco, Gefken reported, and had acquired the floor plan of the Northern California armory, which showed the precise storage location of munitions, supplies and weapons in the building.

Sunderland asked Gefken how FNG planned to acquire more arms. Gefken replied, “Well, it is difficult to smuggle them into the United States on ships. Ships have to go through the [Panama] Canal, where their cargo is checked. Guns can be smuggled in from Mexico and Canada. All stormtroops have personal weapons, but we’ve been instructed not to carry them in public because that would violate resident alien laws. When the zero hour comes, we will not hesitate to bring them out.” In reporting this conversation, Sunderland reminded fellow Americanism Committee member Lewis that the movie studios had explosives. He recommended that background checks be conducted on German studio workers and that the studios take steps to secure their explosives.

Schmidt, with Lewis’ assistance, proved his worth to FNG officers. Informing the National Guard’s commander about the new recruits, Schmidt arranged positions for Gefken and Zimmerman in the machine gun company of the Southern California National Guard. Unfortunately, neither Gefken nor Zimmerman was admitted: Gefken because he had false teeth and Zimmerman because he could not promise to be punctual to drills because of his day job.

Nazi salute in court, Los Angeles Times, January 1934

Los Angeles Times

FNG’s Aryan Bookstore in downtown Los Angeles also was critical to the political preparation for “der tag.” To passersby, the store was just a shop that specialized in books on National Socialism. In reality, the shop was a front for Nazi headquarters in Los Angeles. Many of the books, magazines and newspapers sold at the shop were published in Germany by the Ministry of Propaganda and exported to America to cultivate Nazism in the United States. The anti-Semitic content in this literature ran the gamut from rabid Jew-bashing to more subtle analyses of both contemporary events and world history that disguised their anti-Semitic agenda in the cloak of “academic scholarship.” Schmidt found orders to Pape from New York on managing the shop: Bookshop personnel were all to be educated in National Socialism and were required to have read Mein Kampf. All bookstore personnel were to be American, and women were to do all the selling.

The back rooms of the Aryan Bookstore in Los Angeles housed the headquarters for Friends of the New Germany. Schmidt’s pencil drawing of the store’s layout showed the shop’s small retail space in the front, with a door that led to the back workroom and several private offices for FNG leaders. Schmidt’s daily reports indicated that the back rooms often were busier than the retail space. FNG leaders used the offices to conduct daily business, responding to correspondence from New York, planning their next public rally, and receiving a parade of local allies including German vice consul Georg Gyssling and leaders of domestic right-wing groups the FNG was courting. Schmidt noted that the doors to the offices were padlocked when they were not in use. Alyce Schmidt, who did most of her work for Pape in the reading room, listened in on backroom conversations and reported what she heard to Lewis of the Americanism Committee.

A few weeks after John Schmidt submitted his first report to Lewis on Friends of the New Germany, Lewis called Red Squad captain William “Red” Hynes and asked to meet him. Hynes was in a hurry when Lewis called but told Lewis to meet him in front of the captain’s office at the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce building, and Lewis could walk with him to his appointment at police headquarters. Lewis walked the few blocks from his office to the Chamber of Commerce building to meet Hynes. This was not the first time the two men had met. For several months, Lewis and Hynes had been sharing notes on Nazi activity in the city literally. Hynes shared police reports with Lewis and allowed him to copy them. Lewis, on the other hand, had secured private funding to pay for Hynes’ undercover man. As the two men walked briskly toward police headquarters, Hynes told Lewis that he did not have the funds to continue paying agent “M” anymore. “It will cost us $150 per month in salary plus expenses to maintain this operation,” Hynes told Lewis, “and we just don’t have the money right now.”

Lewis told Hynes that he had discussed the matter with Irving Lipsitch, president of the Jewish Federation of Los Angeles. Lipsitch and Lewis had decided that Lewis, along with an unnamed local merchant and two other Jewish attorneys, would get Hynes the money he needed. “But, I’d rather that ‘M’ stay on your payroll,” Lewis told Hynes. “I do not wish to have any direct dealings with a private detective.”

“I don’t blame you,” Hynes replied. “And, of course,” Lewis assured him, “there would be a piece of change in it for you, too.” “That would be fine,” Hynes said.

Was the “piece of change” that Lewis promised Hynes a bribe? Possibly. The LAPD was notoriously corrupt. It is possible that Lewis’ offer of “a piece of change” was simply Lewis playing politics the way politics was played with the Red Squad. There is no further mention of payoffs to Hynes after this meeting. Hynes remained helpful to Lewis until the reform-minded mayor Fletcher Bowron disbanded the Red Squad in 1938.

Gastube Restaurant, Deutsches Haus, Los Angeles

CRC Papers

On March 13, 1934, a parade of cars carrying studio heads, directors, producers, screenwriters and actors rolled past Hillcrest’s unmarked stone gates at 10000 W. Pico Blvd. on the edge of Beverly Hills. The minutes of the meeting, found in the Los Angeles archive, list the attendees, which included top studio executives and filmmakers from MGM, Columbia Pictures, Paramount Studios, RKO, Universal Pictures and United Artists.

The dinner guests took their seats around the banquet table, where they found copies of the anti-Semitic Silver Shirt newspapers, Liberation and The Silver Ranger. Both papers viciously attacked the Jews of Hollywood as enemies of Christian America. The Silver Ranger was published right in Los Angeles, and both were distributed nationally.

After dinner, the group adjourned to a meeting room, where Leon Lewis reported on the behind-the-headlines details of the recent local court case that Lewis and his DAV colleagues had engineered to exposed Nazi activity in Los Angeles. Lewis told his audience that the veterans who had testified at the trial had infiltrated FNG under his guidance.

“We knew that the evidence regarding Nazi activity was not properly admissible,” Lewis told his guests, but the judge had allowed evidence into the record anyway for the sake of the publicity the trial would attract.

Lewis went on to explain that the undercover operation had cost him $7,000. Lewis told the moguls that in order to maintain this “anti-defamation work,” their financial support was required. Lewis proposed that a full-time publicity man be hired to work in the tradition of the Anti-Defamation League to fight Nazism in the city. This would relieve Lewis of the task and allow him to return to his law practice, which “had been shot to hell” in the previous six months because of the investigation.

His dinner guests were attentive. The Jewish executives of the motion picture industry did not need a primer on the implications of Nazis in Los Angeles or on the implications of anti-Semitism for themselves. They had been in the crosshairs of anti-Semitic attacks for more than a decade from Protestant and Catholic groups concerned that motion pictures, in the hands of “former pants-pressers and button-holers,” presented a direct threat to American virtue. In fact, just six months earlier, Catholic Church leaders had organized a nationwide protest against the industry and threatened a national boycott of motion pictures if the Jews of Hollywood did not capitulate to a production code written by, and monitored by, the church’s chosen representatives. At a meeting with the archbishop of Los Angeles in 1933, the church’s lay representative, attorney Joseph Scott, warned the moguls that “the dirty motion pictures they were making, along with other invidious activities on the part of the Jews, were serving to build up an enormous case against the Jews in the eyes of the American people.” Scott reminded them that certain groups in America were sympathetic to the Nazi purpose and were organizing to attack Jews in America, and that “what was going on in Germany could happen here.”

Scott’s warning may have been ringing in their ears that night at Hillcrest as they discussed Lewis’ proposal. Rabbi Magnin, Judge Roth, Marco Hellman and Irving Thalberg all spoke up in support of the proposed program. Louis B. Mayer was emphatic about continuing the operation: “There can be no doubt as to the necessity of carrying on, and I for one am not going to take it lying down. Two things are required, namely money and intelligent direction. It [is] the duty of the men present to help in both directions.”

Following Mayer’s comments, MGM producer Harry Rapf moved that a committee composed of one man from each studio be appointed. Each studio selected a representative, resulting in a studio subcommittee: Irving Thalberg (MGM), Harry Cohen (Columbia), Henry Henigson (Universal), Joseph Schenck (20th Century), Jack Warner (Warner Bros.), Emanuel Cohen (Paramount), Sol Wurtzel (Fox) and Pandro Berman (RKO). The members of the new Studio Committee publicly pledged to support the fact-finding work for one year. Thalberg committed MGM to $3,500. Emanuel Cohen committed Paramount to the same amount and promised to speak to Jack Warner about a similar pledge. Universal pledged $2,500, and Berman promised that RKO would contribute $1,500, pointing out that RKO had only eight Jewish executives. The smaller studios Fox, 20th Century and United Artists each pledged $1,500. Phil Goldstone and David Selznick were asked to raise $2,500 each from agents and independent producers. In less than an hour, Lewis had secured $22,000 in pledges. The studio committee itself met monthly to review the content of any production that might exacerbate the rising tide of anti-Jewish sentiment in the United States.

The threat of Nazism catalyzed the wealthiest Jews of Los Angeles to political action. Beginning in March 1934 and continuing through the end of World War II, the Los Angeles Jewish Community Committee convened every Friday to hear reports from informants on escalating Nazi activity in the city and to deliberate on their response.

It took Lewis six long months to secure the funding. In doing so, he bridged a social chasm between the city’s Jewish community and an unlikely political partner, the city’s veterans, and transformed those former soldiers into “Hollywood’s spies.”

Excerpt adapted from Hollywood Spies: The Undercover Surveillance of Nazis in Los Angeles by Laura B. Rosenzweig (published September 2017), with permission from New York University Press. 2017 by New York University.

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This Undercover Spy Operation Helped Foil a Nazi Plot in 1930s LA – L.A. Weekly

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B’nai B’rith UK About BBLBIA – B’nai B’rith UK

Over the past 12 months, the London Bureau has been working closely with Londons diplomatic community in an effort to advocate for Jewish, Israeli and minority interests. The Bureau has been invited to many embassies in the capital, usually meeting with ambassadors and other consular officials. The Bureau has highlighted a number of areas of concern, including the ongoing Palestinian stabbing intifada against Israelis, the intransigence of Fatah in the peace process, anti-Israeli UN resolutions, the repercussions of the Syrian civil war and the threat of jihadist terrorism.

Turning towards Europe, the Bureau has also discussed concerns about rising nationalism and anti-immigrant sentiment on the Continent. There have been discussions about growing anti-Semitism, with the Bureau keen to ascertain each countrys mechanisms for confronting hatred. The Bureau works closely with our colleagues in Washington and Brussels, and liaises with the Board of Deputies, to ensure that our embassy visits are as fruitful as possible.

The Bureau continues to attend meetings of the Foreign Office roundtable and there was a visit to the Department for International Development (DFID) highlighting Palestinian incitement. The Bureau organised two successful breakfast meetings in 2016, inviting the ambassadors of Austria and Israel to address Bnai Brith members.

The Bureaus research arm has also been busy this year. A research paper was produced, called Spreading the Hate, dealing with how UK funded NGOs and charities were pursuing a hostile anti-Israel agenda. A summary appeared in an Israeli paper. The Director has published a number of articles in the Jewish Press, both in the UK and abroad, on issues of importance to the Bureau. Further research and collaborative projects are planned for the forthcoming year.

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B’nai B’rith UK About BBLBIA – B’nai B’rith UK

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New Jersey – B’nai B’rith International

New Jersey- B’nai B’rith Young Leadership Network New Jersey has had an active agenda, coming together for a Shabbat Dinner in August and a fall event called Trivia in the Sukkah in mid-September to share a Sukkot experience with the group.

In early December they celebrated Chanukah at a joint event with the Congregation Agudath Israel Young Professionals, at Congregation Agudath Israel in West Caldwell, New Jersey. It was a great event full of new faces, potato latkes, jelly doughnuts, and a lot of music and dancing!

Future events include a fundraiser in either Hoboken or Millburn, NJ, to raise money and awareness for the National Mitzvah Project. They also plan to have more Shabbat dinners, bowling, and many more.

Read the NJ.com story about the 12th Annual B’nai B’rith Jewish Fair & Expo.

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Muslim Terrorists Took 134 Hostages in the Name of Allah in a 1977 Guerrilla Raid – Newsweek

Newsweekpublished this story under the headline SEIZING HOSTAGES SCOURGE OF THE ’70s on March 21, 1977.Newsweekis republishing the story.

Some came out bandaged and bloody. A few were carried out by stretcher. Some women were crying; a few managed to smile. A middle-aged woman touched the hand of every policeman she could reach. “Thank you,” she said. “Thank you, very much.” There were tearful hugs which anxious relatives who had maintained a long vigil, and an elderly woman said to no one in particular: “Oh God, it’s so good to be alive.” At 2:18 on Friday morning, the bells of the nearby Foundary Methodist Church pealed the good news: the 39-hour siege of Washington was over.

It had begun with a clockwork guerrilla raid against three separate buildings in the Capital. The terrorists were twelve black Americans, members of the small HanafiMuslimsect led by Hamaas Abdul Khaalis, a 56-year-old fanatic bent on avenging the 1973 murder of five of his children by BlackMuslims(page 21). Before their assault was over, 134 hostages had been taken, one man had been shot dead and nineteen others had been shot, stabbed or beaten. The entire Capital was traumatized by the ordeal: visiting Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was whisked out of town amid fears that he too might be a target, the Justice Department and even the President were drawn into the tactical planning and three ambassadors ofMuslimnations finally turned out to be the key negotiators with the terrorists.

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The Washington raid was the nation’s most harrowing episode of domestic terrorism so far and its most dramatic brush with what has become the crime of the ’70s: seizing hostages. The scourge started with skyjacking, then escalated in 1972 when Arab commandos captured nine Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics. In the last month alone, there have been more than a dozen incidents in the U.S., and just two days before the Hanafi raid last week, an ex-marine in Cleveland released a hostage only after President Carter agreed to talk to him. “We have discovered a new syndrome,” said Washington Mayor Walter Washington last week. “It’s a terror syndrome.

DELICATE DILEMMAS

Unhappily, the pathology of terrorism is more advanced than any available treatment. Hostage-taking confronts police, political leaders and journalists alike with a series of delicate dilemmas: whether to wait or to fight, whether to publicize or whether to be quiet, when to bargain and when to be firm, whether to keep bargains once made (page 25). In the aftermath of the Hanafi raid, police kept their bargain to release Khaalis without bail, a move that prompted some criticism. For the most part, at least since the Attica prison uprising, when a hard line led to 39 deaths, authorities have played a waiting gameand that is what paid off last week in Washington. Jimmy Carter endorsed that approach: “I thought,” he said, “[the outcome] was a vivid proof of that a slow and careful approach was the effective way.” The problem was that there was no certainty it would always be so effective, or that there was any way of preventing in the future the sort of random violence that had seized Washington.

The Hanafi holy war erupted on a warm, sunny morning. A few minutes after 11 a.m. last Wednesday, a 2-ton U-Haul van cruised up Rhode Island Avenue and pulled into an alley next to the eight-story headquarters of B’nai B’rith, the Jewish service organization. Inside, Khaalis and six Hanafi commandos were poised for the first attack. They were dressed in jeans and work shirts and they wore long knives strapped to heavy steel chains about their hips. They carried what appeared to be a number of guitar cases, which held an assortment of rifles, shotguns and a crossbow.

The raiders jumped out of the van and burst into the B’nai B’rith lobby brandishing guns, swords and knives. By chance, an automatic elevator loaded with passengers opened in the lobby just as the Hanafis made their assault. “Get down or we’ll blow your heads off,” one of the raiders yelled. When Wesley Hymes, 31, a black printer, tried to get away, a Hanafi soldier slashed him on the left hand with a machete, then shot him in the left arm, when he raised it to defend himself. “They killed my babies and shot my women,” Khaalis bellowed at the terror-stricken passengers. “Now they will listen to usor heads will roll.”

‘LIKE THE GREEN BERETS’

With military precision, the raiders divided into two squads. One band dragooned a few captives and started shuttling guns and boxes of ammunition to a conference room on the eighth floor, where the raiders set up a defensive perimeter and a prisoner-holding pen. The second squad started to round up hostages. “They were absolute proslike the Green Berets or something,” said captive J. Nicholls, 34, a typewriter repairman. Mimi Feldman, a scrappy secretary in her late 50s, took off the Star of David she was wearing around her neck before being pulled into an elevator. “Bitch,” snapped a gunman, who cracked her on the head and ribs with a gun butt. The gunmen stormed the office of Dr. Sidney Clearfield, who was talking on the phone to Steven Hurwitz, a colleague in Richmond, Va. Hurwitz heard a voice growl: “Up against the wall or we’ll blow your head off.” Then Dr. Clearfield’s line went silent.

Capturing the building took less than an hour. At the peak of the assault, Khaalis picked up a telephone and coolly dialed the number of the Hanafi Center in Northwest Washington. Abdul Aziz, his son-in-law, got on.

“We’re in,” was Khaalis’s terse report.

“Praise Allah,” his son-in-law replied.

The first attack took the Washington policeand everyone elseoff guard. Within the B’nai B’rith building, dozens of people managed to elude the raiders by barricading themselves in offices on the lower floors. By phone and by desperate gesturing out the windows, they summoned help. Police cars with wailing sirens screeched up to the building; snipers in flak vests took up firing positions on nearby rooftops; the neighborhood was sealed off. At first, the counterattacking police though they were dealing with cornered gunmen from a foiled holdup. And at the city’s crisis command posta warren of offices on Indiana Avenue used mainly during the riots and protest demonstrations of the past – the first log entry for the day read simply: “Shooting, barricade, hostages . . . who and why unknown.”

While the police tried to puzzle things out, the Hanafis struck again – this time at the Islamic Center, a lovely blue and white mosque with a towering minaret on the edge of Rock Creek Park. For months Khaalis had been chafing over the liberal views of the center’s director, Dr. Muhammad Abdul Rauf. At 12:30 p.m. gunmen wearing blue jeans and wool caps, carrying shotguns and two long knives, walked into the center’s first-floor offices and demanded to see Rauf. When he appeared and asked the gunmen who they were, one of them replied: “We come here every Friday for prayer.” Then the phone rang. It was Khaalis, who accused Rauf of supporting Wallace Muhammad, leader of the rival BlackMuslims.What’s more, Khaalis told Rauf, a 59-year-old Egyptian, “your country is seeking peace with the Jews.”

At about the same time, a group of tourists led by the Rev. Robert Tesdell, 58, a Disciples of Christ minister and travel agent from New York, drove up in a bus and entered the mosque. John Ashton, 22, Tesdell’s driver, waited outside. Suddenly he noticed a mailman on the mosque grounds drop his mailbag and bolt for the street. “Did you see the man with the rifle?” the postman asked Ashton. Rauf, Tesdell and nine others were in Hanafi hands, and once again police sirens wailed. The second entry in the command-center log was also terse and confused: “Shooting, barricade, streets closed.”

Even as the Hanafis were digging in, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin was at the Kennedy Center accepting an honorary degree from American University. When Rabin finished his speech, his press counselor, Aviezer Pazner, slipped him a Secret Service message: “B’nai B’rith headquarters under siege.”

“Who is involved,” Rabin asked quietly.

“We don’t know,” Pazner replied.

Under reinforced security, Rabin drove to the Shoreham Hoteljust a few blocks from the besieged Islamic Centerto deliver a luncheon address. There a dozen tense Secret Service agents lined the dining room. There was also an Israeli security man whose raincoat concealed an Uzi submachine gun. Rabin rushed through his speech. Then, skipping the highly vulnerable VIP helicopter flight across Washington, he drove under heavy guard to Andrews Air Force Base and flew to New York as scheduled.

At about 2:15 p.m., the Hanafi raiders launched their third attack. Two of Khaalis’s soldiers, dressed in black and armed with a shotgun and a .22-caliber handgun, took over an office on the fifth floor of Washington’s city hall, a six-story, marble edifice called the District Building. Down the hall, Mayor Washington, fresh from the Rabinn lunch, locked himself in and shoved a desk up against the door. Elevator operator Theodore Wade unwittingly stopped at the fifth floor and found himself face to face with one of the raiders. “When he pointed the shotgun at me I pushed the gun up and closed the door on him,” Wade reported later. “I said: ‘My God, it’s just like on TV’.”

‘I’VE BEEN HIT’

Down on the ground floor, guard Mack Wesley Cantrell, 51, dashed for an elevator. He bumped into city councilman Marion Barry. He warned Barry, 41, a black, that there seemed to be “some trouble” up above. In a second elevator nearby, two young black reporters – Maurice Williams, 24, of radio station WHUR, and Steven Colter, 24, of the Washington Afro-American – were bound for a news conference on the fifth floor. They joshed each other that they were in for a big bore. The two elevators reached the fifth floor at about the same time. Barry, Williams, and Colter stood a moment in the corridor. Cantrelljoined by guard James Yancy from the mayor’s officethen headed for a suite of city-council offices down the hall. “There was this guy who had his back up against the door,” Yancy recalled later. “Before we knew what has happening, the dude spun aroundand was firing.”

Three shots rang out. Barry, Cantrell and Robert Pierce, 51, a city-council aide, were all wounded as they stood in the corridor. Barry staggered into the city-council chamber clutching his hands to his chest. Blood oozed over his fingers. “I’ve been hit,” he said, “Don’t go out in that hall.”

The full force of a shotgun blast hit Williams in the chest. He crumpled to the floor, awash in blood. “I’m hit, Steve,” he cried to his friend. Colter ducked inside a side room. After a few moments he gingerly peered out. “I began to holler: ‘Maurice, Maurice. If you can hear me, say so’,” he recalled. There was no answer. He felt Williams’s pulse. The young man was dead.

The gunmen then retreated with a group of hostages into the office of city-council chairman Sterling Tucker. For the third time police cars screamed into action against the Hanafis. The siege of Washington was complete.

It looked very much a mismatch at first. Hundreds of Washington police, joined by dozens of FBI agents (ordered into the fray by President Carter) descended upon the B’nai B’rith headquarters, the Islamic Center and the District Building. Although they didn’t know it, the lawmen were arrayed against an army of twelve. The FBI dispatched specially trained hostage-negotiating teams to each of the three siege camps. Their immediate problem was perplexing: for hours no one really knew who the gunmen wereor even if the three attacks were connected.

In mid-afternoon, WTOP-TV reporter Max Robinson got a call from Abdul Aziz, who had met Robinson at the time of the 1973 mass murder, which had occurred at Hanafi headquarters. Robinson met with Aziz, who identified the leader of the current siege as his father-in-law, Khalifa Hamaas Abdul Khaalis. Robinson then spoke by phone with Khaalis, and heard him deliver a ferocious attack on a movie premiering that day in New York and Los Angeles: “Mohammad, Messenger of God,” a $17 million epic about Islam starring Anthony Quinn – and financed largely by investors in the Middle East (page 89).

PASSIONATE DEMANDS

“We want the picture out of the country,” Khaalis said.

“Why?”

“Because it’s a fairy tale . . . You talk for all the American people, but I’m aMuslimand I’ll die for my faith. It’s a joke. It’s misrepresenting theMuslimfaith.”

Khaalis’s other demands were also passionate. “First thing I want the killers of my babies . . . I say we want them right here. I want to see how tough they are. I want the one who killed Malcolm [X] too.” While Khaalis didn’t come right out and say it, he clearly intended to settle a few blood scores with his old enemies, the BlackMuslims.He also demanded that the police reimburse him for a $750 fine he had incurred for contempt of court. He was fined after shouting, “You killed my babies and shot my women” during the 1973 trial of vie BlackMuslimsconvicted for the massacre of Khaalis’s family at the Hanafi headquarters. WTOP’s Robinson also had another mandate from Khaalis: to contact Secretary of State Cyrus Vance “because we are going to kill foreignMuslimsat the Islamic Center [and] create an international incident.” He also asked that the same message be delivered to the ambassadors of allMuslimcountries.

At the State Department, Douglas Heck, an expert on countering terrorists, began to cast about for allies within the Islamic diplomatic community. In New York, moviegoers were turned away and screens went blank in four theaters that were showing “Mohammad,” though the producers maintained that the film avoided blasphemy by not depicting the Prophet himself. In Chicago, Wallace Muhammad, spiritual leader of the BlackMuslims,set out for Washington to see what help he could offer. And in Los Angeles, Muhammad Alic was tracked down by ABC’s Barbara Walters, who asked him whathewas going to do about the crisis: “If you’re concerned about me,” said the subdued BlackMuslimboxer, “don’t get me involved.”

At the White House, President Carter had just returned from the swearing-in ceremonies for his new CIA chief, Adm. Stansfield Turner. Soft classical music played in the study adjoining the Oval Office. Suddenly aide Hamilton Jordan entered. “Mr. President,” he said. “The damnedest thing has just happened,” Jordan related what he knew, telling Carter that it was not clear whether the three invasions were connected. “It’s difficult for me to believe they’re not connected,” Carter observed, and he directed Jordan to find out more.

WHITE HOUSE MEETING

Jordan convened a White House meeting of national-security adviser Zbignew Brzezinski, press secretary Jody Powell, legal counselor Robert Lipshutz and other key aides. The President’s men were deeply worried that Carter’s decision to telephone Cleveland kidnapper Cory C. Moorethough only after Moore released a hostage he had been holding for 46 hoursmight draw Carter into a stickier mess with Khaalis. They decided to keep the White House out of the Hanafi case as much as possible. If necessary, they concluded, Carter would talk to Khaalisbut again only after all the hostages were released. To the relief of all the President’s men. Khaalis never asked to speak to Carter.

Khaalis chose to let a number of his hostages go within hours, despite earlier threats. “They were a bunch of crazies,” said Andrew Hoffman, a 20-year-old student who was released from the B’nai B’rith building. “They asked me where my people were from. I’m half Jewish, but I said Italy.” Khaalis escorted Hoffman to a barricaded stairwell and turned him loose. As the young man scuttled out, his captor yelled after him: “Andy! Get marriedand have lots of babies.”

Not everyone was as lucky. Alton Kirkland, 21, knifed at the B’nai B’rith building and evacuated by the police, underwent surgery to reinflate a punctured lung and to repair a punctured diaphragm and stomach. From the District Building, Cantrell and Pierce were brought to George Washington University Medical Center. A bullet had grazed Cantrell’s skull, miraculously missing his brain. Pierce was bleeding internally and could not move his legs. Doctors suspected that his spinal cord might have been damaged, and feared that he might wind up paralyzed. The bullet that hit Barry stopped less than an inch from his heart; he was in good condition after surgery.

For the remaining hostages the next 36 hours were a passage through hell. At the District Building, police peering through bullet-shattered windows and glass partitions saw seven hostages tied hand and foot lying face down on the floor, while their captors swaggered above them with shot guns. One congressman who made his way to the fifth floor said later the corridor looked “just like an alley in Da Nang.” In the Islamic Center, the gunmen did provide their prisoners with chairs. “We’re all having prisoners with chairs. “We’re all having coffee and tea and a nice chat,” one of the gunmen told an interviewer. Then he added coldly: “But heads will roll and people will die unless we get our demands.”

Khaalis and the Hanafi army transformed the eighth floor of the B’nai B’rith building into a field headquartersand a concentration camp. “Entebbe was a paradise compared to what the terrorists did,” shuddered one survivor. The raiders spoke in a strange patois of verses from the Koran and street talk that was particularly menacing to the Jewish captives. “They told us the Koran condemned us to wander the world forever,” recalled B’nai B’rith Foundation director Sidney Closter. “They accused us of having turned our backs on Allah when the Prophet emerged. Mixed up in all the sputtering were gutter-language threats to ‘blow our mother-f—ing heads off’.”

The invaders prodded their hostages with gun butts as they herded them off to the eighth floor. Some of the younger men were ordered to push boxes of window sashes up against the windows; others used rollers abandoned by fleeing painters to paint out the windowsa protection against snipers. “I remember thinking, ‘Why does life have to end like this?'” recalled one of the prisoners.

Perhaps out of religious scruples, the captors separated the men and women and treated the women a good deal more gently than the men. “They made a fetish out of saying how they were not going to rape the women,” recalled secretary Feldman. In fact, the terrorists instructed the women to cover their legs with newspapers, explaining that byMuslimstandards they were indecently exposed.

DEATH THREATS

The male prisoners did not fare as well. “We were tied hands behind our backs and legs,” reported one of them. “There was so much pain if left little room for thinking about anything.” When one captured workman said, “If I gotta die I gotta die,” Khaalis cracked him on the head with a gun, saying, according to one witness, “I think I’ll kill you right now.” When women in the room began to weep and scream, “No, no,” Khaalis stopped. Catching sight of police snipers on a nearby roof, one of the gunmen leered at some of the older male captives. “We gonna hang these old men upside down, pull open the shades and give them something to shoot at,” he said. Si Cohen, 53, director of B’nai B’brith Community Volunteer Services, managed to talk his captors into letting him use the toilet in private. “I got out my wallet and took out the photographs of my wife and children,” he recalled.”I believed for the first time, sincerely, I was going to die thereand never see them again.”

The desperate hours were particularly harrowing for Khaalis’s Jewish captives. “They taunted us that it was a lie Hitler killed 6 million Jews,” reported one B’nair B’rith officer. “They referred to us contemptibly as ‘yehudi,’ and they blamed us for the contempt with which Idi Amin is held in this country.” On the first day of the occupation, David Blumberg, president of the International B’nai B’rith, managed to get a call through to the building. When Khaalis found out, he railed: “I don’t want to speak to any Jew bastards. Tell him.” Betty Neal, whom Khaalis designated as his unwilling secretary for the duration, replied bravely: “I could never say that to David Blumberg.” And she didn’t.

To Neal, Khaalis confided how he had become a warrior. “He said some of the actors in ‘Mohammad the Messenger’ had played homosexuals in previous roles.I found myself feeling compassionate when he talked about the murders of his children and other members of his family,” Neal recalled. “He said he had been planning how and when to respond and waiting for guidance when it cameword of the showing of the motion picture.” As the siege wore on, Khaalis reluctantly permitted the release of a few captives suffering chest pains. He also began to allow his captives to use the toilet whenever they needed. The bonds on the men were loosened a bit. And for the first time the prisoners began to sense that negotiations might free them after all.

The first attempts at a negotiated settlement had not been very promising. On the first day of the siege, Washington deputy police chief Robert Rabe summoned the State Department’s Heck to the police field command post near the B’nai B’rith building. Rabe relayed Khaalis’s demand to be put in touch with Islamic ambassadors. As it turned out, Egypt’s Ambassador Ashraf Ghorbal had already volunteered his services to Secretary Vance. Ghorbal then enlisted the help of Pakistan’s dashing Ambassador Sahabzada Yaqub-Khan, acting director of the captured Islamic Center and a four-handicap polo player. “Our task was to establish rapport with him, to persuade him to release the hostages as a merciful action and to play to his religious sentiments to that end,” Ghorbal recalled.

At 6:15 p.m. on the first day of the siege, the two diplomats placed their first call to Khaalis from police headquarters. “He was in a very excitable mood,” recalled Yaqub-Khan.”It was a very tense movement.” Khaalis launched a tirade againstMuslimcountries for not backing up his holy war; he said he had become a victim of cruelties because of his ownMuslimfaith, and he argued that no one ever listened to him around the Islamic Center. After leafing swiftly through the Koran in search of suitable calming verses, Yaqub-Khan began to try a few out on Khaalis. “Don’t teach me the Koran,” Khaalis snorted. “I know the Koran better than you.”

A MIDNIGHT CALL

For the next few hours the two ambassadors discussed plans with police chief Maurice Cullinane for making a second call to Khaalis. Still wearing their suit coats, they munched roast-beef sandwiches and sipped coffee. Eventually, they were joined by Iran’s elegant Ambassador Ardeeshir Zahedi, who had flown in from Paris on the Concorde. Between them, they came up with a new Koran next: “Let not the hatred of some people in once shutting you out of the sacred mosque lead you to transgression . . . For Allah, for Allah is strict in punishment.” They tried it out in a call around midnight. Khaalis responded by quoting the doctrine of devine retribution from the Book of Qasas. “He certainly had a very good knowledge of the Koran,” Yaqub-Khan observed.

‘LETTING OFF STEAM’

The three diplomats tried two more phone calls: one at 3 a.m., the last at 5 a.m. They got nowhere, but resolved to keep on trying. “It was a catharsis for him to let off steam,” said Yaqub-Khan. “But above all we had to avoid getting into an argument that might upset him. The last thing we wanted was to let him go off the deep end.”

The prayed-for breakthrough finally came on Thursday at 5:30 p.m. when, for the first time, Khaalis put in a telephone call, asking to meet face to face with Yaqub-Khan. The problem was where they would meet, howand whether Khaalis could carry arms. Chief Cullinane suggested that he come down to the street unarmed. Khaalis replied: “I’ll be damned if I’m going to come down and be shot by your people.”

Yaqub-Khan’s colleague were also reluctant to let him bear the full risk alone. In the end a compromise was cobbled together.The three ambassadors, Cullinane and Rabe agreed to meet Khaalis and his son-in-law, Aziz, in the lobby of the B’nai B’rith building. They set up a folding cafeteria table and eight chairs.

Khaalis, unarmed, took the elevator down from the eighth floor. He greeted the three ambassadors in Arabic and hugged them three times; he politely took note of the police negotiators, who wore no guns. Once again he exchanged verses from the Koran with the diplomatsin English. For three hours the talks went on. “I knew he was going to free the hostages,” said Yaqub-Khan. “Only the modalities were not decided.”

NEWSWEEK learned that the final breakthrough came when Ghorbal suggested that Khaalis release 30 hostages as a gesture of good faith. Khaalis looked around the table and calmly volunteered to release them all. That, in effect, was it; the only outstanding question was the fate of the terrorists. “Whether or not he himself was going behind bars immediately was not decided,” said Yaqub-Khan. “He thought it would look bad to his followers if he were put in jail at once.”

Khaalis had not insisted on his own release as a precondition for talks. “The psychological profile of this guy showed that saving face was the most important thing to him,” observed Washington’s Corporation Counsel John Risher, 37, who monitored the talks. “He didn’t talk in terms of amnesty. He talked in terms of an indictment and trial.It became very clear that what he wanted was some free time to say: ‘I left my entire house in order.’ He could only do that if he was allowed some freedom. It was saving face in a very, very total sense.”

OFFER AND NEEDS

The problem was how to square such face-saving with the demands of the law. While the talks went on, Deputy Attorney General-designate Peter Flaherty and U.S. Attorney Earl Silbert waited at the nearby Gramercy Inn. After the negotiators brought them word of Khaalis’s offer and needs, Silbert and Flaherty were still reluctant to make a deal or set a precedent. At 1:08 a.m., they called Attorney General Griffin Bell and asked if he would agree not to oppose a bail-free release for Khaalis. Bell agreed.

That left the matter up to the courts. At 1:15 a.m., Silbert called Harold Greene, the soft-spoken and thoughtful chief judge of Washington’s Superior Court. He asked Greene whether he would allow Khaalis to remain free without bail pending trial – if the government also agreed. Greene reportedly said that he was leery of the precedent, that he feared other terrorists might take encouragement from it. But with the lives of the hostages at stake, he finally agreed. While Greene prepared to drive to his chambers from his home in Chevy Chase, Silbert told the police to lay down their arms.

The Islamic Center gunmen surrendered at 1:30 a.m. Fifteen minutes later, deputy chief Robert W. Klotz and officer Joseph Traylor stepped out into fifth-floor corridor of the District Building and walked to the northwest corner offices, where eleven hostages were being held. Guns holstered, they stood before the door.

“Are your Klotz?” asked a low voice.

“Yes,” the officer replied.

The two gunmen placed a shotgun, a machete and a curved sword on the floor, opened the door, placed their hands on their heads and walked out.

The terrorists in the B’nai B’rith building gave themselves upwithout telling their captives. “I saw the police and I thought, ‘Oh my Lord’,” recalled hostage Billy Pat Clamp, 37. “I thought they would start shooting.” Instead it was liberation day. “I untied myself, then untied the man beside me,” said Clamp. “Everyone started kissing.People who weren’t even close at the beginning were kissing each other. It was beautiful.”

Khaalis turned up in Judge Greene’s courtroom at 5:10 a.m. with two court-appointed lawyers at his side. Before releasing him, Judge Greene imposed a few conditions. Khaalis could not leave Washington, he had to surrender his passport, he had to surrender his passport, he had to give up all firearms, he had to shun pre-trial publicity and he had to promise not to break the law again. Greene told Khaalis his rights, arraigned him for armed kidnapping, set a hearing for March 31, and released him without bail. Technically, Khaalis qualified: he had a “stable residence” and no prior convictions.

Unmanacled, he walked out of the courthouse between two deputy marshals. He made his exit in a suede cap and a trenchcoat – and the puffed thoughtfully on a long cigar.

A CASE OF THE JITTERS

The next day, his foot soldiers trudged to court. Bail was set at $50,000 each for two of the men and $75,000 each for six others. The three gunmen at the Islamic Center, where no hostages were harmed, were released, like Khaalis, on their own recognizance. It turned out that Khaalis had taken the B’nai B’rith building with the help of Abdul Adam, 32, Abdul Shaaeed, 23, Abdul Razzaaq, 23, Abdul Salaam, 31, Abdul Hamid, 22, and Abdul Latif, 33. The gunmen at the Islamic Center were Abdul Al Rahman, 37, Abdul Al Qawee, 22 and Phillip Alvin Yough, 26. The attackers at the District Building where Williams was killed were Abdul Murikir Do, 22, and Abdul Nuh, 28. All were arraigned for armed kidnapping, but the prosecutors made it plain that they would also seek murder indictments against some of the men.

Washington itself started slowly to recover from what had been an acutely uncomfortable case of the jitters. Police removed the barricades in the streets around the liberated buildings and traffic began to flow normally once again along the city’s broad avenues. In the B’nai B’rith building and the city hall, workers started sweeping up the glass and restoring order. In the end, Khaalis accomplished little more than to recoup his $750 and get the movie “Mohammad” shut down for a few days. But he did manage to remind the entire nation how vulnerable a free society is to the scourge of terrorism.

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Muslim Terrorists Took 134 Hostages in the Name of Allah in a 1977 Guerrilla Raid – Newsweek

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US Jewish leaders back metal detectors on Temple Mount – Heritage Florida Jewish News

There is a broad consensus among American Jewish leaders in support of Israel’s use of metal detectors to intercept terrorists on Jerusalem’s Temple Mount.

The Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations “supports taking the necessary and appropriate steps to assure security for all and to protect the sanctity of these holy sites,” the umbrella group’s executive vice chairman and CEO, Malcolm Hoenlein, told JNS.org.

Herbert Block, executive director of the American Zionist Movement, said, “If the authorities responsible for security feel certain measures are necessary to meet their responsibility to protect those who visit for prayer or as respectful visitors, it is no different than security considerations at the Vatican, at the [U.S.] Capitol or any other significant location where public access is permitted under applicable law.”

“In a world where security measures are being enhanced in major gathering places, it’s only surprising that the Temple Mount didn’t have such measures until now,” American Jewish Committee CEO David Harris told JNS.org. “The terror attack last week, in which two Israelis were killed, is a tragic reminder of why metal detectors are needed for the safety of all visitors and personnel.”

The World Jewish Congress (WJC) and B’nai B’rith International are taking similar positions.

“It is not the presence of metal detectors that leads to violence, rather the unrelenting incitement to violence on the part of the Palestinian Authority that does not cease,” said Betty Ehrenberg, the WJC’s executive director for North America. “In the interest of protecting the safety and security of all visitors to the Temple Mount and in keeping the peace at the holy site, the metal detectors need to remain in place, as they are at the Western Wall and in many sensitive and holy places around the world, including Mecca and the Vatican.”

B’nai B’rith International said in a statement provided to JNS.org that the Israeli government “cannot look the other way in the face of acts of violence, especially in light of the killings of its police officers. Metal detectors are one way, used globally, to keep the public safe. There may be other methods, as well, but doing nothing is not an option.”

The United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism has not taken a position on the issue, but several prominent Conservative rabbis are speaking out in favor of the metal detectors.

Writing from Israel, Rabbi Neil Cooper of Temple Beth Hillel-Beth El, near Philadelphia, pointed out that not only do many Israeli malls and restaurants have metal detectors, but in addition, “When one enters the Western Wall Plaza, one is required to pass through metal detectors. It is expected, anticipated and reasonable.” Cooper said he was surprised to learn that metal detectors have not been used on the Temple Mount until now.

“It should be welcomed by everyone who abhors violence and will impede those desiring to harm others,” he said.

Rabbi Joel Meyers, executive vice president emeritus of Conservative Judaism’s Rabbinical Assembly, noted, “Most of us in the United States go through metal detectors daily in order to enter public buildings and most Israelis go through metal detectors to even enter a shopping mall, so if needed to help security on the Temple Mount, there should be no discussion.”

Among dovish groups, Dr. Michael Koplow, policy director of the Israel Policy Forum (IPF), told JNS.org, “IPF’s position is that metal detectors at the entrances to the Temple Mount are a commonsense and relatively unobtrusive way to protect the safety of both Jews and Muslims on the Temple Mount and its environs, and that erecting them does not alter the site’s status quo.”

Americans for Peace Now agreed that “security measures are obviously necessary at this spot,” although the organization added that it “reserves judgment on the specifics of the security tools utilized in Jerusalem’s Holy Basin.”

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US Jewish leaders back metal detectors on Temple Mount – Heritage Florida Jewish News

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B’nai B’rith slams State Dept. for saying ‘lack of hope’ drives terrorism – Jewish Telegraphic Agency

WASHINGTON (JTA) Bnai Brith International faulted the Trump administration for adopting the Palestinian narrative in the State Departments annual report on terrorism.

In the report released this week, the State Department listed as continued drivers of violence a lack of hope in achieving Palestinian statehood, Israeli settlement construction in the West Bank, settler violence against Palestinians in the West Bank, the perception that the Israeli government was changing the status quo on the Haram Al Sharif/Temple Mount, and IDF tactics that the Palestinians considered overly aggressive.

It is astonishing that State is parroting the false Palestinian narrative, Bnai Brith said in its statement Thursday. If it were not released by the State Department, it would be easy to mistake the inflammatory and accusatory language as coming directly from the Palestinians.

While such an assessment would be uncontroversial coming from a think tank or even Israeli security officials, it is unusual in a State Department statement, particularly under President Donald Trump, who has been outspoken in condemning Palestinian incitement.

Bnai Brith noted that Trump and U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley have repeatedly blamed terrorism on Palestinian incitement and payments by the Palestinian Authority to Palestinians who have carried attacks out on Israelis.

Israel is not driving the violence committed by the Palestinians, the statement said. Its Palestinian leadership Fatah and Hamas that incites violence against Israelis on a daily basis.

The State Department report said that Palestinian leaders had addressed incitement.

The PA has taken significant steps during President Abbas tenure (2005 to date) to ensure that official institutions in the West Bank under its control do not create or disseminate content that incites violence, it said. While some PA leaders have made provocative and inflammatory comments, the PA has made progress in reducing official rhetoric that could be considered incitement to violence.

The report otherwise described Israel as a committed counterterrorism partner and detailed the threats that Israel continues to face, particularly from Iran-backed groups.

Israeli security officials and politicians remained concerned about the terrorist threat posed to Israel from Hezbollah and Iran, highlighting that Iran, primarily through the efforts of its Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force, continued to fund and supply Hezbollah, the Lebanon-based militia, the report said. Israeli experts believed that Iran has transferred to Hezbollah advanced weapons systems such as anti-aircraft and anti-ship cruise missile systems, and was continuing to transfer long-range rockets into Lebanon.

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The City: Week of July 21 – Cleveland Jewish News

Singles Scene

Saturday, July 22

Crossroads for Jewish Singles of Cleveland dinner at Blazin Bills Restaurant, 7 p.m., 12891 Main Market Rd. (Rt. 422), Burton. RSVP to Ken at 440-498-9911 by July 17.

Saturday, July 29

Crossroads for Jewish Singles of Cleveland dinner at Abuelos Restaurant, 7 p.m., 26100 Hardvard Rd., Warrensville Hts. RSVP to Carol at 440-442-3430 by July 24.

FRIDAY, JULY 21

Outdoor Yoga series with the Mandel JCC, 6:45-8 p.m., Safran Park, 26001 S. Woodland, Beachwood. Free and open to community. Bring a mat. For more info, contact Kate at ktoohig@mandeljcc.org or 216-831-0700 x1365.

Cleveland Clinic VeloSano 4 kickoff party, 4-9 p.m., Mall B, E. 9th and W. 3rd, Cleve. For more info, visit bit.ly/2uvHq9I.

Clevelands Founders Day celebration, noon-2 p.m., Wade Oval, 10820 East Blvd., Cleve. Free, birthday cake and ice cream served. For more info, visit bit.ly/2vuHmED.

SATURDAY, JULY 22

Mayfield Relay for Life, 12:30-9:30 p.m., 6100 Marsol Rd., Mayfield Hts. For more info and to register, visit relayforlife.org/mayfieldoh or email lauren.sweet@cancer.org.

CWRUs Foraging at the Farm class with Ryan Bennett, 10 a.m.-1 p.m., Squire Valleevue and Valley Ridge Farm, 37125 Fairmount Blvd., Hunting Valley. $65. Register at 216-368-0274 or email patty.gregory@case.edu.

Latinos and Baseball: In the Barrios and the Big Leagues Smithsonian collecting event, 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Baseball Heritage Museum, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. Free. Register at bit.ly/2uC2Krd.

Meet and Greet with Kenny Lofton, 1-3 p.m., Hard Rock Rocksino Northfield Park, 10777 Northfield Rd., Northfield. Open to the public. For more info, call Vivian at 330-908-7771.

SUNDAY, JULY 23

B’nai B’rith Health Run, 8:30 a.m., Rascal House Pizza University Heights, 2255 Warrensville Center Rd., University Hts. $10 advanced, $20 day of the event. Register at bnaibrithhealthrun.org. For more info, call 216-309-0515.

Mosaic Outdoor Club kayak outing, 10:30 a.m., Hinckley Lake, Hinckley. Followed by lunch. RSVP to Elizabeth at 216-932-4806.

Workmens Circle Ohio District Hunger Walk, noon-5 p.m., Notre Dame College, 4545 College Rd., South Euclid. Registration is free but required at bit.ly/2umPQQQ. Sponsorships are available starting at $100. For more info, visit workmenscircle.org.

MONDAY, JULY 24

The Jews Reaction to Muhammads Claims of Prophecy with professor Shari Lowin, 10 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. Free for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $5 for nonmembers. Register at bit.ly/2tEpyJy.

Abrahams Discovery of God with professor Shari Lowin, 7 p.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. Free for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $5 for nonmembers. Register at bit.ly/2tEvpyC.

TUESDAY, JULY 25

The Cleveland Foundation and The City Club of Cleveland presents The Challenge of Success as part of the For the Love of Cleveland lecture series, noon, Public Square, Cleve. Free. For more info, visit cityclub.org.

Shaker Square: Its past, present and future forum, 7-8:30 p.m., Shaker Public Library Main Branch, 16500 Van Aken Blvd., Shaker Hts. Free. For more info, email teachingcleveland@earthlink.net.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 26

Siegal Lifelong Learning class Emma Goldman: Revolution as a Way of Life with Siegal Exec. Dir. Brian Amkraut, 10-11:30 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $30 for members, $40 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2r1knCj.

THURSDAY, JULY 27

Lake County Arthritis Expo by Lake Health and Cleveland Shoulder Institute, 8:30 a.m.-12:30 p.m., TriPoint Medical Center Physician Pavilion, 7590 Auburn Rd., Concord Twp. Register by calling Lake Health Best of Health at 800-454-9800.

Telling Life Stories Through Guided Autobiography course with Susan Bond & Ramona Charles, 1-3 p.m., Landmark Centre Building, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $90 for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $110 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2tkMrl7. Thursdays thru Aug. 31.

The Cactus League and the Integration of Spring Training event, 7 p.m., Baseball Heritage Museum, League Park, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. Free. RSVP at bit.ly/2tkM1uM. For more info, call 216-789-1093.

FRIDAY, JULY 28

Outdoor Yoga series with the Mandel JCC, 6:45-8 p.m., Safran Park, 26001 S. Woodland, Beachwood. Free and open to community. Bring a mat. For more info, contact Kate at ktoohig@mandeljcc.org or call 216-831-0700 x1365.

The 6th Annual Clean Transportation Cruise-In, 4-9 p.m., Edgewater Park, Metroparks, Cleve. Free. For more info and ways to get involved, email Christina at cyoka@earthdaycoalition.org or call 216-281-6468 x231.

SATURDAY, JULY 29

The Cactus League and the Integration of Spring Training presentation, noon, Baseball Heritage Museum, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. For more info, call 216-789-1083.

Case Western Reserve Universitys Foraging at the Farm class with Ryan Bennett, 10 a.m.-1 p.m., Squire Valleevue and Valley Ridge Farm, 37125 Fairmount Blvd., Hunting Valley. $65. Register at 216-368-0274 or email patty.gregory@case.edu.

Tribute Weekend honoring Holocaust Survivors, 9 a.m., Oheb Zedek-Cedar Sinai Synagogue, 23749 Cedar Rd., Lyndhurst. For more info, call 216-382-6566 or email office@oz-cedarsinai.org.

SUNDAY, JULY 30

Artsyism fundraiser event, noon-4 p.m., Backyard garden of Donald Bingham Schmitt, 1579 Compton Rd., Cleve. Hts. Free. VIP brunch at 10 a.m. for $40 at bit.ly/2sLfeit. For more info, call Andrea 216-272-1084 or Shari at 216-408-8418.

University Hospitals Partnership for Families Together We Make a Family benefit dinner, 7-11 p.m., The Country Club, 2825 Lander Rd., Pepper Pike. For more info, contact Jeanne McMahon at 216-844-0413 or email jeanne.mcmahon@uhhospitals.org.

Community Breakfast with guest speaker Irene Marocco, 10 a.m., Oheb Zedek-Cedar Sinai Synagogue, 23749 Cedar Rd., Lyndhurst. For more info, call 216-382-6566 or email office@oz-cedarsinai.org.

TUESDAY, AUGUST 1

Crohns and Colitis Foundation of Americas Warrensville Heights support group, 7- 8:30 p.m., Warrensville Heights Library, 4415 Northfield Rd., Warrensville. Free. For more info, contact Denise at neohio@ccfa.org or 216-524-7700.

Crohns and Colitis Foundation of Americas Toledo and Surrounding Area support group, 7- 9 p.m., St. Lukes Hospital, Classroom #1, 5901 Monclova Rd., Maumee. Free. For more info, contact Jan at 419-636-1423.

WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2

Siegal Lifelong Learning class Emma Goldman: Revolution as a Way of Life with Brian Amkraut, 10-11:30 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $30 for members, $40 for non-members at bit.ly/2r1knCj.

Mark Nizer juggling performance, 1 p.m., Alma Theater, 14591 Superior Rd., Cleve. Hts. $15 in advance, $18 DOS and free for children under 2 and sitting on a lap at 216-371-3000 or ticketmaster.com.

FRIDAY, AUGUST 4

Outdoor Yoga series with the Mandel JCC, 6:45-8 p.m., Safran Park, 26001 S. Woodland, Beachwood. Free and open to community. Bring a mat. For more info, contact Kate at ktoohig@mandeljcc.org or call 216-831-0700 x1365.

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The City: Week of July 21 – Cleveland Jewish News

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The City: Week of July 14 – Cleveland Jewish News

Saturday, July 15

Crossroads for Jewish Singles of Cleveland dinner at Stir Crazy Fresh Asian Grill, 6:30 p.m., Legacy Village. 25385 Cedar Rd., Lyndhurst. RSVP to Larry at 440-461-2720 by July 10.

Saturday, July 22

Crossroads for Jewish Singles of Cleveland dinner at Blazin Bills Restaurant, 7 p.m., 12891 Main Market Rd. (Rt. 422), Burton. RSVP to Ken at 440-498-9911 by July 17.

FRIDAY, JULY 14

ACE Acclaimed Authors Luncheon Best of One Tank Trips: Great Getaway Ideas In & Around Ohio with Neil Zurcher, 11:30 a.m.-1:30 p.m., Cleveland Skating Club, 2500 Kemper Rd., Shaker Hts. $35 for ACE members, $40 nonmembers, bit.ly/2rvtmsi. Includes lunch.

35th annual Arthritis Foundation Classic Auto Show & Cruse-In, 10 a.m.-11 p.m., Dublin Metro Center, 655 Metro Place S., Dublin. $15 for one day. Children under 12 are free. For more info and for tickets, visit arthritis.org/autoshow or call 614-503-5591.

SATURDAY, JULY 15

Pekar Park Comic Book Fest and Storytelling Day, noon-7:30 p.m., Pekar Park Courtyard, Coventry Rd. and Euclid Hts Blvd., Cleve. Hts. Story telling held at the Grog Shop, 2785 Euclid Hts. Blvd. Free.

Woodland Twilight Benefit at the Holden Arboretum, 10:30 p.m., 9550 Sperry Rd., Willoughby. Tickets start at $195 with valet, $100 for raffle ticket at bit.ly/2rUYmFm. For more info, visit holdenarb.org.

35th annual Arthritis Foundation Classic Auto Show & Cruse-In, 10 a.m.-10 p.m., Dublin Metro Center, 655 Metro Place S., Dublin. $15 for one day. Children under 12 are free. For more info and for tickets, visit arthritis.org/autoshow or call 614-503-5591.

International Womens Dive Day with the Greater Cleveland Aquarium, 10 a.m.-5 p.m., 2000 Sycamore St., Cleve. Certified divers get $5 off tickets. For more info, call 216-862-8803.

Speaking for League Park book discussion Larry Doby, noon, Baseball Heritage Museum, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. For more info, call 216-789-1083.

Lupus Foundation of Americas Maple Heights Support Group, 11 a.m.-12:30 p.m., CCPL Maple Heights branch, 5225 Library Ln., Maple Hts. For more info, call 888-NO-LUPUS or email info@lupusgreaterohio.org.

EDWINS La Grande Soiree, 6 p.m.-midnight, EDWINS Restaurant, 13101 Shaker Square, Cleve. Tickets for 6 p.m. entry are $250 and 9 p.m. entry are $150 at bit.ly/2uihhYV. For more info, call 216-921-3333 or soiree@edwinsrestaurant.org.

CWRUs Foraging at the Farm class with Ryan Bennett, 10 a.m.-1 p.m., Squire Valleevue and Valley Ridge Farm, 37125 Fairmount Blvd., Hunting Valley. $65. Register at 216-368-0274 or email patty.gregory@case.edu.

MONDAY, JULY 17

Comparing Notes as part of the Siegal Lifelong Learnings lecture series, noon-1:30 p.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $20 members, $25 nonmembers at bit.ly/2rlW4vz. For more info, call 216-368-2091.

TUESDAY, JULY 18

The Cleveland Foundation and The City Club of Cleveland presents It Takes a Neighborhood as part of the For the Love of Cleveland lecture series, noon, Public Square, Cleve. Free. For more info, visit cityclub.org.

Chautauqua-in-Chagrin lecture series Popular Music Controversies and its Impact on Pop Culture, 6:30-8 p.m., Federated Church, 76 Bell St., Chagrin Falls. $16-$23 at chagrinarts.org or by calling 440-247-9700.

Young Explorers program Green Eggs and Ham, 4 p.m., CCPL Chagrin Falls branch, 100 E. Orange St., Chagrin Falls. Free. For grades k-5.

The Politics of Jesus course with Gina Messina, 2-4 p.m., Landmark Centre Building, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $60 for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $75 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2ui2gpJ. Tuesdays thru Aug. 8.

The Psychology of Genocide course with Donna Rumenik, 1-3 p.m., Landmark Centre Building, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $90 for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $110 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2tkRUIG. Tuesdays thru Aug. 22.

JHUB Happy Hour event, 6-9 p.m., YUZU Bar, 13603 Madison Ave., Lakewood. For more info, email Samia at smansour@jecc.org.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 19

Siegal Lifelong Learning class Emma Goldman: Revolution as a Way of Life with Siegal Exec. Dir. Brian Amkraut, 10-11:30 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $30 for members, $40 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2r1knCj.

Association of Fundraising Summer Social, 5:30-9 p.m., The Cleveland Yachting Club, 200 Yacht Club Dr., Rocky River. $40 single registration and $75 couple registration. RSVP at bit.ly/2tgbd5X.

Jewish Bereaved Parents Group meeting, 7:30 p.m., Mandel JCC, 26001 S. Woodland Rd., Beachwood. For more info, call Al Weiss at 440-473-2325 or alch7@aol.com.

JHUB Happy Hour event, 6-9 p.m., The Fairmount, 2448 Fairmount Blvd., Cleve. For more info, email Samia at smansour@jecc.org.

FRIDAY, JULY 21

Outdoor Yoga series with the Mandel JCC, 6:45-8 p.m., Safran Park, 26001 S. Woodland, Beachwood. Free and open to community. Bring a mat. For more info, contact Kate at ktoohig@mandeljcc.org or call 216-831-0700 x1365.

SATURDAY, JULY 22

Mayfield Relay for Life, 12:30-9:30 p.m., 6100 Marsol Rd., Mayfield Hts. For more info and to register, visit relayforlife.org/mayfieldoh or email lauren.sweet@cancer.org.

CWRUs Foraging at the Farm class with Ryan Bennett, 10 a.m.-1 p.m., Squire Valleevue and Valley Ridge Farm, 37125 Fairmount Blvd., Hunting Valley. $65. Register at 216-368-0274 or email patty.gregory@case.edu.

Latinos and Baseball: In the Barrios and the Big Leagues Smithsonian collecting event, 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Baseball Heritage Museum, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. Free. Register at bit.ly/2uC2Krd.

SUNDAY, JULY 23

B’nai B’rith Health Run, 8:30 a.m., Rascal House Pizza University Heights, 2255 Warrensville Center Rd., University Hts. $10 advanced, $20 day of the event. Register at bnaibrithhealthrun.org. For more info, call 216-309-0515.

Mosaic Outdoor Club kayak outing, 10:30 a.m., Hinckley Lake, Hinckley. Followed by lunch. RSVP to Elizabeth at 216-932-4806.

MONDAY, JULY 24

The Jews Reaction to Muhammads Claims of Prophecy with professor Shari Lowin, 10 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. Free for Siegal members, $5 for nonmembers. Register at bit.ly/2tEpyJy.

Abrahams Discovery of God with professor Shari Lowin, 7 p.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. Free for Siegal members, $5 for nonmembers. Register at bit.ly/2tEvpyC.

TUESDAY, JULY 25

The Cleveland Foundation and The City Club of Cleveland presents The Challenge of Success as part of the For the Love of Cleveland lecture series, noon, Public Square, Cleve. Free. For more info, visit cityclub.org.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 26

Siegal Lifelong Learning class Emma Goldman: Revolution as a Way of Life with Siegal Exec. Dir. Brian Amkraut, 10-11:30 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $30 for members, $40 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2r1knCj.

THURSDAY, JULY 27

Lake County Arthritis Expo by Lake Health and Cleveland Shoulder Institute, 8:30 a.m.-12:30 p.m., TriPoint Medical Center Physician Pavilion, 7590 Auburn Rd., Concord Twp. Register by calling Lake Health Best of Health at 800-454-9800.

Telling Life Stories Through Guided Autobiography course with Susan Bond & Ramona Charles, 1-3 p.m., Landmark Centre Building, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $90 for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $110 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2tkMrl7. Thursdays thru Aug. 31.

The Cactus League and the Integration of Spring Training event, 7 p.m., Baseball Heritage Museum, League Park, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. Free. RSVP at bit.ly/2tkM1uM. For more info, call 216-789-1093.

FRIDAY, JULY 28

Outdoor Yoga series with the Mandel JCC, 6:45-8 p.m., Safran Park, 26001 S. Woodland, Beachwood. Free and open to community. Bring a mat. For more info, contact Kate at ktoohig@mandeljcc.org or call 216-831-0700 x1365.

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The City: Week of July 14 – Cleveland Jewish News

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Why Do Nazis Hate Jews? – Yahoo News

Newsweekpublished this story under the headline of Again, Anti-Semitism on February 16, 1981. In light of the recent neo-Nazi, white power and alt-right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, Newsweekis republishing the story. Charles Benjamin, a leader of the Jewish community in his quiet, suburban New Jersey town, came home to find bright red swastikas painted on his back door. The outdoor furniture had been dumped into the pool. The mailbox had been looted. “My knees buckled,” Benjamin later told a television interviewer. “I sat down on the ground, not believing that this could happen in… my little patch in the United States. “Anti-Semitism is an ancient story that is suddenly making news across the United States. The Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith reported 377 anti-Semitic “episodes” in 1980, a nearly threefold increase in one year. Most of these sporadic incidents involved little more than scrawled graffiti or vandalism, but there were also 10cases of arson, four fire-bombings and several death threats. No one has been killed or seriously injured, and no evidence suggests a campaign of any scale; most of the incidents have been juvenile pranks. Yet many American Jews are worried. “Hitler started with a handful of people and paint brushes,” says Jeffrey Maas of the ADL in New Jersey. And many government officials agree that the incidents cannot be shrugged off. “There is a tendency… to treat incidents of anti-Semitic or racial vandalism as isolated acts of mischief,” warns New Jersey Attorney General John J. Degnan. “Unfortunately … these acts may represent deep-seated racial and religious hatred.” To combat the flurry of anti-Semitic incidents, Degnan and other law-enforcement officials around the country have stepped up their investigations, often forming special police and prosecution units. Many Jewish leaders have begun holding seminars on bigotry and rallies against anti-Semitism, such as one that drew 3,000 people in California’s San Fernando Valley a fortnight ago. Not satisfied with these steps, Jewish militants have redoubled their own controversial efforts at self-defensepatrolling Jewish neighborhoods and training Jews in the use of high-powered rifles and pistols. Some Jewish organizations are reluctant to read too much into the new statistics of anti-Semitism, noting that vandalism and violent crime are on the rise generally. “It will take another year of monitoring to find out what the numbers actually mean,” says a spokesman for the American Jewish Committee in New York. Other Jews see the low-level violence and harassment as part of a larger pattern. With mounting alarm, they note the renewed organizing efforts of the Ku Klux Klan and American Nazi Party, the tone of some of the criticism of Israel in the United Nations and above all the bloody attacks on Jews in several European cities last year. “There is a feeling,” says Murray Wood, an executive of the Jewish Federation Council of Greater Los Angeles, “that all roads somehow lead to Auschwitz.” Anti-Semitism in the United States today hardly compares in virulence with the anti-Jewish attitudes and actions in the 1920s and 1930s. Then, Henry Ford’s Dearborn Independent (circulation: 700,000) ran anti-Semitic diatribes with headlines such as JEWISH GAMBLERS CORRUPT AMERICAN BASEBALL. More damaging, unstated quotas and restrictions kept Jews out of schools, jobs, neighborhoods and hotels. Today, most such barriers have fallen, and many public-opinion polls show a continuing decline in prejudice against Jews. In one survey last year, for example, only 8 percent of those questioned thought Jews had “too much political influence.” But other polls indicate a persistent suspicion and distaste for Jews as “pushy, clannish, unethical.” In Anti-Semitism in America, published two years ago, authors Charles Y. Glock and Harold E. Quinley reported that a third of Americans share such negative attitudesabout the same number, according to a more recent poll, that suspect Jews of being more loyal to Israel than to the United States. Alan Sandler and his bride, Zipporah, had just returned from their honeymoon in New York City. The mailbox of their Cranston, R.I. home was brimming with congratulatory cards. One was decorated with two lovebirds on the front. But inside was a swastika and the words. “We are back. ” Many experts blame the nation’s economic problems for the new signs of anti-Semitism. “Times of distress, social unrest and economic depression [are] often preliminary to outbreaks of anti-Semitism,” explains the Rev. Edward H. Flannery, author of another book on the subject, Anguish of the Jews. In hard times people find it comforting to have a scape-goat, Flannery says, “And they always look in the direction of the Jews.” In the spotlight of full media coverage, one episode often leads to others. Says New York City police official Patrick J. Murphy: “The incidents feed off each other. The kids read about themselves…and any dope can see himself immortalized.” In three days last month, officials at the University of Florida in Gainesville found thirteen examples of anti-Semitic graffiti on campus. After the wife of university President Robert Marston spoke out forcefully against such bigotry, her telephone rang. “This is the Florida-wide organization of Hitler,” said the caller. “I am going to kill you.” In fact few of the reported incidents seem directly connected with extremist groups. “If it were more organized,” says Long Island ADL director Melvin Cooperman, “we could zero in and nail them.” But both the Nazi Party and the Klan have run avowedly anti-Semitic candidates for public officewith disturbing success. Harold Covington, 27, chairman of the National Socialist Party of America in North Carolina, won more than 43 percent of the vote in the state’s Republican primary for attorney general last year. The rise of racist groups also seems to create a climate favorable to individual extremists and a certain public tolerance for isolated incidents. The dramatic growth of Christian fundamentalismand Moral Majority politicsmay also spur anti-Semitism. Just last week, the Rev. Dan C. Fore, Moral Majority leader in New York City, told a reporter: “Jews have a God-given ability to make money, almost a supernatural ability…. They control this city.” Even without such stereotyping, the fundamentalist emphasis on “Christian politics” and efforts to convert Jews are threatening, says William Gralnick of the American Jewish Committee in Atlanta. “What it says is that the Jewish faith is not a valid path to salvation; it tends to separate us from grace.” Last year in Macon, Georgia, says Gralnick, Protestant ministers refused to speak out when the head of the Southern Baptist Convention said, “God Almighty does not hear the prayer of a Jew.” It was shortly after 1 a. m. when two men drove up to the synagogue in Temple City, California.They pried open a window, poured gasoline over a wooden pew and set the synagogue ablaze. Seven stained-glass windows were shattered and other damage to Temple Beth David was estimated at $180, 000. The incident was followed” by nearly 30 more anti-Semitic outbursts in the Los Angeles area over the last eight weeks. The randomness of anti-Semitic incidents, and the absence of links to organized groups in most cases, makes prosecution difficult. In the 377 cases reported by the ADL last year, only 20 arrests were made. Even when there are arrests, the charge is normally a misdemeanor State assemblymen in California and New Jersey have proposed legislation that would stiffen penalties for religiously motivated vandalism. “When a cross is burned or a swastika is smeared, the terror it generates is as intense as from a bomb threat,” says New Jersey Assemblyman Byron Baer. But some judges prefer to sentence juvenile perpetrators to study Jewish history and the Nazi Holocaust. Said one such youth: “I am beginning to realize through these books the great deal of suffering I must have caused.” Many Jewish organizations have escalated their own programs of public education. Last week the ADLworking with the Urban League and the U.S. Justice Departmentsponsored a conference in Providence, Rhode Island, on “extremist groups” and another in Boston on “religious and racial harassment.” About 1,500 people attended an anti-Nazi rally last month at the Wiesenthal Center for Holocaust Studies in Los Angeles, itself a target of three anti-Semitic attacks earlier this year. But education didn’t seem to do much good at Great Neck North Senior High School in New York. Though the school has offered courses on the Holocaust for five years, vandals spray-painted the walls with “KKK” and “Hi’Hitler” last October, And police in many areas reported a flurry of similar anti-Semitic incidents after the “Holocaust” series on television. Such incidents have only encouraged militant groups like the Jewish Defense League to expand their often provocative paramilitary operations. The JDL plans to offer 10-week courses in “warfare tactics” at secret sites in southern California, Michigan and upstate New York. Most mainstream Jewish organizations see these steps as an inflammatory overreaction. But equally dangerous, they agree, would be simply to ignore the current upsurge in anti-Semitic incidents. “There’s no reason to panic; the country is not being overrun byanti-Semites,” says Art Teitelbaum of the Anti-Defamation League in Miami. “But it is something to be vigilant about.” White nationalists carry torches on the grounds of the University of Virginia, on the eve of a planned Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, on August 12. Neo-Nazis were among those present. Alejandro Alvarez/News2Share via REUTERS Related Articles

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This Undercover Spy Operation Helped Foil a Nazi Plot in 1930s LA – L.A. Weekly

German American Bund meeting, 1935 CRC Papers In the spring of 1933, a police report submitted to LAPD captain William “Red” Hynes noted “considerable quantities” of Nazi literature littering the streets of downtown Los Angeles. A new group in town, Friends of the New Germany (FNG), was thought to be the source of this sudden burst of Nazi propaganda. Over the next several weeks Hynes, captain of LAPD’s “Red Squad” intelligence unit, assigned men to keep an eye on the new group. On Aug. 1, 1933, he sent detective R.A. Wellpott undercover to attend FNG’s second public meeting. The meeting was held at 902 S. Alvarado St. in a mansion that had been converted into a German-American community center, of sorts. It housed an old-style German restaurant, the Alt Heidelberg; a new bookshop, the Aryan Bookstore; and a meeting hall. Approximately 100 people gathered in the hall for the meeting. Wellpott reported that a makeshift stage was set up in the hall, with a speaker’s podium flanked by an American flag, the imperial German flag and the Nazi (swastika) flag. Fifteen young men dressed in brown shirts, “whose arms bulge with excess power,” were scattered about the hall, “guarding” the meeting. The meeting began with a phonograph recording of a German march. The West Coast leader of Friends of the New Germany, Robert Pape, called the meeting to order. A keynote speaker spoke on “the German-Jewish conflict,” explaining that Nazis wanted to prevent the “bastardization of Germany” by eliminating Jews from power. When several people in the audience jumped up in protest, they were swept out of the meeting by the brown-shirted attendants. The meeting resumed with recorded speeches by Hindenburg and Hitler played on the phonograph. At the end of the evening, the attendees rose and gave the Nazi salute while the new German national anthem was played. FNG’s political activities in Los Angeles raised concern among Jewish and non-Jewish groups alike. The Jewish community newspaper B’nai B’rith Messenger (no relationship to the fraternal order of the same name) took notice of Nazi activity in the city in April. An article, “Hitlerites Organize Branch Here,” claimed that Nazi propaganda agents had been sent to Los Angeles by Berlin. The paper even printed the alleged agents’ names and addresses on the front page and called for their immediate deportation. The Jewish press, the secular press, the Red Squad and local Jewish groups were just some of the groups in Los Angeles that viewed Nazi activity in the city with concern. Another group also was watching with concern: the city’s veterans organizations. In the spring and summer of 1933, Friends of the New Germany focused its recruitment efforts on local veterans. FNG leaders assumed that U.S. veterans would flock to join their group, presuming that the former military members felt just as betrayed by the American government over recent cuts in their veterans’ benefits as the FNG themselves had felt with the Weimar government in Germany at the end of World War I. Herman Schwinn, West Coast leader of the German American Bund, 1934-1941 CRC Papers Among the first veterans to be approached by FNG officers was the former U.S. Army lieutenant John Schmidt. Schmidt was the perfect potential FNG recruit. Born in Germany in 1879, Schmidt was a career soldier. In his teens, he had served in the German imperial army. In 1900, Schmidt immigrated to the United States and enlisted in the U.S. Army after his naturalization was complete in 1908. Even though Schmidt was an American citizen, FNG leaders believed that loyalty was determined by blood, not by the artifice of naturalized citizenship. He was precisely the type of recruit FNG was hoping to win. However, FNG leaders were mistaken. Schmidt was neither disloyal nor angry. True, he had been born in Bavaria, and he was a U.S. veteran. Schmidt even had cause to be disillusioned with the U.S. government. Following the war, he had been hospitalized for six years with what today would be considered post-traumatic stress disorder. He suffered from chronic physical and emotional pain as a result of his military service and in 1930 had lost most of his disability pension when, in the wake of the stock market crash, Congress made sweeping budgetary cuts, which significantly reduced benefits to disabled veterans. Yes, Schmidt should have been the perfect recruit for FNG; but he wasn’t. Schmidt was a loyal and patriotic American. He was a member of the Americanism Committee and one of the city’s several veterans organizations, the Disabled American Veterans of the World War (DAV). Schmidt was committed to the nation’s defense, even as he carried the emotional scars, physical disabilities and financial wounds from his World War I service. On Aug. 17, 1933, Schmidt went over to FNG headquarters on South Alvarado Street to check out the group. There he met FNG gauleiter Robert Pape, Herman Schwinn and bookstore co-owner Paul Themlitz. Schmidt then submitted his first written report on FNG to fellow Americanism Committee member Leon Lewis. Using code name “11,” Schmidt described what he learned about Friends of the New Germany to Lewis. FNG’s mission, Schmidt reported, was to fight communism. FNG leaders, he wrote, “show[ed] me plenty of literature proving without a doubt that Communism was part of the Jewish plan of things and that therefore we must all combine to show the Jew as the author of all our troubles in America and throughout the world.” Pape told Schmidt that the purpose of FNG was to drive Jews and Catholics out of government in the United States and replace them with German-Americans. Pape told Schmidt that he was confident that, once in power, German-Americans would lead the movement to bring Hitlerism into America. Pape was concerned that veterans misunderstood Friends of the New Germany. He told Schmidt that recent resolutions passed by the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) and the American Legion denouncing Nazism were misguided and misinformed. FNG was committed to defending Americanism and fighting communists, Pape told Schmidt. FNG wanted to ally with American veterans against their common enemy. Pape encouraged Schmidt to bring some of his American Legion and VFW friends to FNG’s next membership meeting to help forge new friendships, and he invited Schmidt to speak at the meeting. Schmidt agreed to both requests. Schmidt returned to 902 S. Alvarado St. a few days later with his wife, Alyce. They dined at the Alt Heidelberg restaurant. The ambience and the food, Schmidt wrote in his reports, were reminiscent of the old country. The Alt Heidelberg was decorated in the style of an old German beer hall. Dinner there was a Depression-era bargain: three courses for 60 cents and beer for a nickel. The restaurant attracted an older German-American crowd, but lately, a rowdier, younger crowd of pro-Nazi German nationals had also been frequenting the place. During the dinner, Alyce got up and left the table to find the powder room. Making her way up the stairs to the second floor, she was stopped by a woman who was agitated to find Alyce on the landing. “Verboten!” Alyce was told. Alyce turned around and went back downstairs to her table. Schmidt wrote that he had the distinct impression that there were secrets on the upper floors: “I am sure they have arms and equipment someplace. If it is in the house, I will know it soon.” Schmidt’s early visits to FNG convinced him that Friends of the New Germany was no friend of democracy. He related his early observations to the Disabled American Veterans post commander Captain Carl Sunderland and DAV state adjutant Major Bert Allen. Both men agreed to join Schmidt in his undercover investigation of L.A.’s Nazis. Sunderland accompanied Schmidt to lunch at the Alt Heidelberg a week after Schmidt’s first visit, in early September, to meet with bookstore owners Themlitz and Hans Winterhalder. At the end of the meeting, Sunderland was convinced that the Nazis were smart, systematic and dangerous: “You know, Schmidt, when you first brought me down here, I thought you were playing a joke on me, and when I first met these guys, I thought it was all kid’s play. Now I’m convinced that if they ever find you out, they are going to massacre you so that your own mother wouldn’t know you. These fellows are covering up an awful lot and I surely would like to get to the bottom of this matter.” Sunderland went on: “Such a mob has no place in the United States. These men are not only out to drive the Jews from their public positions and destroy their properties but also they would not stop at starting any kind of trouble in this country which would serve their purpose. … The[se] Nazis are not just against Jews. … [They are] out to overthrow the United States.” Anti-Hollywood handbill, 1938 CRC Papers Socializing with FNG officers proved as informative as attending FNG meetings. Alcohol loosened them up. They shared more with their new American friends than they probably should have concerning the secret political objectives of their organization. One evening in late September 1933, the DAV volunteers learned about FNG’s plans for der tag, “the day” when the Nazi revolution would begin in the United States. Sunderland, the Schmidts, and the Allens, with their wives, went out with Winterhalder and two FNG officers for an evening of drinking, dancing and political conversation to the Loralei Restaurant, a German-American beer hall patronized by Nazis. According to reports filed by all three DAV informants, FNG was training a private militia to foment a Nazi-led insurrection in the United States. The plan called for FNG to incite unrest among American workers to hasten a communist insurrection, whereupon FNG and veteran allies would come to the rescue, “consolidat[ing] and march[ing] in military phalanxes to take the government.” “The kikes … run this country,” stormtroop commander Diederich Gefken told his new DAV friends. Jews, Gefken asserted, were responsible for the rotten deal vets were getting, and he was confident that American veterans were ready to vindicate themselves just as German veterans had done. He told Sunderland, “Thousands of stormtroopers in the U.S. were ready to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with U.S. veterans when the time came … to help them take back the government from Communists and Jews.” The uprising would start in cities where FNG was most active, like St. Louis, Chicago, New York and Los Angeles, and then spread across the country. Within two weeks of the insurrection, Protestant churches in the United States, led by the Lutheran Church, would launch a boycott of Jewish businesses. “That will take care of the ‘Goddamn jews [sic].'” Gefken, Pape and Schwinn also were eager to infiltrate the Los Angeles National Guard as part of their preparation for der tag. They peppered Schmidt with questions: How many Jews were in the U.S. armed forces? How many men were in the local National Guard? Would the National Guard be loyal in an uprising that targeted only Jews? Gefken and his friend Zimmerman were particularly eager to infiltrate the machine-gun company of the California National Guard to learn the American system of military training firsthand. Pape wanted to get into the National Guard to learn telegraphy. Could Schmidt get FNG men into key National Guard units in Southern California so that they could propagandize from within? FNG had orders to secure the blueprints for the National Guard armories in San Diego and San Francisco. Gefken asked Sunderland if he could get the floor plans of the Southern California armory and of the National Guard aircraft unit in San Diego. Several FNG members had already joined the National Guard in San Francisco, Gefken reported, and had acquired the floor plan of the Northern California armory, which showed the precise storage location of munitions, supplies and weapons in the building. Sunderland asked Gefken how FNG planned to acquire more arms. Gefken replied, “Well, it is difficult to smuggle them into the United States on ships. Ships have to go through the [Panama] Canal, where their cargo is checked. Guns can be smuggled in from Mexico and Canada. All stormtroops have personal weapons, but we’ve been instructed not to carry them in public because that would violate resident alien laws. When the zero hour comes, we will not hesitate to bring them out.” In reporting this conversation, Sunderland reminded fellow Americanism Committee member Lewis that the movie studios had explosives. He recommended that background checks be conducted on German studio workers and that the studios take steps to secure their explosives. Schmidt, with Lewis’ assistance, proved his worth to FNG officers. Informing the National Guard’s commander about the new recruits, Schmidt arranged positions for Gefken and Zimmerman in the machine gun company of the Southern California National Guard. Unfortunately, neither Gefken nor Zimmerman was admitted: Gefken because he had false teeth and Zimmerman because he could not promise to be punctual to drills because of his day job. Nazi salute in court, Los Angeles Times, January 1934 Los Angeles Times FNG’s Aryan Bookstore in downtown Los Angeles also was critical to the political preparation for “der tag.” To passersby, the store was just a shop that specialized in books on National Socialism. In reality, the shop was a front for Nazi headquarters in Los Angeles. Many of the books, magazines and newspapers sold at the shop were published in Germany by the Ministry of Propaganda and exported to America to cultivate Nazism in the United States. The anti-Semitic content in this literature ran the gamut from rabid Jew-bashing to more subtle analyses of both contemporary events and world history that disguised their anti-Semitic agenda in the cloak of “academic scholarship.” Schmidt found orders to Pape from New York on managing the shop: Bookshop personnel were all to be educated in National Socialism and were required to have read Mein Kampf. All bookstore personnel were to be American, and women were to do all the selling. The back rooms of the Aryan Bookstore in Los Angeles housed the headquarters for Friends of the New Germany. Schmidt’s pencil drawing of the store’s layout showed the shop’s small retail space in the front, with a door that led to the back workroom and several private offices for FNG leaders. Schmidt’s daily reports indicated that the back rooms often were busier than the retail space. FNG leaders used the offices to conduct daily business, responding to correspondence from New York, planning their next public rally, and receiving a parade of local allies including German vice consul Georg Gyssling and leaders of domestic right-wing groups the FNG was courting. Schmidt noted that the doors to the offices were padlocked when they were not in use. Alyce Schmidt, who did most of her work for Pape in the reading room, listened in on backroom conversations and reported what she heard to Lewis of the Americanism Committee. A few weeks after John Schmidt submitted his first report to Lewis on Friends of the New Germany, Lewis called Red Squad captain William “Red” Hynes and asked to meet him. Hynes was in a hurry when Lewis called but told Lewis to meet him in front of the captain’s office at the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce building, and Lewis could walk with him to his appointment at police headquarters. Lewis walked the few blocks from his office to the Chamber of Commerce building to meet Hynes. This was not the first time the two men had met. For several months, Lewis and Hynes had been sharing notes on Nazi activity in the city literally. Hynes shared police reports with Lewis and allowed him to copy them. Lewis, on the other hand, had secured private funding to pay for Hynes’ undercover man. As the two men walked briskly toward police headquarters, Hynes told Lewis that he did not have the funds to continue paying agent “M” anymore. “It will cost us $150 per month in salary plus expenses to maintain this operation,” Hynes told Lewis, “and we just don’t have the money right now.” Lewis told Hynes that he had discussed the matter with Irving Lipsitch, president of the Jewish Federation of Los Angeles. Lipsitch and Lewis had decided that Lewis, along with an unnamed local merchant and two other Jewish attorneys, would get Hynes the money he needed. “But, I’d rather that ‘M’ stay on your payroll,” Lewis told Hynes. “I do not wish to have any direct dealings with a private detective.” “I don’t blame you,” Hynes replied. “And, of course,” Lewis assured him, “there would be a piece of change in it for you, too.” “That would be fine,” Hynes said. Was the “piece of change” that Lewis promised Hynes a bribe? Possibly. The LAPD was notoriously corrupt. It is possible that Lewis’ offer of “a piece of change” was simply Lewis playing politics the way politics was played with the Red Squad. There is no further mention of payoffs to Hynes after this meeting. Hynes remained helpful to Lewis until the reform-minded mayor Fletcher Bowron disbanded the Red Squad in 1938. Gastube Restaurant, Deutsches Haus, Los Angeles CRC Papers On March 13, 1934, a parade of cars carrying studio heads, directors, producers, screenwriters and actors rolled past Hillcrest’s unmarked stone gates at 10000 W. Pico Blvd. on the edge of Beverly Hills. The minutes of the meeting, found in the Los Angeles archive, list the attendees, which included top studio executives and filmmakers from MGM, Columbia Pictures, Paramount Studios, RKO, Universal Pictures and United Artists. The dinner guests took their seats around the banquet table, where they found copies of the anti-Semitic Silver Shirt newspapers, Liberation and The Silver Ranger. Both papers viciously attacked the Jews of Hollywood as enemies of Christian America. The Silver Ranger was published right in Los Angeles, and both were distributed nationally. After dinner, the group adjourned to a meeting room, where Leon Lewis reported on the behind-the-headlines details of the recent local court case that Lewis and his DAV colleagues had engineered to exposed Nazi activity in Los Angeles. Lewis told his audience that the veterans who had testified at the trial had infiltrated FNG under his guidance. “We knew that the evidence regarding Nazi activity was not properly admissible,” Lewis told his guests, but the judge had allowed evidence into the record anyway for the sake of the publicity the trial would attract. Lewis went on to explain that the undercover operation had cost him $7,000. Lewis told the moguls that in order to maintain this “anti-defamation work,” their financial support was required. Lewis proposed that a full-time publicity man be hired to work in the tradition of the Anti-Defamation League to fight Nazism in the city. This would relieve Lewis of the task and allow him to return to his law practice, which “had been shot to hell” in the previous six months because of the investigation. His dinner guests were attentive. The Jewish executives of the motion picture industry did not need a primer on the implications of Nazis in Los Angeles or on the implications of anti-Semitism for themselves. They had been in the crosshairs of anti-Semitic attacks for more than a decade from Protestant and Catholic groups concerned that motion pictures, in the hands of “former pants-pressers and button-holers,” presented a direct threat to American virtue. In fact, just six months earlier, Catholic Church leaders had organized a nationwide protest against the industry and threatened a national boycott of motion pictures if the Jews of Hollywood did not capitulate to a production code written by, and monitored by, the church’s chosen representatives. At a meeting with the archbishop of Los Angeles in 1933, the church’s lay representative, attorney Joseph Scott, warned the moguls that “the dirty motion pictures they were making, along with other invidious activities on the part of the Jews, were serving to build up an enormous case against the Jews in the eyes of the American people.” Scott reminded them that certain groups in America were sympathetic to the Nazi purpose and were organizing to attack Jews in America, and that “what was going on in Germany could happen here.” Scott’s warning may have been ringing in their ears that night at Hillcrest as they discussed Lewis’ proposal. Rabbi Magnin, Judge Roth, Marco Hellman and Irving Thalberg all spoke up in support of the proposed program. Louis B. Mayer was emphatic about continuing the operation: “There can be no doubt as to the necessity of carrying on, and I for one am not going to take it lying down. Two things are required, namely money and intelligent direction. It [is] the duty of the men present to help in both directions.” Following Mayer’s comments, MGM producer Harry Rapf moved that a committee composed of one man from each studio be appointed. Each studio selected a representative, resulting in a studio subcommittee: Irving Thalberg (MGM), Harry Cohen (Columbia), Henry Henigson (Universal), Joseph Schenck (20th Century), Jack Warner (Warner Bros.), Emanuel Cohen (Paramount), Sol Wurtzel (Fox) and Pandro Berman (RKO). The members of the new Studio Committee publicly pledged to support the fact-finding work for one year. Thalberg committed MGM to $3,500. Emanuel Cohen committed Paramount to the same amount and promised to speak to Jack Warner about a similar pledge. Universal pledged $2,500, and Berman promised that RKO would contribute $1,500, pointing out that RKO had only eight Jewish executives. The smaller studios Fox, 20th Century and United Artists each pledged $1,500. Phil Goldstone and David Selznick were asked to raise $2,500 each from agents and independent producers. In less than an hour, Lewis had secured $22,000 in pledges. The studio committee itself met monthly to review the content of any production that might exacerbate the rising tide of anti-Jewish sentiment in the United States. The threat of Nazism catalyzed the wealthiest Jews of Los Angeles to political action. Beginning in March 1934 and continuing through the end of World War II, the Los Angeles Jewish Community Committee convened every Friday to hear reports from informants on escalating Nazi activity in the city and to deliberate on their response. It took Lewis six long months to secure the funding. In doing so, he bridged a social chasm between the city’s Jewish community and an unlikely political partner, the city’s veterans, and transformed those former soldiers into “Hollywood’s spies.” Excerpt adapted from Hollywood Spies: The Undercover Surveillance of Nazis in Los Angeles by Laura B. Rosenzweig (published September 2017), with permission from New York University Press. 2017 by New York University.

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August 16, 2017   Posted in: B'nai B'rith  Comments Closed

B’nai B’rith UK About BBLBIA – B’nai B’rith UK

Over the past 12 months, the London Bureau has been working closely with Londons diplomatic community in an effort to advocate for Jewish, Israeli and minority interests. The Bureau has been invited to many embassies in the capital, usually meeting with ambassadors and other consular officials. The Bureau has highlighted a number of areas of concern, including the ongoing Palestinian stabbing intifada against Israelis, the intransigence of Fatah in the peace process, anti-Israeli UN resolutions, the repercussions of the Syrian civil war and the threat of jihadist terrorism. Turning towards Europe, the Bureau has also discussed concerns about rising nationalism and anti-immigrant sentiment on the Continent. There have been discussions about growing anti-Semitism, with the Bureau keen to ascertain each countrys mechanisms for confronting hatred. The Bureau works closely with our colleagues in Washington and Brussels, and liaises with the Board of Deputies, to ensure that our embassy visits are as fruitful as possible. The Bureau continues to attend meetings of the Foreign Office roundtable and there was a visit to the Department for International Development (DFID) highlighting Palestinian incitement. The Bureau organised two successful breakfast meetings in 2016, inviting the ambassadors of Austria and Israel to address Bnai Brith members. The Bureaus research arm has also been busy this year. A research paper was produced, called Spreading the Hate, dealing with how UK funded NGOs and charities were pursuing a hostile anti-Israel agenda. A summary appeared in an Israeli paper. The Director has published a number of articles in the Jewish Press, both in the UK and abroad, on issues of importance to the Bureau. Further research and collaborative projects are planned for the forthcoming year.

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August 13, 2017   Posted in: B'nai B'rith  Comments Closed

New Jersey – B’nai B’rith International

New Jersey- B’nai B’rith Young Leadership Network New Jersey has had an active agenda, coming together for a Shabbat Dinner in August and a fall event called Trivia in the Sukkah in mid-September to share a Sukkot experience with the group. In early December they celebrated Chanukah at a joint event with the Congregation Agudath Israel Young Professionals, at Congregation Agudath Israel in West Caldwell, New Jersey. It was a great event full of new faces, potato latkes, jelly doughnuts, and a lot of music and dancing! Future events include a fundraiser in either Hoboken or Millburn, NJ, to raise money and awareness for the National Mitzvah Project. They also plan to have more Shabbat dinners, bowling, and many more. Read the NJ.com story about the 12th Annual B’nai B’rith Jewish Fair & Expo.

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August 11, 2017   Posted in: B'nai B'rith  Comments Closed

Muslim Terrorists Took 134 Hostages in the Name of Allah in a 1977 Guerrilla Raid – Newsweek

Newsweekpublished this story under the headline SEIZING HOSTAGES SCOURGE OF THE ’70s on March 21, 1977.Newsweekis republishing the story. Some came out bandaged and bloody. A few were carried out by stretcher. Some women were crying; a few managed to smile. A middle-aged woman touched the hand of every policeman she could reach. “Thank you,” she said. “Thank you, very much.” There were tearful hugs which anxious relatives who had maintained a long vigil, and an elderly woman said to no one in particular: “Oh God, it’s so good to be alive.” At 2:18 on Friday morning, the bells of the nearby Foundary Methodist Church pealed the good news: the 39-hour siege of Washington was over. It had begun with a clockwork guerrilla raid against three separate buildings in the Capital. The terrorists were twelve black Americans, members of the small HanafiMuslimsect led by Hamaas Abdul Khaalis, a 56-year-old fanatic bent on avenging the 1973 murder of five of his children by BlackMuslims(page 21). Before their assault was over, 134 hostages had been taken, one man had been shot dead and nineteen others had been shot, stabbed or beaten. The entire Capital was traumatized by the ordeal: visiting Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was whisked out of town amid fears that he too might be a target, the Justice Department and even the President were drawn into the tactical planning and three ambassadors ofMuslimnations finally turned out to be the key negotiators with the terrorists. Daily Emails and Alerts – Get the best of Newsweek delivered to your inbox The Washington raid was the nation’s most harrowing episode of domestic terrorism so far and its most dramatic brush with what has become the crime of the ’70s: seizing hostages. The scourge started with skyjacking, then escalated in 1972 when Arab commandos captured nine Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics. In the last month alone, there have been more than a dozen incidents in the U.S., and just two days before the Hanafi raid last week, an ex-marine in Cleveland released a hostage only after President Carter agreed to talk to him. “We have discovered a new syndrome,” said Washington Mayor Walter Washington last week. “It’s a terror syndrome. DELICATE DILEMMAS Unhappily, the pathology of terrorism is more advanced than any available treatment. Hostage-taking confronts police, political leaders and journalists alike with a series of delicate dilemmas: whether to wait or to fight, whether to publicize or whether to be quiet, when to bargain and when to be firm, whether to keep bargains once made (page 25). In the aftermath of the Hanafi raid, police kept their bargain to release Khaalis without bail, a move that prompted some criticism. For the most part, at least since the Attica prison uprising, when a hard line led to 39 deaths, authorities have played a waiting gameand that is what paid off last week in Washington. Jimmy Carter endorsed that approach: “I thought,” he said, “[the outcome] was a vivid proof of that a slow and careful approach was the effective way.” The problem was that there was no certainty it would always be so effective, or that there was any way of preventing in the future the sort of random violence that had seized Washington. The Hanafi holy war erupted on a warm, sunny morning. A few minutes after 11 a.m. last Wednesday, a 2-ton U-Haul van cruised up Rhode Island Avenue and pulled into an alley next to the eight-story headquarters of B’nai B’rith, the Jewish service organization. Inside, Khaalis and six Hanafi commandos were poised for the first attack. They were dressed in jeans and work shirts and they wore long knives strapped to heavy steel chains about their hips. They carried what appeared to be a number of guitar cases, which held an assortment of rifles, shotguns and a crossbow. The raiders jumped out of the van and burst into the B’nai B’rith lobby brandishing guns, swords and knives. By chance, an automatic elevator loaded with passengers opened in the lobby just as the Hanafis made their assault. “Get down or we’ll blow your heads off,” one of the raiders yelled. When Wesley Hymes, 31, a black printer, tried to get away, a Hanafi soldier slashed him on the left hand with a machete, then shot him in the left arm, when he raised it to defend himself. “They killed my babies and shot my women,” Khaalis bellowed at the terror-stricken passengers. “Now they will listen to usor heads will roll.” ‘LIKE THE GREEN BERETS’ With military precision, the raiders divided into two squads. One band dragooned a few captives and started shuttling guns and boxes of ammunition to a conference room on the eighth floor, where the raiders set up a defensive perimeter and a prisoner-holding pen. The second squad started to round up hostages. “They were absolute proslike the Green Berets or something,” said captive J. Nicholls, 34, a typewriter repairman. Mimi Feldman, a scrappy secretary in her late 50s, took off the Star of David she was wearing around her neck before being pulled into an elevator. “Bitch,” snapped a gunman, who cracked her on the head and ribs with a gun butt. The gunmen stormed the office of Dr. Sidney Clearfield, who was talking on the phone to Steven Hurwitz, a colleague in Richmond, Va. Hurwitz heard a voice growl: “Up against the wall or we’ll blow your head off.” Then Dr. Clearfield’s line went silent. Capturing the building took less than an hour. At the peak of the assault, Khaalis picked up a telephone and coolly dialed the number of the Hanafi Center in Northwest Washington. Abdul Aziz, his son-in-law, got on. “We’re in,” was Khaalis’s terse report. “Praise Allah,” his son-in-law replied. The first attack took the Washington policeand everyone elseoff guard. Within the B’nai B’rith building, dozens of people managed to elude the raiders by barricading themselves in offices on the lower floors. By phone and by desperate gesturing out the windows, they summoned help. Police cars with wailing sirens screeched up to the building; snipers in flak vests took up firing positions on nearby rooftops; the neighborhood was sealed off. At first, the counterattacking police though they were dealing with cornered gunmen from a foiled holdup. And at the city’s crisis command posta warren of offices on Indiana Avenue used mainly during the riots and protest demonstrations of the past – the first log entry for the day read simply: “Shooting, barricade, hostages . . . who and why unknown.” While the police tried to puzzle things out, the Hanafis struck again – this time at the Islamic Center, a lovely blue and white mosque with a towering minaret on the edge of Rock Creek Park. For months Khaalis had been chafing over the liberal views of the center’s director, Dr. Muhammad Abdul Rauf. At 12:30 p.m. gunmen wearing blue jeans and wool caps, carrying shotguns and two long knives, walked into the center’s first-floor offices and demanded to see Rauf. When he appeared and asked the gunmen who they were, one of them replied: “We come here every Friday for prayer.” Then the phone rang. It was Khaalis, who accused Rauf of supporting Wallace Muhammad, leader of the rival BlackMuslims.What’s more, Khaalis told Rauf, a 59-year-old Egyptian, “your country is seeking peace with the Jews.” At about the same time, a group of tourists led by the Rev. Robert Tesdell, 58, a Disciples of Christ minister and travel agent from New York, drove up in a bus and entered the mosque. John Ashton, 22, Tesdell’s driver, waited outside. Suddenly he noticed a mailman on the mosque grounds drop his mailbag and bolt for the street. “Did you see the man with the rifle?” the postman asked Ashton. Rauf, Tesdell and nine others were in Hanafi hands, and once again police sirens wailed. The second entry in the command-center log was also terse and confused: “Shooting, barricade, streets closed.” Even as the Hanafis were digging in, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin was at the Kennedy Center accepting an honorary degree from American University. When Rabin finished his speech, his press counselor, Aviezer Pazner, slipped him a Secret Service message: “B’nai B’rith headquarters under siege.” “Who is involved,” Rabin asked quietly. “We don’t know,” Pazner replied. Under reinforced security, Rabin drove to the Shoreham Hoteljust a few blocks from the besieged Islamic Centerto deliver a luncheon address. There a dozen tense Secret Service agents lined the dining room. There was also an Israeli security man whose raincoat concealed an Uzi submachine gun. Rabin rushed through his speech. Then, skipping the highly vulnerable VIP helicopter flight across Washington, he drove under heavy guard to Andrews Air Force Base and flew to New York as scheduled. At about 2:15 p.m., the Hanafi raiders launched their third attack. Two of Khaalis’s soldiers, dressed in black and armed with a shotgun and a .22-caliber handgun, took over an office on the fifth floor of Washington’s city hall, a six-story, marble edifice called the District Building. Down the hall, Mayor Washington, fresh from the Rabinn lunch, locked himself in and shoved a desk up against the door. Elevator operator Theodore Wade unwittingly stopped at the fifth floor and found himself face to face with one of the raiders. “When he pointed the shotgun at me I pushed the gun up and closed the door on him,” Wade reported later. “I said: ‘My God, it’s just like on TV’.” ‘I’VE BEEN HIT’ Down on the ground floor, guard Mack Wesley Cantrell, 51, dashed for an elevator. He bumped into city councilman Marion Barry. He warned Barry, 41, a black, that there seemed to be “some trouble” up above. In a second elevator nearby, two young black reporters – Maurice Williams, 24, of radio station WHUR, and Steven Colter, 24, of the Washington Afro-American – were bound for a news conference on the fifth floor. They joshed each other that they were in for a big bore. The two elevators reached the fifth floor at about the same time. Barry, Williams, and Colter stood a moment in the corridor. Cantrelljoined by guard James Yancy from the mayor’s officethen headed for a suite of city-council offices down the hall. “There was this guy who had his back up against the door,” Yancy recalled later. “Before we knew what has happening, the dude spun aroundand was firing.” Three shots rang out. Barry, Cantrell and Robert Pierce, 51, a city-council aide, were all wounded as they stood in the corridor. Barry staggered into the city-council chamber clutching his hands to his chest. Blood oozed over his fingers. “I’ve been hit,” he said, “Don’t go out in that hall.” The full force of a shotgun blast hit Williams in the chest. He crumpled to the floor, awash in blood. “I’m hit, Steve,” he cried to his friend. Colter ducked inside a side room. After a few moments he gingerly peered out. “I began to holler: ‘Maurice, Maurice. If you can hear me, say so’,” he recalled. There was no answer. He felt Williams’s pulse. The young man was dead. The gunmen then retreated with a group of hostages into the office of city-council chairman Sterling Tucker. For the third time police cars screamed into action against the Hanafis. The siege of Washington was complete. It looked very much a mismatch at first. Hundreds of Washington police, joined by dozens of FBI agents (ordered into the fray by President Carter) descended upon the B’nai B’rith headquarters, the Islamic Center and the District Building. Although they didn’t know it, the lawmen were arrayed against an army of twelve. The FBI dispatched specially trained hostage-negotiating teams to each of the three siege camps. Their immediate problem was perplexing: for hours no one really knew who the gunmen wereor even if the three attacks were connected. In mid-afternoon, WTOP-TV reporter Max Robinson got a call from Abdul Aziz, who had met Robinson at the time of the 1973 mass murder, which had occurred at Hanafi headquarters. Robinson met with Aziz, who identified the leader of the current siege as his father-in-law, Khalifa Hamaas Abdul Khaalis. Robinson then spoke by phone with Khaalis, and heard him deliver a ferocious attack on a movie premiering that day in New York and Los Angeles: “Mohammad, Messenger of God,” a $17 million epic about Islam starring Anthony Quinn – and financed largely by investors in the Middle East (page 89). PASSIONATE DEMANDS “We want the picture out of the country,” Khaalis said. “Why?” “Because it’s a fairy tale . . . You talk for all the American people, but I’m aMuslimand I’ll die for my faith. It’s a joke. It’s misrepresenting theMuslimfaith.” Khaalis’s other demands were also passionate. “First thing I want the killers of my babies . . . I say we want them right here. I want to see how tough they are. I want the one who killed Malcolm [X] too.” While Khaalis didn’t come right out and say it, he clearly intended to settle a few blood scores with his old enemies, the BlackMuslims.He also demanded that the police reimburse him for a $750 fine he had incurred for contempt of court. He was fined after shouting, “You killed my babies and shot my women” during the 1973 trial of vie BlackMuslimsconvicted for the massacre of Khaalis’s family at the Hanafi headquarters. WTOP’s Robinson also had another mandate from Khaalis: to contact Secretary of State Cyrus Vance “because we are going to kill foreignMuslimsat the Islamic Center [and] create an international incident.” He also asked that the same message be delivered to the ambassadors of allMuslimcountries. At the State Department, Douglas Heck, an expert on countering terrorists, began to cast about for allies within the Islamic diplomatic community. In New York, moviegoers were turned away and screens went blank in four theaters that were showing “Mohammad,” though the producers maintained that the film avoided blasphemy by not depicting the Prophet himself. In Chicago, Wallace Muhammad, spiritual leader of the BlackMuslims,set out for Washington to see what help he could offer. And in Los Angeles, Muhammad Alic was tracked down by ABC’s Barbara Walters, who asked him whathewas going to do about the crisis: “If you’re concerned about me,” said the subdued BlackMuslimboxer, “don’t get me involved.” At the White House, President Carter had just returned from the swearing-in ceremonies for his new CIA chief, Adm. Stansfield Turner. Soft classical music played in the study adjoining the Oval Office. Suddenly aide Hamilton Jordan entered. “Mr. President,” he said. “The damnedest thing has just happened,” Jordan related what he knew, telling Carter that it was not clear whether the three invasions were connected. “It’s difficult for me to believe they’re not connected,” Carter observed, and he directed Jordan to find out more. WHITE HOUSE MEETING Jordan convened a White House meeting of national-security adviser Zbignew Brzezinski, press secretary Jody Powell, legal counselor Robert Lipshutz and other key aides. The President’s men were deeply worried that Carter’s decision to telephone Cleveland kidnapper Cory C. Moorethough only after Moore released a hostage he had been holding for 46 hoursmight draw Carter into a stickier mess with Khaalis. They decided to keep the White House out of the Hanafi case as much as possible. If necessary, they concluded, Carter would talk to Khaalisbut again only after all the hostages were released. To the relief of all the President’s men. Khaalis never asked to speak to Carter. Khaalis chose to let a number of his hostages go within hours, despite earlier threats. “They were a bunch of crazies,” said Andrew Hoffman, a 20-year-old student who was released from the B’nai B’rith building. “They asked me where my people were from. I’m half Jewish, but I said Italy.” Khaalis escorted Hoffman to a barricaded stairwell and turned him loose. As the young man scuttled out, his captor yelled after him: “Andy! Get marriedand have lots of babies.” Not everyone was as lucky. Alton Kirkland, 21, knifed at the B’nai B’rith building and evacuated by the police, underwent surgery to reinflate a punctured lung and to repair a punctured diaphragm and stomach. From the District Building, Cantrell and Pierce were brought to George Washington University Medical Center. A bullet had grazed Cantrell’s skull, miraculously missing his brain. Pierce was bleeding internally and could not move his legs. Doctors suspected that his spinal cord might have been damaged, and feared that he might wind up paralyzed. The bullet that hit Barry stopped less than an inch from his heart; he was in good condition after surgery. For the remaining hostages the next 36 hours were a passage through hell. At the District Building, police peering through bullet-shattered windows and glass partitions saw seven hostages tied hand and foot lying face down on the floor, while their captors swaggered above them with shot guns. One congressman who made his way to the fifth floor said later the corridor looked “just like an alley in Da Nang.” In the Islamic Center, the gunmen did provide their prisoners with chairs. “We’re all having prisoners with chairs. “We’re all having coffee and tea and a nice chat,” one of the gunmen told an interviewer. Then he added coldly: “But heads will roll and people will die unless we get our demands.” Khaalis and the Hanafi army transformed the eighth floor of the B’nai B’rith building into a field headquartersand a concentration camp. “Entebbe was a paradise compared to what the terrorists did,” shuddered one survivor. The raiders spoke in a strange patois of verses from the Koran and street talk that was particularly menacing to the Jewish captives. “They told us the Koran condemned us to wander the world forever,” recalled B’nai B’rith Foundation director Sidney Closter. “They accused us of having turned our backs on Allah when the Prophet emerged. Mixed up in all the sputtering were gutter-language threats to ‘blow our mother-f—ing heads off’.” The invaders prodded their hostages with gun butts as they herded them off to the eighth floor. Some of the younger men were ordered to push boxes of window sashes up against the windows; others used rollers abandoned by fleeing painters to paint out the windowsa protection against snipers. “I remember thinking, ‘Why does life have to end like this?'” recalled one of the prisoners. Perhaps out of religious scruples, the captors separated the men and women and treated the women a good deal more gently than the men. “They made a fetish out of saying how they were not going to rape the women,” recalled secretary Feldman. In fact, the terrorists instructed the women to cover their legs with newspapers, explaining that byMuslimstandards they were indecently exposed. DEATH THREATS The male prisoners did not fare as well. “We were tied hands behind our backs and legs,” reported one of them. “There was so much pain if left little room for thinking about anything.” When one captured workman said, “If I gotta die I gotta die,” Khaalis cracked him on the head with a gun, saying, according to one witness, “I think I’ll kill you right now.” When women in the room began to weep and scream, “No, no,” Khaalis stopped. Catching sight of police snipers on a nearby roof, one of the gunmen leered at some of the older male captives. “We gonna hang these old men upside down, pull open the shades and give them something to shoot at,” he said. Si Cohen, 53, director of B’nai B’brith Community Volunteer Services, managed to talk his captors into letting him use the toilet in private. “I got out my wallet and took out the photographs of my wife and children,” he recalled.”I believed for the first time, sincerely, I was going to die thereand never see them again.” The desperate hours were particularly harrowing for Khaalis’s Jewish captives. “They taunted us that it was a lie Hitler killed 6 million Jews,” reported one B’nair B’rith officer. “They referred to us contemptibly as ‘yehudi,’ and they blamed us for the contempt with which Idi Amin is held in this country.” On the first day of the occupation, David Blumberg, president of the International B’nai B’rith, managed to get a call through to the building. When Khaalis found out, he railed: “I don’t want to speak to any Jew bastards. Tell him.” Betty Neal, whom Khaalis designated as his unwilling secretary for the duration, replied bravely: “I could never say that to David Blumberg.” And she didn’t. To Neal, Khaalis confided how he had become a warrior. “He said some of the actors in ‘Mohammad the Messenger’ had played homosexuals in previous roles.I found myself feeling compassionate when he talked about the murders of his children and other members of his family,” Neal recalled. “He said he had been planning how and when to respond and waiting for guidance when it cameword of the showing of the motion picture.” As the siege wore on, Khaalis reluctantly permitted the release of a few captives suffering chest pains. He also began to allow his captives to use the toilet whenever they needed. The bonds on the men were loosened a bit. And for the first time the prisoners began to sense that negotiations might free them after all. The first attempts at a negotiated settlement had not been very promising. On the first day of the siege, Washington deputy police chief Robert Rabe summoned the State Department’s Heck to the police field command post near the B’nai B’rith building. Rabe relayed Khaalis’s demand to be put in touch with Islamic ambassadors. As it turned out, Egypt’s Ambassador Ashraf Ghorbal had already volunteered his services to Secretary Vance. Ghorbal then enlisted the help of Pakistan’s dashing Ambassador Sahabzada Yaqub-Khan, acting director of the captured Islamic Center and a four-handicap polo player. “Our task was to establish rapport with him, to persuade him to release the hostages as a merciful action and to play to his religious sentiments to that end,” Ghorbal recalled. At 6:15 p.m. on the first day of the siege, the two diplomats placed their first call to Khaalis from police headquarters. “He was in a very excitable mood,” recalled Yaqub-Khan.”It was a very tense movement.” Khaalis launched a tirade againstMuslimcountries for not backing up his holy war; he said he had become a victim of cruelties because of his ownMuslimfaith, and he argued that no one ever listened to him around the Islamic Center. After leafing swiftly through the Koran in search of suitable calming verses, Yaqub-Khan began to try a few out on Khaalis. “Don’t teach me the Koran,” Khaalis snorted. “I know the Koran better than you.” A MIDNIGHT CALL For the next few hours the two ambassadors discussed plans with police chief Maurice Cullinane for making a second call to Khaalis. Still wearing their suit coats, they munched roast-beef sandwiches and sipped coffee. Eventually, they were joined by Iran’s elegant Ambassador Ardeeshir Zahedi, who had flown in from Paris on the Concorde. Between them, they came up with a new Koran next: “Let not the hatred of some people in once shutting you out of the sacred mosque lead you to transgression . . . For Allah, for Allah is strict in punishment.” They tried it out in a call around midnight. Khaalis responded by quoting the doctrine of devine retribution from the Book of Qasas. “He certainly had a very good knowledge of the Koran,” Yaqub-Khan observed. ‘LETTING OFF STEAM’ The three diplomats tried two more phone calls: one at 3 a.m., the last at 5 a.m. They got nowhere, but resolved to keep on trying. “It was a catharsis for him to let off steam,” said Yaqub-Khan. “But above all we had to avoid getting into an argument that might upset him. The last thing we wanted was to let him go off the deep end.” The prayed-for breakthrough finally came on Thursday at 5:30 p.m. when, for the first time, Khaalis put in a telephone call, asking to meet face to face with Yaqub-Khan. The problem was where they would meet, howand whether Khaalis could carry arms. Chief Cullinane suggested that he come down to the street unarmed. Khaalis replied: “I’ll be damned if I’m going to come down and be shot by your people.” Yaqub-Khan’s colleague were also reluctant to let him bear the full risk alone. In the end a compromise was cobbled together.The three ambassadors, Cullinane and Rabe agreed to meet Khaalis and his son-in-law, Aziz, in the lobby of the B’nai B’rith building. They set up a folding cafeteria table and eight chairs. Khaalis, unarmed, took the elevator down from the eighth floor. He greeted the three ambassadors in Arabic and hugged them three times; he politely took note of the police negotiators, who wore no guns. Once again he exchanged verses from the Koran with the diplomatsin English. For three hours the talks went on. “I knew he was going to free the hostages,” said Yaqub-Khan. “Only the modalities were not decided.” NEWSWEEK learned that the final breakthrough came when Ghorbal suggested that Khaalis release 30 hostages as a gesture of good faith. Khaalis looked around the table and calmly volunteered to release them all. That, in effect, was it; the only outstanding question was the fate of the terrorists. “Whether or not he himself was going behind bars immediately was not decided,” said Yaqub-Khan. “He thought it would look bad to his followers if he were put in jail at once.” Khaalis had not insisted on his own release as a precondition for talks. “The psychological profile of this guy showed that saving face was the most important thing to him,” observed Washington’s Corporation Counsel John Risher, 37, who monitored the talks. “He didn’t talk in terms of amnesty. He talked in terms of an indictment and trial.It became very clear that what he wanted was some free time to say: ‘I left my entire house in order.’ He could only do that if he was allowed some freedom. It was saving face in a very, very total sense.” OFFER AND NEEDS The problem was how to square such face-saving with the demands of the law. While the talks went on, Deputy Attorney General-designate Peter Flaherty and U.S. Attorney Earl Silbert waited at the nearby Gramercy Inn. After the negotiators brought them word of Khaalis’s offer and needs, Silbert and Flaherty were still reluctant to make a deal or set a precedent. At 1:08 a.m., they called Attorney General Griffin Bell and asked if he would agree not to oppose a bail-free release for Khaalis. Bell agreed. That left the matter up to the courts. At 1:15 a.m., Silbert called Harold Greene, the soft-spoken and thoughtful chief judge of Washington’s Superior Court. He asked Greene whether he would allow Khaalis to remain free without bail pending trial – if the government also agreed. Greene reportedly said that he was leery of the precedent, that he feared other terrorists might take encouragement from it. But with the lives of the hostages at stake, he finally agreed. While Greene prepared to drive to his chambers from his home in Chevy Chase, Silbert told the police to lay down their arms. The Islamic Center gunmen surrendered at 1:30 a.m. Fifteen minutes later, deputy chief Robert W. Klotz and officer Joseph Traylor stepped out into fifth-floor corridor of the District Building and walked to the northwest corner offices, where eleven hostages were being held. Guns holstered, they stood before the door. “Are your Klotz?” asked a low voice. “Yes,” the officer replied. The two gunmen placed a shotgun, a machete and a curved sword on the floor, opened the door, placed their hands on their heads and walked out. The terrorists in the B’nai B’rith building gave themselves upwithout telling their captives. “I saw the police and I thought, ‘Oh my Lord’,” recalled hostage Billy Pat Clamp, 37. “I thought they would start shooting.” Instead it was liberation day. “I untied myself, then untied the man beside me,” said Clamp. “Everyone started kissing.People who weren’t even close at the beginning were kissing each other. It was beautiful.” Khaalis turned up in Judge Greene’s courtroom at 5:10 a.m. with two court-appointed lawyers at his side. Before releasing him, Judge Greene imposed a few conditions. Khaalis could not leave Washington, he had to surrender his passport, he had to surrender his passport, he had to give up all firearms, he had to shun pre-trial publicity and he had to promise not to break the law again. Greene told Khaalis his rights, arraigned him for armed kidnapping, set a hearing for March 31, and released him without bail. Technically, Khaalis qualified: he had a “stable residence” and no prior convictions. Unmanacled, he walked out of the courthouse between two deputy marshals. He made his exit in a suede cap and a trenchcoat – and the puffed thoughtfully on a long cigar. A CASE OF THE JITTERS The next day, his foot soldiers trudged to court. Bail was set at $50,000 each for two of the men and $75,000 each for six others. The three gunmen at the Islamic Center, where no hostages were harmed, were released, like Khaalis, on their own recognizance. It turned out that Khaalis had taken the B’nai B’rith building with the help of Abdul Adam, 32, Abdul Shaaeed, 23, Abdul Razzaaq, 23, Abdul Salaam, 31, Abdul Hamid, 22, and Abdul Latif, 33. The gunmen at the Islamic Center were Abdul Al Rahman, 37, Abdul Al Qawee, 22 and Phillip Alvin Yough, 26. The attackers at the District Building where Williams was killed were Abdul Murikir Do, 22, and Abdul Nuh, 28. All were arraigned for armed kidnapping, but the prosecutors made it plain that they would also seek murder indictments against some of the men. Washington itself started slowly to recover from what had been an acutely uncomfortable case of the jitters. Police removed the barricades in the streets around the liberated buildings and traffic began to flow normally once again along the city’s broad avenues. In the B’nai B’rith building and the city hall, workers started sweeping up the glass and restoring order. In the end, Khaalis accomplished little more than to recoup his $750 and get the movie “Mohammad” shut down for a few days. But he did manage to remind the entire nation how vulnerable a free society is to the scourge of terrorism.

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August 4, 2017   Posted in: B'nai B'rith  Comments Closed

US Jewish leaders back metal detectors on Temple Mount – Heritage Florida Jewish News

There is a broad consensus among American Jewish leaders in support of Israel’s use of metal detectors to intercept terrorists on Jerusalem’s Temple Mount. The Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations “supports taking the necessary and appropriate steps to assure security for all and to protect the sanctity of these holy sites,” the umbrella group’s executive vice chairman and CEO, Malcolm Hoenlein, told JNS.org. Herbert Block, executive director of the American Zionist Movement, said, “If the authorities responsible for security feel certain measures are necessary to meet their responsibility to protect those who visit for prayer or as respectful visitors, it is no different than security considerations at the Vatican, at the [U.S.] Capitol or any other significant location where public access is permitted under applicable law.” “In a world where security measures are being enhanced in major gathering places, it’s only surprising that the Temple Mount didn’t have such measures until now,” American Jewish Committee CEO David Harris told JNS.org. “The terror attack last week, in which two Israelis were killed, is a tragic reminder of why metal detectors are needed for the safety of all visitors and personnel.” The World Jewish Congress (WJC) and B’nai B’rith International are taking similar positions. “It is not the presence of metal detectors that leads to violence, rather the unrelenting incitement to violence on the part of the Palestinian Authority that does not cease,” said Betty Ehrenberg, the WJC’s executive director for North America. “In the interest of protecting the safety and security of all visitors to the Temple Mount and in keeping the peace at the holy site, the metal detectors need to remain in place, as they are at the Western Wall and in many sensitive and holy places around the world, including Mecca and the Vatican.” B’nai B’rith International said in a statement provided to JNS.org that the Israeli government “cannot look the other way in the face of acts of violence, especially in light of the killings of its police officers. Metal detectors are one way, used globally, to keep the public safe. There may be other methods, as well, but doing nothing is not an option.” The United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism has not taken a position on the issue, but several prominent Conservative rabbis are speaking out in favor of the metal detectors. Writing from Israel, Rabbi Neil Cooper of Temple Beth Hillel-Beth El, near Philadelphia, pointed out that not only do many Israeli malls and restaurants have metal detectors, but in addition, “When one enters the Western Wall Plaza, one is required to pass through metal detectors. It is expected, anticipated and reasonable.” Cooper said he was surprised to learn that metal detectors have not been used on the Temple Mount until now. “It should be welcomed by everyone who abhors violence and will impede those desiring to harm others,” he said. Rabbi Joel Meyers, executive vice president emeritus of Conservative Judaism’s Rabbinical Assembly, noted, “Most of us in the United States go through metal detectors daily in order to enter public buildings and most Israelis go through metal detectors to even enter a shopping mall, so if needed to help security on the Temple Mount, there should be no discussion.” Among dovish groups, Dr. Michael Koplow, policy director of the Israel Policy Forum (IPF), told JNS.org, “IPF’s position is that metal detectors at the entrances to the Temple Mount are a commonsense and relatively unobtrusive way to protect the safety of both Jews and Muslims on the Temple Mount and its environs, and that erecting them does not alter the site’s status quo.” Americans for Peace Now agreed that “security measures are obviously necessary at this spot,” although the organization added that it “reserves judgment on the specifics of the security tools utilized in Jerusalem’s Holy Basin.”

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July 28, 2017   Posted in: B'nai B'rith  Comments Closed

B’nai B’rith slams State Dept. for saying ‘lack of hope’ drives terrorism – Jewish Telegraphic Agency

WASHINGTON (JTA) Bnai Brith International faulted the Trump administration for adopting the Palestinian narrative in the State Departments annual report on terrorism. In the report released this week, the State Department listed as continued drivers of violence a lack of hope in achieving Palestinian statehood, Israeli settlement construction in the West Bank, settler violence against Palestinians in the West Bank, the perception that the Israeli government was changing the status quo on the Haram Al Sharif/Temple Mount, and IDF tactics that the Palestinians considered overly aggressive. It is astonishing that State is parroting the false Palestinian narrative, Bnai Brith said in its statement Thursday. If it were not released by the State Department, it would be easy to mistake the inflammatory and accusatory language as coming directly from the Palestinians. While such an assessment would be uncontroversial coming from a think tank or even Israeli security officials, it is unusual in a State Department statement, particularly under President Donald Trump, who has been outspoken in condemning Palestinian incitement. Bnai Brith noted that Trump and U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley have repeatedly blamed terrorism on Palestinian incitement and payments by the Palestinian Authority to Palestinians who have carried attacks out on Israelis. Israel is not driving the violence committed by the Palestinians, the statement said. Its Palestinian leadership Fatah and Hamas that incites violence against Israelis on a daily basis. The State Department report said that Palestinian leaders had addressed incitement. The PA has taken significant steps during President Abbas tenure (2005 to date) to ensure that official institutions in the West Bank under its control do not create or disseminate content that incites violence, it said. While some PA leaders have made provocative and inflammatory comments, the PA has made progress in reducing official rhetoric that could be considered incitement to violence. The report otherwise described Israel as a committed counterterrorism partner and detailed the threats that Israel continues to face, particularly from Iran-backed groups. Israeli security officials and politicians remained concerned about the terrorist threat posed to Israel from Hezbollah and Iran, highlighting that Iran, primarily through the efforts of its Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force, continued to fund and supply Hezbollah, the Lebanon-based militia, the report said. Israeli experts believed that Iran has transferred to Hezbollah advanced weapons systems such as anti-aircraft and anti-ship cruise missile systems, and was continuing to transfer long-range rockets into Lebanon.

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July 21, 2017   Posted in: B'nai B'rith  Comments Closed

The City: Week of July 21 – Cleveland Jewish News

Singles Scene Saturday, July 22 Crossroads for Jewish Singles of Cleveland dinner at Blazin Bills Restaurant, 7 p.m., 12891 Main Market Rd. (Rt. 422), Burton. RSVP to Ken at 440-498-9911 by July 17. Saturday, July 29 Crossroads for Jewish Singles of Cleveland dinner at Abuelos Restaurant, 7 p.m., 26100 Hardvard Rd., Warrensville Hts. RSVP to Carol at 440-442-3430 by July 24. FRIDAY, JULY 21 Outdoor Yoga series with the Mandel JCC, 6:45-8 p.m., Safran Park, 26001 S. Woodland, Beachwood. Free and open to community. Bring a mat. For more info, contact Kate at ktoohig@mandeljcc.org or 216-831-0700 x1365. Cleveland Clinic VeloSano 4 kickoff party, 4-9 p.m., Mall B, E. 9th and W. 3rd, Cleve. For more info, visit bit.ly/2uvHq9I. Clevelands Founders Day celebration, noon-2 p.m., Wade Oval, 10820 East Blvd., Cleve. Free, birthday cake and ice cream served. For more info, visit bit.ly/2vuHmED. SATURDAY, JULY 22 Mayfield Relay for Life, 12:30-9:30 p.m., 6100 Marsol Rd., Mayfield Hts. For more info and to register, visit relayforlife.org/mayfieldoh or email lauren.sweet@cancer.org. CWRUs Foraging at the Farm class with Ryan Bennett, 10 a.m.-1 p.m., Squire Valleevue and Valley Ridge Farm, 37125 Fairmount Blvd., Hunting Valley. $65. Register at 216-368-0274 or email patty.gregory@case.edu. Latinos and Baseball: In the Barrios and the Big Leagues Smithsonian collecting event, 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Baseball Heritage Museum, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. Free. Register at bit.ly/2uC2Krd. Meet and Greet with Kenny Lofton, 1-3 p.m., Hard Rock Rocksino Northfield Park, 10777 Northfield Rd., Northfield. Open to the public. For more info, call Vivian at 330-908-7771. SUNDAY, JULY 23 B’nai B’rith Health Run, 8:30 a.m., Rascal House Pizza University Heights, 2255 Warrensville Center Rd., University Hts. $10 advanced, $20 day of the event. Register at bnaibrithhealthrun.org. For more info, call 216-309-0515. Mosaic Outdoor Club kayak outing, 10:30 a.m., Hinckley Lake, Hinckley. Followed by lunch. RSVP to Elizabeth at 216-932-4806. Workmens Circle Ohio District Hunger Walk, noon-5 p.m., Notre Dame College, 4545 College Rd., South Euclid. Registration is free but required at bit.ly/2umPQQQ. Sponsorships are available starting at $100. For more info, visit workmenscircle.org. MONDAY, JULY 24 The Jews Reaction to Muhammads Claims of Prophecy with professor Shari Lowin, 10 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. Free for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $5 for nonmembers. Register at bit.ly/2tEpyJy. Abrahams Discovery of God with professor Shari Lowin, 7 p.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. Free for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $5 for nonmembers. Register at bit.ly/2tEvpyC. TUESDAY, JULY 25 The Cleveland Foundation and The City Club of Cleveland presents The Challenge of Success as part of the For the Love of Cleveland lecture series, noon, Public Square, Cleve. Free. For more info, visit cityclub.org. Shaker Square: Its past, present and future forum, 7-8:30 p.m., Shaker Public Library Main Branch, 16500 Van Aken Blvd., Shaker Hts. Free. For more info, email teachingcleveland@earthlink.net. WEDNESDAY, JULY 26 Siegal Lifelong Learning class Emma Goldman: Revolution as a Way of Life with Siegal Exec. Dir. Brian Amkraut, 10-11:30 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $30 for members, $40 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2r1knCj. THURSDAY, JULY 27 Lake County Arthritis Expo by Lake Health and Cleveland Shoulder Institute, 8:30 a.m.-12:30 p.m., TriPoint Medical Center Physician Pavilion, 7590 Auburn Rd., Concord Twp. Register by calling Lake Health Best of Health at 800-454-9800. Telling Life Stories Through Guided Autobiography course with Susan Bond & Ramona Charles, 1-3 p.m., Landmark Centre Building, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $90 for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $110 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2tkMrl7. Thursdays thru Aug. 31. The Cactus League and the Integration of Spring Training event, 7 p.m., Baseball Heritage Museum, League Park, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. Free. RSVP at bit.ly/2tkM1uM. For more info, call 216-789-1093. FRIDAY, JULY 28 Outdoor Yoga series with the Mandel JCC, 6:45-8 p.m., Safran Park, 26001 S. Woodland, Beachwood. Free and open to community. Bring a mat. For more info, contact Kate at ktoohig@mandeljcc.org or call 216-831-0700 x1365. The 6th Annual Clean Transportation Cruise-In, 4-9 p.m., Edgewater Park, Metroparks, Cleve. Free. For more info and ways to get involved, email Christina at cyoka@earthdaycoalition.org or call 216-281-6468 x231. SATURDAY, JULY 29 The Cactus League and the Integration of Spring Training presentation, noon, Baseball Heritage Museum, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. For more info, call 216-789-1083. Case Western Reserve Universitys Foraging at the Farm class with Ryan Bennett, 10 a.m.-1 p.m., Squire Valleevue and Valley Ridge Farm, 37125 Fairmount Blvd., Hunting Valley. $65. Register at 216-368-0274 or email patty.gregory@case.edu. Tribute Weekend honoring Holocaust Survivors, 9 a.m., Oheb Zedek-Cedar Sinai Synagogue, 23749 Cedar Rd., Lyndhurst. For more info, call 216-382-6566 or email office@oz-cedarsinai.org. SUNDAY, JULY 30 Artsyism fundraiser event, noon-4 p.m., Backyard garden of Donald Bingham Schmitt, 1579 Compton Rd., Cleve. Hts. Free. VIP brunch at 10 a.m. for $40 at bit.ly/2sLfeit. For more info, call Andrea 216-272-1084 or Shari at 216-408-8418. University Hospitals Partnership for Families Together We Make a Family benefit dinner, 7-11 p.m., The Country Club, 2825 Lander Rd., Pepper Pike. For more info, contact Jeanne McMahon at 216-844-0413 or email jeanne.mcmahon@uhhospitals.org. Community Breakfast with guest speaker Irene Marocco, 10 a.m., Oheb Zedek-Cedar Sinai Synagogue, 23749 Cedar Rd., Lyndhurst. For more info, call 216-382-6566 or email office@oz-cedarsinai.org. TUESDAY, AUGUST 1 Crohns and Colitis Foundation of Americas Warrensville Heights support group, 7- 8:30 p.m., Warrensville Heights Library, 4415 Northfield Rd., Warrensville. Free. For more info, contact Denise at neohio@ccfa.org or 216-524-7700. Crohns and Colitis Foundation of Americas Toledo and Surrounding Area support group, 7- 9 p.m., St. Lukes Hospital, Classroom #1, 5901 Monclova Rd., Maumee. Free. For more info, contact Jan at 419-636-1423. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2 Siegal Lifelong Learning class Emma Goldman: Revolution as a Way of Life with Brian Amkraut, 10-11:30 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $30 for members, $40 for non-members at bit.ly/2r1knCj. Mark Nizer juggling performance, 1 p.m., Alma Theater, 14591 Superior Rd., Cleve. Hts. $15 in advance, $18 DOS and free for children under 2 and sitting on a lap at 216-371-3000 or ticketmaster.com. FRIDAY, AUGUST 4 Outdoor Yoga series with the Mandel JCC, 6:45-8 p.m., Safran Park, 26001 S. Woodland, Beachwood. Free and open to community. Bring a mat. For more info, contact Kate at ktoohig@mandeljcc.org or call 216-831-0700 x1365.

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July 17, 2017   Posted in: B'nai B'rith  Comments Closed

The City: Week of July 14 – Cleveland Jewish News

Saturday, July 15 Crossroads for Jewish Singles of Cleveland dinner at Stir Crazy Fresh Asian Grill, 6:30 p.m., Legacy Village. 25385 Cedar Rd., Lyndhurst. RSVP to Larry at 440-461-2720 by July 10. Saturday, July 22 Crossroads for Jewish Singles of Cleveland dinner at Blazin Bills Restaurant, 7 p.m., 12891 Main Market Rd. (Rt. 422), Burton. RSVP to Ken at 440-498-9911 by July 17. FRIDAY, JULY 14 ACE Acclaimed Authors Luncheon Best of One Tank Trips: Great Getaway Ideas In & Around Ohio with Neil Zurcher, 11:30 a.m.-1:30 p.m., Cleveland Skating Club, 2500 Kemper Rd., Shaker Hts. $35 for ACE members, $40 nonmembers, bit.ly/2rvtmsi. Includes lunch. 35th annual Arthritis Foundation Classic Auto Show & Cruse-In, 10 a.m.-11 p.m., Dublin Metro Center, 655 Metro Place S., Dublin. $15 for one day. Children under 12 are free. For more info and for tickets, visit arthritis.org/autoshow or call 614-503-5591. SATURDAY, JULY 15 Pekar Park Comic Book Fest and Storytelling Day, noon-7:30 p.m., Pekar Park Courtyard, Coventry Rd. and Euclid Hts Blvd., Cleve. Hts. Story telling held at the Grog Shop, 2785 Euclid Hts. Blvd. Free. Woodland Twilight Benefit at the Holden Arboretum, 10:30 p.m., 9550 Sperry Rd., Willoughby. Tickets start at $195 with valet, $100 for raffle ticket at bit.ly/2rUYmFm. For more info, visit holdenarb.org. 35th annual Arthritis Foundation Classic Auto Show & Cruse-In, 10 a.m.-10 p.m., Dublin Metro Center, 655 Metro Place S., Dublin. $15 for one day. Children under 12 are free. For more info and for tickets, visit arthritis.org/autoshow or call 614-503-5591. International Womens Dive Day with the Greater Cleveland Aquarium, 10 a.m.-5 p.m., 2000 Sycamore St., Cleve. Certified divers get $5 off tickets. For more info, call 216-862-8803. Speaking for League Park book discussion Larry Doby, noon, Baseball Heritage Museum, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. For more info, call 216-789-1083. Lupus Foundation of Americas Maple Heights Support Group, 11 a.m.-12:30 p.m., CCPL Maple Heights branch, 5225 Library Ln., Maple Hts. For more info, call 888-NO-LUPUS or email info@lupusgreaterohio.org. EDWINS La Grande Soiree, 6 p.m.-midnight, EDWINS Restaurant, 13101 Shaker Square, Cleve. Tickets for 6 p.m. entry are $250 and 9 p.m. entry are $150 at bit.ly/2uihhYV. For more info, call 216-921-3333 or soiree@edwinsrestaurant.org. CWRUs Foraging at the Farm class with Ryan Bennett, 10 a.m.-1 p.m., Squire Valleevue and Valley Ridge Farm, 37125 Fairmount Blvd., Hunting Valley. $65. Register at 216-368-0274 or email patty.gregory@case.edu. MONDAY, JULY 17 Comparing Notes as part of the Siegal Lifelong Learnings lecture series, noon-1:30 p.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $20 members, $25 nonmembers at bit.ly/2rlW4vz. For more info, call 216-368-2091. TUESDAY, JULY 18 The Cleveland Foundation and The City Club of Cleveland presents It Takes a Neighborhood as part of the For the Love of Cleveland lecture series, noon, Public Square, Cleve. Free. For more info, visit cityclub.org. Chautauqua-in-Chagrin lecture series Popular Music Controversies and its Impact on Pop Culture, 6:30-8 p.m., Federated Church, 76 Bell St., Chagrin Falls. $16-$23 at chagrinarts.org or by calling 440-247-9700. Young Explorers program Green Eggs and Ham, 4 p.m., CCPL Chagrin Falls branch, 100 E. Orange St., Chagrin Falls. Free. For grades k-5. The Politics of Jesus course with Gina Messina, 2-4 p.m., Landmark Centre Building, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $60 for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $75 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2ui2gpJ. Tuesdays thru Aug. 8. The Psychology of Genocide course with Donna Rumenik, 1-3 p.m., Landmark Centre Building, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $90 for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $110 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2tkRUIG. Tuesdays thru Aug. 22. JHUB Happy Hour event, 6-9 p.m., YUZU Bar, 13603 Madison Ave., Lakewood. For more info, email Samia at smansour@jecc.org. WEDNESDAY, JULY 19 Siegal Lifelong Learning class Emma Goldman: Revolution as a Way of Life with Siegal Exec. Dir. Brian Amkraut, 10-11:30 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $30 for members, $40 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2r1knCj. Association of Fundraising Summer Social, 5:30-9 p.m., The Cleveland Yachting Club, 200 Yacht Club Dr., Rocky River. $40 single registration and $75 couple registration. RSVP at bit.ly/2tgbd5X. Jewish Bereaved Parents Group meeting, 7:30 p.m., Mandel JCC, 26001 S. Woodland Rd., Beachwood. For more info, call Al Weiss at 440-473-2325 or alch7@aol.com. JHUB Happy Hour event, 6-9 p.m., The Fairmount, 2448 Fairmount Blvd., Cleve. For more info, email Samia at smansour@jecc.org. FRIDAY, JULY 21 Outdoor Yoga series with the Mandel JCC, 6:45-8 p.m., Safran Park, 26001 S. Woodland, Beachwood. Free and open to community. Bring a mat. For more info, contact Kate at ktoohig@mandeljcc.org or call 216-831-0700 x1365. SATURDAY, JULY 22 Mayfield Relay for Life, 12:30-9:30 p.m., 6100 Marsol Rd., Mayfield Hts. For more info and to register, visit relayforlife.org/mayfieldoh or email lauren.sweet@cancer.org. CWRUs Foraging at the Farm class with Ryan Bennett, 10 a.m.-1 p.m., Squire Valleevue and Valley Ridge Farm, 37125 Fairmount Blvd., Hunting Valley. $65. Register at 216-368-0274 or email patty.gregory@case.edu. Latinos and Baseball: In the Barrios and the Big Leagues Smithsonian collecting event, 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Baseball Heritage Museum, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. Free. Register at bit.ly/2uC2Krd. SUNDAY, JULY 23 B’nai B’rith Health Run, 8:30 a.m., Rascal House Pizza University Heights, 2255 Warrensville Center Rd., University Hts. $10 advanced, $20 day of the event. Register at bnaibrithhealthrun.org. For more info, call 216-309-0515. Mosaic Outdoor Club kayak outing, 10:30 a.m., Hinckley Lake, Hinckley. Followed by lunch. RSVP to Elizabeth at 216-932-4806. MONDAY, JULY 24 The Jews Reaction to Muhammads Claims of Prophecy with professor Shari Lowin, 10 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. Free for Siegal members, $5 for nonmembers. Register at bit.ly/2tEpyJy. Abrahams Discovery of God with professor Shari Lowin, 7 p.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. Free for Siegal members, $5 for nonmembers. Register at bit.ly/2tEvpyC. TUESDAY, JULY 25 The Cleveland Foundation and The City Club of Cleveland presents The Challenge of Success as part of the For the Love of Cleveland lecture series, noon, Public Square, Cleve. Free. For more info, visit cityclub.org. WEDNESDAY, JULY 26 Siegal Lifelong Learning class Emma Goldman: Revolution as a Way of Life with Siegal Exec. Dir. Brian Amkraut, 10-11:30 a.m., Landmark Centre, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $30 for members, $40 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2r1knCj. THURSDAY, JULY 27 Lake County Arthritis Expo by Lake Health and Cleveland Shoulder Institute, 8:30 a.m.-12:30 p.m., TriPoint Medical Center Physician Pavilion, 7590 Auburn Rd., Concord Twp. Register by calling Lake Health Best of Health at 800-454-9800. Telling Life Stories Through Guided Autobiography course with Susan Bond & Ramona Charles, 1-3 p.m., Landmark Centre Building, 25700 Science Park Dr., Beachwood. $90 for Siegal Lifelong Learning members, $110 for nonmembers at bit.ly/2tkMrl7. Thursdays thru Aug. 31. The Cactus League and the Integration of Spring Training event, 7 p.m., Baseball Heritage Museum, League Park, 6601 Lexington Ave., Cleve. Free. RSVP at bit.ly/2tkM1uM. For more info, call 216-789-1093. FRIDAY, JULY 28 Outdoor Yoga series with the Mandel JCC, 6:45-8 p.m., Safran Park, 26001 S. Woodland, Beachwood. Free and open to community. Bring a mat. For more info, contact Kate at ktoohig@mandeljcc.org or call 216-831-0700 x1365.

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July 10, 2017   Posted in: B'nai B'rith  Comments Closed


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