Archive for the ‘Charles Krauthammer’ Category

Krauthammer on Trump Signing Russia Sanctions: ‘He Did This in the Name of Not Being Humiliated’ – Mediaite

After six days of deliberation, President Donald Trump reluctantly signed the Russia sanctions bill into law on Wednesday.

By limiting the Executives flexibility, this bill makes it harder for the United States to strike good deals for the American people, and will drive China, Russia, and North Korea much closer together, Trump said in a statement. The Framers of our Constitution put foreign affairs in the hands of the President. This bill will prove the wisdom of that choice.

Conservative commentator Charles Krauthammer doesnt think Trump had much of a choice in the matter, though. According to Krauthammer, a veto all but certainly wouldve been overridden.

He did this in the name of not being humiliated, Krauthammer said, and overridden by a Congress thatthat when I think of the Senate, 97-2he had no choice. He had to do it.

But that doesnt mean that Krauthammer thinks Trump made the wrong move in signing the measure.

He ended up in the right place, Krauthammer said. The president wants to relax sanctions in the deal. Hell have to go to Congress and negotiate it. Theres nothing wrong with that.

Watch above, via Fox News.

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Krauthammer on Trump Signing Russia Sanctions: ‘He Did This in the Name of Not Being Humiliated’ – Mediaite

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August 3, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

Krauthammer: Skills-Based Immigration a "No-Brainer" | National … – National Review

Charles Krauthammer argued tonight that America should move to a skills-based immigration system, like that of Canada and Australia:

I love the hypocrisy of the liberals who are so shocked by this, people who swoon over Canadas progressivism, with its national healthcare and its matinee star liberal Prime Minister, who want him to be the leader here. All of a sudden when the U.S. proposes essentially the Canadian system, the merit-based system, are shocked at how mean and racist it is. This is a no-brainer. Heres the analogy: The United States is the place everybody wants to go, every immigrant. You find somebody on a raft on the South China Seawhere do they want to go? United States. We have the top 500 draft picks for the N.B.A. and instead we choose to pick people randomly out of the Karachi phonebook. This does not make sense. We should be doing what Canada and Australia are doing and cashing in on the fact that the world wants to come here. This is so obvious, its almost amazing that we havent done this and that I think is the core of the issue.

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Krauthammer: Skills-Based Immigration a "No-Brainer" | National … – National Review

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August 3, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

Krauthammer: WH Leakers Likely ‘Committed to a Cause,’ Not Out for ‘Glory’ – Fox News Insider

Trump’s ‘Magic Wand’: MacDonald Says Dow Up 20% Since Dire Election Day Predictions

MLB Fan Confronted By Christie Challenges Gov to ‘Combat-Style’ Fight

Charles Krauthammer said White House leakers are often spreading information in order to advance a cause.

On “The Story” Dana Perino asked Krauthammer, who holds a psychology doctorate, why leakers leak.

Krauthammer said the people involved likely have a negative cause – like bringing enemies down – or a positive cause – like exposing the truth – in mind.

He said an example of a positive leak would be those that occurred during the Watergate scandal.

He noted he was not making a formal medical diagnosis.

Krauthammer added that some people do “leak” for the “glory of it.”

But, he pointed out that many of those types of leakers end up like Julian Assange, “hiding out for six years in [Britain’s] Ecuadorian embassy.”

Watch more above.

Melissa Francis: The One Percent & Hollywood Control the Democratic Party

Huckabee Sanders Rips Into Media: ‘You Want to Create a Narrative That Doesn’t Exist’

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Krauthammer: WH Leakers Likely ‘Committed to a Cause,’ Not Out for ‘Glory’ – Fox News Insider

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August 2, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

Did Charles Krauthammer have an accident? | Reference.com

Full Answer

He had skipped classes at Harvard that morning to play tennis with a friend. On their way back, the two stopped by the pool for a quick swim. Krauthammer was hospitalized for 14 months after the accident and has been confined to a wheelchair ever since. He continued his medical studies and graduated with his class, earning his medical degree in 1975. Today, Charles Krauthammer is a Pulitzer Prize-winning syndicated columnist, author, political commentator and board-certified psychiatrist.

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Krauthammer: Trump White House has ‘bounced off the bottom’ – The Hill

Fox News’s Charles Krauthammer said Monday that while the Trump administration hit bottom last week with the resignation of White House chief of staff Reince Preibus and a profanity-laced interview given by communications director Anthony Scaramucci, “it seems to have bounced off the bottom” with new chief of staff John Kelly seizing control.

“It looks like the Trump administration hit bottom last week and it seems to have bounced off the bottom,” Krauthammer said on Fox’s “Special Report” hours after news that Scaramucci had been ousted from the White House.

“Kelly is exerting his authority, he’s been given authority,” the conservative syndicated columnist continued before joking, “I have to say, Scaramucci, we hardly knew ye. Although I think he would be a better contestant on Dancing with the Stars than Spicey would, so I think it’s actually an upgrade for them.”

Krauthammer pivoted back to Kelly and the signal sent by Scaramuccis departure may have sent to White House staff and public alike.

“This is an obvious signal from the president and from Kelly, that he’s in charge,” he said.

“I think then you have the beginnings of a White House that can really function. I think it will be a test as to whether Jared [Kushner] and Ivanka [Trump] will be exempt from that. But Kelly obviously must have felt that he has the authority to do what he has to do, which is to seize control of the White House. If that is true, and if the president will allow Kelly some control over the president’s own unrestrained impulses, I think that would be a tremendous advance,” he concluded.

Trump removed Scaramucci as communications directoron Mondayafternoon.

The former hedge fund manager and Fox Business host of “Wall Street Week” was ousted on the same day that assumed his new role as Trumps chief of staff.

Press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders said in a statement that Scaramucci felt it was best to give chief of staff John Kelly a clean slate and the ability to build his own team.

But speaking to reporters later at a press briefing, Sanders suggested the president made the call to force him out, calling his exit the result of a mutually agreed conversation that took place between several people.

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Krauthammer: Trump White House has ‘bounced off the bottom’ – The Hill

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August 1, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

Charles Krauthammer: Sessions lessons more than a character study – Kankakee Daily Journal

WASHINGTON Transparency, thy name is Trump, Donald Trump. No filter, no governor, no editor lies between his impulses and his public actions. He tweets, therefore he is.

Ronald Reagan was so self-contained and impenetrable his official biographer was practically driven mad trying to figure him out. Donald Trump is penetrable, hourly.

Never more so than during his ongoing war on his own attorney general, Jeff Sessions. Trump has been blaming Sessions privately for the Russia cloud. But rather than calling him in to either work it out or demand his resignation, Trump has engaged in a series of deliberate public humiliations.

Day by day, he taunts Sessions, attacking him for everything from not firing the acting FBI director (which Trump could do himself in an instant) to not pursuing criminal charges against Hillary Clinton.

What makes the spectacle so excruciating is the wounded Sessions plods on, refusing the obvious invitation to resign his dream job, the capstone of his career.

Trump relishes such a cat-and-mouse game and, by playing it so openly, reveals a deeply repellent vindictiveness in the service of a pathological need to display dominance.

Dominance is his game. Doesn’t matter if you backed him, as did Chris Christie, cast out months ago. Or if you opposed him, as did Mitt Romney, before whom Trump ostentatiously dangled the State Department, only to snatch it away, leaving Romney looking the foolish supplicant.

Yet, the Sessions affair is more than just a study in character. It carries political implications. It has caused the first crack in Trump’s base. Not yet a split, mind you. The base is simply too solid for that. But amid his 35 to 40 percent core support, some are peeling off, both in Congress and in the pro-Trump commentariat.

The issue is less characterological than philosophical. As Stephen Hayes, of The Weekly Standard, put it, Sessions was the original Trumpist before Trump. Sessions championed hard-line trade, law enforcement and immigration policy long before Trump rode these ideas to the White House.

For many conservatives, Sessions’ early endorsement of Trump served as an ideological touchstone. And Sessions has remained stalwart in carrying out Trumpist policies at Justice. That Trump could, out of personal pique, treat him so rudely now suggests to those conservatives how cynically expedient was Trump’s adoption of Sessions’ ideas in the first place.

But beyond character and beyond ideology lies the most appalling aspect of the Sessions affair reviving the idea of prosecuting Clinton.

In the 2016 campaign, there was nothing more disturbing than crowds chanting “lock her up,” often encouraged by Trump and his surrogates. After the election, however, Trump reconsidered, saying he would not pursue Clinton, who “went through a lot and suffered greatly.”

Now under siege, Trump has jettisoned magnanimity. Maybe she should be locked up after all.

This is pure misdirection. Even if every charge against Clinton was true and she got 20 years in the clink, it would change not one iota of the truth or falsity of the charges of collusion being made against the Trump campaign.

Moreover, in America we don’t lock up political adversaries. They do that in Turkey. They do it (and worse) in Russia. Part of American greatness is we don’t criminalize our politics.

Last week, Trump spoke at the commissioning of the USS Gerald R. Ford aircraft carrier. Ford was no giant, nor did he leave a great policy legacy. But he is justly revered for his decency and honor. His great gesture was pardoning Richard Nixon, an act for which he was excoriated at the time and which cost him the 1976 election.

It was an act of political self-sacrifice, done for precisely the right reason. Nixon might indeed have committed crimes. But the spectacle of an ex-president on trial and perhaps even in jail was something Ford would not allow the country to go through.

In doing so, he vindicated the very purpose of the presidential pardon. On its face, it’s perverse. It allows one person to overturn equal justice. But the Founders understood there are times, rare but vital, when social peace and national reconciliation require contravening ordinary justice. Ulysses S. Grant amnestied (technically: paroled) Confederate soldiers and officers at Appomattox, even allowing them to keep a horse for the planting.

In Trump World, the better angels are not in evidence.

To be sure, Trump is indeed examining the pardon power. For himself and his cronies.

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Charles Krauthammer: Sessions lessons more than a character study – Kankakee Daily Journal

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August 1, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

CHARLES KRAUTHAMMER: Sessions lessons – Northeast Mississippi Daily Journal

Transparency, thy name is Trump, Donald Trump. No filter, no governor, no editor lies between his impulses and his public actions. He tweets, therefore he is.

Ronald Reagan was so self-contained and impenetrable that his official biographer was practically driven mad trying to figure him out. Donald Trump is penetrable, hourly.

Never more so than during his ongoing war on his own attorney general, Jeff Sessions. Trump has been privately blaming Sessions for the Russia cloud. But rather than calling him in to either work it out or demand his resignation, Trump has engaged in a series of deliberate public humiliations.

Day by day, he taunts Sessions, attacking him for everything from not firing the acting FBI director (which Trump could do himself in an instant) to not pursuing criminal charges against Hillary Clinton.

What makes the spectacle so excruciating is that the wounded Sessions plods on, refusing the obvious invitation to resign his dream job, the capstone of his career.

Trump relishes such a cat-and-mouse game and, by playing it so openly, reveals a deeply repellent vindictiveness in the service of a pathological need to display dominance.

Dominance is his game. Doesnt matter if you backed him, as did Chris Christie, cast out months ago. Or if you opposed him, as did Mitt Romney, before whom Trump ostentatiously dangled the State Department, only to snatch it away, leaving Romney looking the foolish supplicant.

Yet the Sessions affair is more than just a study in character. It carries political implications. It has caused the first crack in Trumps base. Not yet a split, mind you. The base is simply too solid for that. But amid his 35 to 40 percent core support, some are peeling off, both in Congress and in the pro-Trump commentariat.

The issue is less characterological than philosophical. As Stephen Hayes of The Weekly Standard put it, Sessions was the original Trumpist before Trump. Sessions championed hard-line trade, law enforcement and immigration policy long before Trump rode these ideas to the White House.

For many conservatives, Sessions early endorsement of Trump served as an ideological touchstone. And Sessions has remained stalwart in carrying out Trumpist policies at Justice. That Trump could, out of personal pique, treat him so rudely now suggests to those conservatives how cynically expedient was Trumps adoption of Sessions ideas in the first place.

But beyond character and beyond ideology lies the most appalling aspect of the Sessions affair reviving the idea of prosecuting Clinton.

In the 2016 campaign, there was nothing more disturbing than crowds chanting lock her up, often encouraged by Trump and his surrogates. After the election, however, Trump reconsidered, saying he would not pursue Clinton who went through a lot and suffered greatly.

Now under siege, Trump has jettisoned magnanimity. Maybe she should be locked up after all.

This is pure misdirection. Even if every charge against Clinton were true and she got 20 years in the clink, it would change not one iota of the truth or falsity of the charges of collusion being made against the Trump campaign.

Moreover, in America we dont lock up political adversaries. They do that in Turkey. They do it (and worse) in Russia. Part of American greatness is that we dont criminalize our politics.

Last week, Trump spoke at the commissioning of the USS Gerald R. Ford aircraft carrier. Ford was no giant. Nor did he leave a great policy legacy. But he is justly revered for his decency and honor. His great gesture was pardoning Richard Nixon, an act for which he was excoriated at the time and which cost him the 1976 election.

It was an act of political self-sacrifice, done for precisely the right reason. Nixon might indeed have committed crimes. But the spectacle of an ex-president on trial and perhaps even in jail was something Ford would not allow the country to go through.

In doing so, he vindicated the very purpose of the presidential pardon. On its face, its perverse. It allows one person to overturn equal justice. But the Founders understood that there are times, rare but vital, when social peace and national reconciliation require contravening ordinary justice. Ulysses S. Grant amnestied (technically: paroled) Confederate soldiers and officers at Appomattox, even allowing them to keep a horse for the planting.

In Trump World, the better angels are not in evidence.

To be sure, Trump is indeed examining the pardon power. For himself and his cronies.

Go here to read the rest:

CHARLES KRAUTHAMMER: Sessions lessons – Northeast Mississippi Daily Journal

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July 31, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

Opinion | Charles Krauthammer: Sessions lessons – The Southern

Transparency, thy name is Trump, Donald Trump. No filter, no governor, no editor lies between his impulses and his public actions. He tweets, therefore he is.

Ronald Reagan was so self-contained and impenetrable that his official biographer was practically driven mad trying to figure him out. Donald Trump is penetrable, hourly.

Never more so than during his ongoing war on his own attorney general, Jeff Sessions. Trump has been privately blaming Sessions for the Russia cloud. But rather than calling him in to either work it out or demand his resignation, Trump has engaged in a series of deliberate public humiliations.

Day by day, he taunts Sessions, attacking him for everything from not firing the acting FBI director (which Trump could do himself in an instant) to not pursuing criminal charges against Hillary Clinton.

What makes the spectacle so excruciating is that the wounded Sessions plods on, refusing the obvious invitation to resign his dream job, the capstone of his career.

Trump relishes such a cat-and-mouse game and, by playing it so openly, reveals a deeply repellent vindictiveness in the service of a pathological need to display dominance.

Dominance is his game. Doesn’t matter if you backed him, as did Chris Christie, cast out months ago. Or if you opposed him, as did Mitt Romney, before whom Trump ostentatiously dangled the State Department, only to snatch it away, leaving Romney looking the foolish supplicant.

Yet the Sessions affair is more than just a study in character. It carries political implications. It has caused the first crack in Trump’s base. Not yet a split, mind you. The base is simply too solid for that. But amid his 35 to 40 percent core support, some are peeling off, both in Congress and in the pro-Trump commentariat.

The issue is less characterological than philosophical. As Stephen Hayes of The Weekly Standard put it, Sessions was the original Trumpist before Trump. Sessions championed hard-line trade, law enforcement and immigration policy long before Trump rode these ideas to the White House.

For many conservatives, Sessions’ early endorsement of Trump served as an ideological touchstone. And Sessions has remained stalwart in carrying out Trumpist policies at Justice. That Trump could, out of personal pique, treat him so rudely now suggests to those conservatives how cynically expedient was Trump’s adoption of Sessions’ ideas in the first place.

But beyond character and beyond ideology lies the most appalling aspect of the Sessions affair reviving the idea of prosecuting Clinton.

In the 2016 campaign, there was nothing more disturbing than crowds chanting “lock her up,” often encouraged by Trump and his surrogates. After the election, however, Trump reconsidered, saying he would not pursue Clinton who “went through a lot and suffered greatly.”

Now under siege, Trump has jettisoned magnanimity. Maybe she should be locked up after all.

This is pure misdirection. Even if every charge against Clinton were true and she got 20 years in the clink, it would change not one iota of the truth or falsity of the charges of collusion being made against the Trump campaign.

Moreover, in America we don’t lock up political adversaries. They do that in Turkey. They do it (and worse) in Russia. Part of American greatness is that we don’t criminalize our politics.

Last week, Trump spoke at the commissioning of the USS Gerald R. Ford aircraft carrier. Ford was no giant. Nor did he leave a great policy legacy. But he is justly revered for his decency and honor. His great gesture was pardoning Richard Nixon, an act for which he was excoriated at the time and which cost him the 1976 election.

It was an act of political self-sacrifice, done for precisely the right reason. Nixon might indeed have committed crimes. But the spectacle of an ex-president on trial and perhaps even in jail was something Ford would not allow the country to go through.

In doing so, he vindicated the very purpose of the presidential pardon. On its face, it’s perverse. It allows one person to overturn equal justice. But the Founders understood that there are times, rare but vital, when social peace and national reconciliation require contravening ordinary justice. Ulysses S. Grant amnestied (technically: paroled) Confederate soldiers and officers at Appomattox, even allowing them to keep a horse for the planting.

In Trump World, the better angels are not in evidence.

To be sure, Trump is indeed examining the pardon power. For himself and his cronies.

Charles Krauthammer writes for the Washington Post Writers Group. His columns include his own opinions and do not necessarily reflect the views, opinion or editorial position of The Southern. His email address is letters@charleskrauthammer.com.

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Opinion | Charles Krauthammer: Sessions lessons – The Southern

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July 30, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

Charles Krauthammer: Lessons from Sessions – The State Journal-Register

Transparency, thy name is Trump, Donald Trump. No filter, no governor, no editor lies between his impulses and his public actions. He tweets, therefore he is.

Ronald Reagan was so self-contained and impenetrable that his official biographer was practically driven mad trying to figure him out. Donald Trump is penetrable, hourly.

Never more so than during his ongoing war on his own attorney general, Jeff Sessions. Trump has been privately blaming Sessions for the Russia cloud. But rather than calling him in to either work it out or demand his resignation, Trump has engaged in a series of deliberate public humiliations.

Day by day, he taunts Sessions, attacking him for everything from not firing the acting FBI director (which Trump could do himself in an instant) to not pursuing criminal charges against Hillary Clinton.

What makes the spectacle so excruciating is that the wounded Sessions plods on, refusing the obvious invitation to resign his dream job, the capstone of his career.

Trump relishes such a cat-and-mouse game and, by playing it so openly, reveals a deeply repellent vindictiveness in the service of a pathological need to display dominance.

Dominance is his game. Doesn’t matter if you backed him, as did Chris Christie, cast out months ago. Or if you opposed him, as did Mitt Romney, before whom Trump ostentatiously dangled the State Department, only to snatch it away, leaving Romney looking the foolish supplicant.

Yet the Sessions affair is more than just a study in character. It carries political implications. It has caused the first crack in Trump’s base. Not yet a split, mind you. The base is simply too solid for that. But amid his 35 to 40 percent core support, some are peeling off, both in Congress and in the pro-Trump commentariat.

The issue is less characterological than philosophical. As Stephen Hayes of The Weekly Standard put it, Sessions was the original Trumpist before Trump. Sessions championed hard-line trade, law enforcement and immigration policy long before Trump rode these ideas to the White House.

For many conservatives, Sessions’ early endorsement of Trump served as an ideological touchstone. And Sessions has remained stalwart in carrying out Trumpist policies at Justice. That Trump could, out of personal pique, treat him so rudely now suggests to those conservatives how cynically expedient was Trump’s adoption of Sessions’ ideas in the first place.

But beyond character and beyond ideology lies the most appalling aspect of the Sessions affair reviving the idea of prosecuting Clinton.

In the 2016 campaign, there was nothing more disturbing than crowds chanting “lock her up,” often encouraged by Trump and his surrogates. After the election, however, Trump reconsidered, saying he would not pursue Clinton who “went through a lot and suffered greatly.”

Now under siege, Trump has jettisoned magnanimity. Maybe she should be locked up after all.

This is pure misdirection. Even if every charge against Clinton were true and she got 20 years in the clink, it would change not one iota of the truth or falsity of the charges of collusion being made against the Trump campaign.

Moreover, in America we don’t lock up political adversaries. They do that in Turkey. They do it (and worse) in Russia. Part of American greatness is that we don’t criminalize our politics.

Last week, Trump spoke at the commissioning of the USS Gerald R. Ford aircraft carrier. Ford was no giant. Nor did he leave a great policy legacy. But he is justly revered for his decency and honor. His great gesture was pardoning Richard Nixon, an act for which he was excoriated at the time and which cost him the 1976 election.

It was an act of political self-sacrifice, done for precisely the right reason. Nixon might indeed have committed crimes. But the spectacle of an ex-president on trial and perhaps even in jail was something Ford would not allow the country to go through.

In doing so, he vindicated the very purpose of the presidential pardon. On its face, it’s perverse. It allows one person to overturn equal justice. But the Founders understood that there are times, rare but vital, when social peace and national reconciliation require contravening ordinary justice. Ulysses S. Grant amnestied (technically: paroled) Confederate soldiers and officers at Appomattox, even allowing them to keep a horse for the planting.

In Trump World, the better angels are not in evidence.

To be sure, Trump is indeed examining the pardon power. For himself and his cronies.

Charles Krauthammer’s email address is letters@charleskrauthammer.com.

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Charles Krauthammer: Lessons from Sessions – The State Journal-Register

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July 29, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

Krauthammer on Trump Signing Russia Sanctions: ‘He Did This in the Name of Not Being Humiliated’ – Mediaite

After six days of deliberation, President Donald Trump reluctantly signed the Russia sanctions bill into law on Wednesday. By limiting the Executives flexibility, this bill makes it harder for the United States to strike good deals for the American people, and will drive China, Russia, and North Korea much closer together, Trump said in a statement. The Framers of our Constitution put foreign affairs in the hands of the President. This bill will prove the wisdom of that choice. Conservative commentator Charles Krauthammer doesnt think Trump had much of a choice in the matter, though. According to Krauthammer, a veto all but certainly wouldve been overridden. He did this in the name of not being humiliated, Krauthammer said, and overridden by a Congress thatthat when I think of the Senate, 97-2he had no choice. He had to do it. But that doesnt mean that Krauthammer thinks Trump made the wrong move in signing the measure. He ended up in the right place, Krauthammer said. The president wants to relax sanctions in the deal. Hell have to go to Congress and negotiate it. Theres nothing wrong with that. Watch above, via Fox News. [featured image via screengrab] Follow Joe DePaolo (@joe_depaolo) on Twitter Have a tip we should know? tips@mediaite.com

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Krauthammer: Skills-Based Immigration a "No-Brainer" | National … – National Review

Charles Krauthammer argued tonight that America should move to a skills-based immigration system, like that of Canada and Australia: I love the hypocrisy of the liberals who are so shocked by this, people who swoon over Canadas progressivism, with its national healthcare and its matinee star liberal Prime Minister, who want him to be the leader here. All of a sudden when the U.S. proposes essentially the Canadian system, the merit-based system, are shocked at how mean and racist it is. This is a no-brainer. Heres the analogy: The United States is the place everybody wants to go, every immigrant. You find somebody on a raft on the South China Seawhere do they want to go? United States. We have the top 500 draft picks for the N.B.A. and instead we choose to pick people randomly out of the Karachi phonebook. This does not make sense. We should be doing what Canada and Australia are doing and cashing in on the fact that the world wants to come here. This is so obvious, its almost amazing that we havent done this and that I think is the core of the issue.

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Krauthammer: WH Leakers Likely ‘Committed to a Cause,’ Not Out for ‘Glory’ – Fox News Insider

Trump’s ‘Magic Wand’: MacDonald Says Dow Up 20% Since Dire Election Day Predictions MLB Fan Confronted By Christie Challenges Gov to ‘Combat-Style’ Fight Charles Krauthammer said White House leakers are often spreading information in order to advance a cause. On “The Story” Dana Perino asked Krauthammer, who holds a psychology doctorate, why leakers leak. Krauthammer said the people involved likely have a negative cause – like bringing enemies down – or a positive cause – like exposing the truth – in mind. He said an example of a positive leak would be those that occurred during the Watergate scandal. He noted he was not making a formal medical diagnosis. Krauthammer added that some people do “leak” for the “glory of it.” But, he pointed out that many of those types of leakers end up like Julian Assange, “hiding out for six years in [Britain’s] Ecuadorian embassy.” Watch more above. Melissa Francis: The One Percent & Hollywood Control the Democratic Party Huckabee Sanders Rips Into Media: ‘You Want to Create a Narrative That Doesn’t Exist’

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Did Charles Krauthammer have an accident? | Reference.com

Full Answer He had skipped classes at Harvard that morning to play tennis with a friend. On their way back, the two stopped by the pool for a quick swim. Krauthammer was hospitalized for 14 months after the accident and has been confined to a wheelchair ever since. He continued his medical studies and graduated with his class, earning his medical degree in 1975. Today, Charles Krauthammer is a Pulitzer Prize-winning syndicated columnist, author, political commentator and board-certified psychiatrist.

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Krauthammer: Trump White House has ‘bounced off the bottom’ – The Hill

Fox News’s Charles Krauthammer said Monday that while the Trump administration hit bottom last week with the resignation of White House chief of staff Reince Preibus and a profanity-laced interview given by communications director Anthony Scaramucci, “it seems to have bounced off the bottom” with new chief of staff John Kelly seizing control. “It looks like the Trump administration hit bottom last week and it seems to have bounced off the bottom,” Krauthammer said on Fox’s “Special Report” hours after news that Scaramucci had been ousted from the White House. “Kelly is exerting his authority, he’s been given authority,” the conservative syndicated columnist continued before joking, “I have to say, Scaramucci, we hardly knew ye. Although I think he would be a better contestant on Dancing with the Stars than Spicey would, so I think it’s actually an upgrade for them.” Krauthammer pivoted back to Kelly and the signal sent by Scaramuccis departure may have sent to White House staff and public alike. “This is an obvious signal from the president and from Kelly, that he’s in charge,” he said. “I think then you have the beginnings of a White House that can really function. I think it will be a test as to whether Jared [Kushner] and Ivanka [Trump] will be exempt from that. But Kelly obviously must have felt that he has the authority to do what he has to do, which is to seize control of the White House. If that is true, and if the president will allow Kelly some control over the president’s own unrestrained impulses, I think that would be a tremendous advance,” he concluded. Trump removed Scaramucci as communications directoron Mondayafternoon. The former hedge fund manager and Fox Business host of “Wall Street Week” was ousted on the same day that assumed his new role as Trumps chief of staff. Press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders said in a statement that Scaramucci felt it was best to give chief of staff John Kelly a clean slate and the ability to build his own team. But speaking to reporters later at a press briefing, Sanders suggested the president made the call to force him out, calling his exit the result of a mutually agreed conversation that took place between several people.

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August 1, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

Charles Krauthammer: Sessions lessons more than a character study – Kankakee Daily Journal

WASHINGTON Transparency, thy name is Trump, Donald Trump. No filter, no governor, no editor lies between his impulses and his public actions. He tweets, therefore he is. Ronald Reagan was so self-contained and impenetrable his official biographer was practically driven mad trying to figure him out. Donald Trump is penetrable, hourly. Never more so than during his ongoing war on his own attorney general, Jeff Sessions. Trump has been blaming Sessions privately for the Russia cloud. But rather than calling him in to either work it out or demand his resignation, Trump has engaged in a series of deliberate public humiliations. Day by day, he taunts Sessions, attacking him for everything from not firing the acting FBI director (which Trump could do himself in an instant) to not pursuing criminal charges against Hillary Clinton. What makes the spectacle so excruciating is the wounded Sessions plods on, refusing the obvious invitation to resign his dream job, the capstone of his career. Trump relishes such a cat-and-mouse game and, by playing it so openly, reveals a deeply repellent vindictiveness in the service of a pathological need to display dominance. Dominance is his game. Doesn’t matter if you backed him, as did Chris Christie, cast out months ago. Or if you opposed him, as did Mitt Romney, before whom Trump ostentatiously dangled the State Department, only to snatch it away, leaving Romney looking the foolish supplicant. Yet, the Sessions affair is more than just a study in character. It carries political implications. It has caused the first crack in Trump’s base. Not yet a split, mind you. The base is simply too solid for that. But amid his 35 to 40 percent core support, some are peeling off, both in Congress and in the pro-Trump commentariat. The issue is less characterological than philosophical. As Stephen Hayes, of The Weekly Standard, put it, Sessions was the original Trumpist before Trump. Sessions championed hard-line trade, law enforcement and immigration policy long before Trump rode these ideas to the White House. For many conservatives, Sessions’ early endorsement of Trump served as an ideological touchstone. And Sessions has remained stalwart in carrying out Trumpist policies at Justice. That Trump could, out of personal pique, treat him so rudely now suggests to those conservatives how cynically expedient was Trump’s adoption of Sessions’ ideas in the first place. But beyond character and beyond ideology lies the most appalling aspect of the Sessions affair reviving the idea of prosecuting Clinton. In the 2016 campaign, there was nothing more disturbing than crowds chanting “lock her up,” often encouraged by Trump and his surrogates. After the election, however, Trump reconsidered, saying he would not pursue Clinton, who “went through a lot and suffered greatly.” Now under siege, Trump has jettisoned magnanimity. Maybe she should be locked up after all. This is pure misdirection. Even if every charge against Clinton was true and she got 20 years in the clink, it would change not one iota of the truth or falsity of the charges of collusion being made against the Trump campaign. Moreover, in America we don’t lock up political adversaries. They do that in Turkey. They do it (and worse) in Russia. Part of American greatness is we don’t criminalize our politics. Last week, Trump spoke at the commissioning of the USS Gerald R. Ford aircraft carrier. Ford was no giant, nor did he leave a great policy legacy. But he is justly revered for his decency and honor. His great gesture was pardoning Richard Nixon, an act for which he was excoriated at the time and which cost him the 1976 election. It was an act of political self-sacrifice, done for precisely the right reason. Nixon might indeed have committed crimes. But the spectacle of an ex-president on trial and perhaps even in jail was something Ford would not allow the country to go through. In doing so, he vindicated the very purpose of the presidential pardon. On its face, it’s perverse. It allows one person to overturn equal justice. But the Founders understood there are times, rare but vital, when social peace and national reconciliation require contravening ordinary justice. Ulysses S. Grant amnestied (technically: paroled) Confederate soldiers and officers at Appomattox, even allowing them to keep a horse for the planting. In Trump World, the better angels are not in evidence. To be sure, Trump is indeed examining the pardon power. For himself and his cronies.

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August 1, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

CHARLES KRAUTHAMMER: Sessions lessons – Northeast Mississippi Daily Journal

Transparency, thy name is Trump, Donald Trump. No filter, no governor, no editor lies between his impulses and his public actions. He tweets, therefore he is. Ronald Reagan was so self-contained and impenetrable that his official biographer was practically driven mad trying to figure him out. Donald Trump is penetrable, hourly. Never more so than during his ongoing war on his own attorney general, Jeff Sessions. Trump has been privately blaming Sessions for the Russia cloud. But rather than calling him in to either work it out or demand his resignation, Trump has engaged in a series of deliberate public humiliations. Day by day, he taunts Sessions, attacking him for everything from not firing the acting FBI director (which Trump could do himself in an instant) to not pursuing criminal charges against Hillary Clinton. What makes the spectacle so excruciating is that the wounded Sessions plods on, refusing the obvious invitation to resign his dream job, the capstone of his career. Trump relishes such a cat-and-mouse game and, by playing it so openly, reveals a deeply repellent vindictiveness in the service of a pathological need to display dominance. Dominance is his game. Doesnt matter if you backed him, as did Chris Christie, cast out months ago. Or if you opposed him, as did Mitt Romney, before whom Trump ostentatiously dangled the State Department, only to snatch it away, leaving Romney looking the foolish supplicant. Yet the Sessions affair is more than just a study in character. It carries political implications. It has caused the first crack in Trumps base. Not yet a split, mind you. The base is simply too solid for that. But amid his 35 to 40 percent core support, some are peeling off, both in Congress and in the pro-Trump commentariat. The issue is less characterological than philosophical. As Stephen Hayes of The Weekly Standard put it, Sessions was the original Trumpist before Trump. Sessions championed hard-line trade, law enforcement and immigration policy long before Trump rode these ideas to the White House. For many conservatives, Sessions early endorsement of Trump served as an ideological touchstone. And Sessions has remained stalwart in carrying out Trumpist policies at Justice. That Trump could, out of personal pique, treat him so rudely now suggests to those conservatives how cynically expedient was Trumps adoption of Sessions ideas in the first place. But beyond character and beyond ideology lies the most appalling aspect of the Sessions affair reviving the idea of prosecuting Clinton. In the 2016 campaign, there was nothing more disturbing than crowds chanting lock her up, often encouraged by Trump and his surrogates. After the election, however, Trump reconsidered, saying he would not pursue Clinton who went through a lot and suffered greatly. Now under siege, Trump has jettisoned magnanimity. Maybe she should be locked up after all. This is pure misdirection. Even if every charge against Clinton were true and she got 20 years in the clink, it would change not one iota of the truth or falsity of the charges of collusion being made against the Trump campaign. Moreover, in America we dont lock up political adversaries. They do that in Turkey. They do it (and worse) in Russia. Part of American greatness is that we dont criminalize our politics. Last week, Trump spoke at the commissioning of the USS Gerald R. Ford aircraft carrier. Ford was no giant. Nor did he leave a great policy legacy. But he is justly revered for his decency and honor. His great gesture was pardoning Richard Nixon, an act for which he was excoriated at the time and which cost him the 1976 election. It was an act of political self-sacrifice, done for precisely the right reason. Nixon might indeed have committed crimes. But the spectacle of an ex-president on trial and perhaps even in jail was something Ford would not allow the country to go through. In doing so, he vindicated the very purpose of the presidential pardon. On its face, its perverse. It allows one person to overturn equal justice. But the Founders understood that there are times, rare but vital, when social peace and national reconciliation require contravening ordinary justice. Ulysses S. Grant amnestied (technically: paroled) Confederate soldiers and officers at Appomattox, even allowing them to keep a horse for the planting. In Trump World, the better angels are not in evidence. To be sure, Trump is indeed examining the pardon power. For himself and his cronies.

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July 31, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

Opinion | Charles Krauthammer: Sessions lessons – The Southern

Transparency, thy name is Trump, Donald Trump. No filter, no governor, no editor lies between his impulses and his public actions. He tweets, therefore he is. Ronald Reagan was so self-contained and impenetrable that his official biographer was practically driven mad trying to figure him out. Donald Trump is penetrable, hourly. Never more so than during his ongoing war on his own attorney general, Jeff Sessions. Trump has been privately blaming Sessions for the Russia cloud. But rather than calling him in to either work it out or demand his resignation, Trump has engaged in a series of deliberate public humiliations. Day by day, he taunts Sessions, attacking him for everything from not firing the acting FBI director (which Trump could do himself in an instant) to not pursuing criminal charges against Hillary Clinton. What makes the spectacle so excruciating is that the wounded Sessions plods on, refusing the obvious invitation to resign his dream job, the capstone of his career. Trump relishes such a cat-and-mouse game and, by playing it so openly, reveals a deeply repellent vindictiveness in the service of a pathological need to display dominance. Dominance is his game. Doesn’t matter if you backed him, as did Chris Christie, cast out months ago. Or if you opposed him, as did Mitt Romney, before whom Trump ostentatiously dangled the State Department, only to snatch it away, leaving Romney looking the foolish supplicant. Yet the Sessions affair is more than just a study in character. It carries political implications. It has caused the first crack in Trump’s base. Not yet a split, mind you. The base is simply too solid for that. But amid his 35 to 40 percent core support, some are peeling off, both in Congress and in the pro-Trump commentariat. The issue is less characterological than philosophical. As Stephen Hayes of The Weekly Standard put it, Sessions was the original Trumpist before Trump. Sessions championed hard-line trade, law enforcement and immigration policy long before Trump rode these ideas to the White House. For many conservatives, Sessions’ early endorsement of Trump served as an ideological touchstone. And Sessions has remained stalwart in carrying out Trumpist policies at Justice. That Trump could, out of personal pique, treat him so rudely now suggests to those conservatives how cynically expedient was Trump’s adoption of Sessions’ ideas in the first place. But beyond character and beyond ideology lies the most appalling aspect of the Sessions affair reviving the idea of prosecuting Clinton. In the 2016 campaign, there was nothing more disturbing than crowds chanting “lock her up,” often encouraged by Trump and his surrogates. After the election, however, Trump reconsidered, saying he would not pursue Clinton who “went through a lot and suffered greatly.” Now under siege, Trump has jettisoned magnanimity. Maybe she should be locked up after all. This is pure misdirection. Even if every charge against Clinton were true and she got 20 years in the clink, it would change not one iota of the truth or falsity of the charges of collusion being made against the Trump campaign. Moreover, in America we don’t lock up political adversaries. They do that in Turkey. They do it (and worse) in Russia. Part of American greatness is that we don’t criminalize our politics. Last week, Trump spoke at the commissioning of the USS Gerald R. Ford aircraft carrier. Ford was no giant. Nor did he leave a great policy legacy. But he is justly revered for his decency and honor. His great gesture was pardoning Richard Nixon, an act for which he was excoriated at the time and which cost him the 1976 election. It was an act of political self-sacrifice, done for precisely the right reason. Nixon might indeed have committed crimes. But the spectacle of an ex-president on trial and perhaps even in jail was something Ford would not allow the country to go through. In doing so, he vindicated the very purpose of the presidential pardon. On its face, it’s perverse. It allows one person to overturn equal justice. But the Founders understood that there are times, rare but vital, when social peace and national reconciliation require contravening ordinary justice. Ulysses S. Grant amnestied (technically: paroled) Confederate soldiers and officers at Appomattox, even allowing them to keep a horse for the planting. In Trump World, the better angels are not in evidence. To be sure, Trump is indeed examining the pardon power. For himself and his cronies. Charles Krauthammer writes for the Washington Post Writers Group. His columns include his own opinions and do not necessarily reflect the views, opinion or editorial position of The Southern. His email address is letters@charleskrauthammer.com.

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July 30, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed

Charles Krauthammer: Lessons from Sessions – The State Journal-Register

Transparency, thy name is Trump, Donald Trump. No filter, no governor, no editor lies between his impulses and his public actions. He tweets, therefore he is. Ronald Reagan was so self-contained and impenetrable that his official biographer was practically driven mad trying to figure him out. Donald Trump is penetrable, hourly. Never more so than during his ongoing war on his own attorney general, Jeff Sessions. Trump has been privately blaming Sessions for the Russia cloud. But rather than calling him in to either work it out or demand his resignation, Trump has engaged in a series of deliberate public humiliations. Day by day, he taunts Sessions, attacking him for everything from not firing the acting FBI director (which Trump could do himself in an instant) to not pursuing criminal charges against Hillary Clinton. What makes the spectacle so excruciating is that the wounded Sessions plods on, refusing the obvious invitation to resign his dream job, the capstone of his career. Trump relishes such a cat-and-mouse game and, by playing it so openly, reveals a deeply repellent vindictiveness in the service of a pathological need to display dominance. Dominance is his game. Doesn’t matter if you backed him, as did Chris Christie, cast out months ago. Or if you opposed him, as did Mitt Romney, before whom Trump ostentatiously dangled the State Department, only to snatch it away, leaving Romney looking the foolish supplicant. Yet the Sessions affair is more than just a study in character. It carries political implications. It has caused the first crack in Trump’s base. Not yet a split, mind you. The base is simply too solid for that. But amid his 35 to 40 percent core support, some are peeling off, both in Congress and in the pro-Trump commentariat. The issue is less characterological than philosophical. As Stephen Hayes of The Weekly Standard put it, Sessions was the original Trumpist before Trump. Sessions championed hard-line trade, law enforcement and immigration policy long before Trump rode these ideas to the White House. For many conservatives, Sessions’ early endorsement of Trump served as an ideological touchstone. And Sessions has remained stalwart in carrying out Trumpist policies at Justice. That Trump could, out of personal pique, treat him so rudely now suggests to those conservatives how cynically expedient was Trump’s adoption of Sessions’ ideas in the first place. But beyond character and beyond ideology lies the most appalling aspect of the Sessions affair reviving the idea of prosecuting Clinton. In the 2016 campaign, there was nothing more disturbing than crowds chanting “lock her up,” often encouraged by Trump and his surrogates. After the election, however, Trump reconsidered, saying he would not pursue Clinton who “went through a lot and suffered greatly.” Now under siege, Trump has jettisoned magnanimity. Maybe she should be locked up after all. This is pure misdirection. Even if every charge against Clinton were true and she got 20 years in the clink, it would change not one iota of the truth or falsity of the charges of collusion being made against the Trump campaign. Moreover, in America we don’t lock up political adversaries. They do that in Turkey. They do it (and worse) in Russia. Part of American greatness is that we don’t criminalize our politics. Last week, Trump spoke at the commissioning of the USS Gerald R. Ford aircraft carrier. Ford was no giant. Nor did he leave a great policy legacy. But he is justly revered for his decency and honor. His great gesture was pardoning Richard Nixon, an act for which he was excoriated at the time and which cost him the 1976 election. It was an act of political self-sacrifice, done for precisely the right reason. Nixon might indeed have committed crimes. But the spectacle of an ex-president on trial and perhaps even in jail was something Ford would not allow the country to go through. In doing so, he vindicated the very purpose of the presidential pardon. On its face, it’s perverse. It allows one person to overturn equal justice. But the Founders understood that there are times, rare but vital, when social peace and national reconciliation require contravening ordinary justice. Ulysses S. Grant amnestied (technically: paroled) Confederate soldiers and officers at Appomattox, even allowing them to keep a horse for the planting. In Trump World, the better angels are not in evidence. To be sure, Trump is indeed examining the pardon power. For himself and his cronies. Charles Krauthammer’s email address is letters@charleskrauthammer.com.

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July 29, 2017   Posted in: Charles Krauthammer  Comments Closed


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