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Disturbing: Some Sandusky residents alarmed to find Ku Klux Klan fliers in driveways – fox8.com

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SANDUSKY, Ohio — People who live along Hayes Avenue, Mason Road, and Strub Road in Sandusky made a disturbing discovery Friday morning.

Fliers from the Ku Klux Klan were apparently dropped in their driveways.

A man who did not want to be identified said he spotted over a hundred fliers inside plastic bags.

Erving Rickard lives along Strub Road and discovered a flier in his driveway.

“I was amazed because most people in Sandusky get along,” said Rickard.

In addition to some KKK literature, the flier urged people to just say no to drugs.

Meantime, it’s a mystery as to who dropped the fliers off overnight.

“I am going to throw it away. I honestly would have never paid much attention to it,” said Rickard.

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Disturbing: Some Sandusky residents alarmed to find Ku Klux Klan fliers in driveways – fox8.com

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April 1, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

Timeline History of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK)

Updated February 19, 2017

The Ku Klux Klan was and is undeniably a terrorist organization — but what made the Klan an especially insidious terrorist organization, and a threat to civil liberties, was that it functioned as the unofficial paramilitary arm of Southern segregationist governments. This allowed its members to kill with impunityand allowed Southern segregationists to eliminate activists by force without alerting federal authorities. Although the Klan is much less active today, it will be remembered as an instrument of cowardly Southern politicians who hid their faces behind hoods, and their ideology behind an unconvincing facade of patriotism.

The Ku Klux Klan is founded.

Former Confederate general and noted white supremacist Nathan Bedford Forrest, architect of the Fort Pillow Massacre, becomes the first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. The Klan murders several thousand people in the former Confederate states as an effort to suppress the political participation of black Southerners and their allies.

The Ku Klux Klan publishes its Organization and Principles. Although early supporters of the Klan claimed that it was philosophically a Christian, patriotic organization rather than a white supremacist group, a cursory glance at the Klan’s catechism reveals otherwise:

5. Are you opposed to Negro equality both social and political?

7. Are you in favor of constitutional liberty, and a government of equitable laws instead of a government of violence and oppression?

8. Are you in favor of maintaining the constitutional rights of the South?

9. Are you in favor of the reenfranchisement and emancipation of the white men of the South, and the restitution of the Southern people to all their rights, alike proprietary, civil, and political?

10. Do you believe in the inalienable right of self-preservation of the people against the exercise of arbitrary and unlicensed power?

The “inalienable right to self-preservation” is a clear reference to the Klan’s violent activities — and its emphasis, even at this early stage, is clearly white supremacy.

Congress passes the Klan Act, allowing the federal government to intervene and arrest Klan members on a large scale. Over the next several years, the Klan largely disappears and is replaced by other violent white supremacist groups.

Thomas Dixon Jr. adapts his second Ku Klux Klan novel, The Clansman, into a play. Although fictional, the novel introduces the burning cross as a symbol for the Ku Klux Klan:

Although Dixon implies that the Klan had always used the burning cross, it was, in fact, his invention. Dixon’s fawning adoration for the Klan, presented less than a half-century after the American Civil War, begins to revive the long-dormant organization.

D.W. Griffith’s wildly popular film Birth of a Nation, an adaptation of Dixon’s The Clansman, revives national interest in the Klan. A Georgia lynch mob led by William J. Simmons — and including numerous prominent (but anonymous) members of the community, such as former Georgia governor Joe Brown — murders Jewish factory superintendent Leo Frank, then burns a cross on a hilltop and dubs itself the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.

The Klan becomes a more public organizationand expands its platform to include Prohibition, anti-Semitism, xenophobia, anti-Communism, and anti-Catholicism. Spurred on by the romanticized white supremacist history portrayed in Birth of a Nation, bitter whites throughout the country begin to form local Klan groups.

Indiana Klan Grand Dragon D.C. Stephenson is convicted of murder. Members subsequently begin to realize that they may actually face criminal charges for their behavior, and the Klan largely disappears — except in the South, where local groups continue to operate.

Members of the Ku Klux Klan firebomb the home of NAACP Florida executive director Harry Tyson Moore and his wife, Harriet, on Christmas Eve. Both are killed in the blast. The murders are the first high-profile Southern Klan killings among many during the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s — most of which either go unprosecutedor result in acquittals by all-white juries.

Members of the Ku Klux Klan bomb the predominantly black 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, killing four little girls.

The Mississippi chapter of the Ku Klux Klan firebombs twenty predominantly black churches, and then (with the aid of local police) murders civil rights activists James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner.

Edgar Ray Killen, the architect of the 1964 Chaney-Goodman-Schwerner murders, is convicted on manslaughter charges and sentenced to 60 years in prison.

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Timeline History of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK)

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March 30, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

High School Play Featuring KKK Costumes Cancelled – CBS Minnesota / WCCO

March 27, 2017 10:40 PM By Jeff Wagner

MINNEAPOLIS (WCCO) Amid growing controversy, New Prague High School has canceled performances of its spring play.

The play in question, Larry Shues 1984 comedy The Foreigner, is about a man who pretends he cant speak English in rural Georgia. The play involves the presence of the Ku Klux Klan, which is among the town scandals the main character uncovers.

Earlier, a student posted a screenshot of students dressed in KKK robes. The school principal told the towns newspaper that they had been made aware of the posting, and the insensitive nature of this post.

The spring play, which was scheduled to perform this coming Friday and Saturday, was canceled.

We feel it is in the best interest of New Prague Area Schools to not present the show this weekend, Principal Lonnie Seifert told the New Prague Times. This situation will also allow us the opportunity to have conversations with our students, staff and community as we continue to develop and model our character traits of acceptance and respect for all students within New Prague Area Schools.

Ben Thietje, the plays directorand New Pragues theatre teacher, said the cancellation was a unanimous decision made by school administration and myself.

The play has a positive message of acceptance and celebration of differences, he said, however,if it also causes stress to a portion of our student body, the point of performing it has been lost. The well-being of our students is the main concern. I take full responsibility in not doing a better job of communicating this message with students from the beginning.

Is it disappointing? Yes, Im disappointed for the kids that invested so much time in the play and performing, said Seifert. But I think we also need to look at the big picture of our students and Im disappointed some of our students had to go through the feelings that they went through seeing that (social media) post.

Principal Seifert said it was a tough decision cancelling the schools spring play, The Foreigner. Its been performed in high schools across the country. The story is a comedy and portrays the KKK as antagonists.

Its got a good message, a message of inclusiveness and acceptance of all, Seifert said. But unfortunately I believe what happened with the social media, the message is now lost.

The picture taken during rehearsal and posted online includes a caption reading I think youre gonna wanna come to the spring play.

I really truly dont believe there was ill intent on the part of the person that posted it, Seifert said.

But the damage was done. Students and parents offended by the post and the play met with Seifert, the plays director and other administrators.

He said they felt disrespected and were uncomfortable with the idea of students performing in KKK costumes.

There were some tough conversations had about it but in the end were all in agreement this was probably the best decision we could make at this point in time, Seifert said of cancelling the show.

Seifert said the students he met with Monday were a mix of races and ethnicities.

The plays director said he takes full responsibility for not better communicating the play and its message with the student body.

Siefert said students had been rehearsing for the show for more than a month.

Jeff Wagner joined the WCCO-TV team in November 2016 as a general assignment reporter. Although he’s new to Minnesota, he’s called the Midwest home his entire life. Born and raised in the Chicago suburbs, Jeff spent most of his childhood in…

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High School Play Featuring KKK Costumes Cancelled – CBS Minnesota / WCCO

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March 28, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

America’s Brush With Fascism – Slate Magazine

Klan members hold a night rally in 1920.

Photo illustration by Natalie Matthews-Ramo. Photos by Thinkstock and United States Library of Congress.

This article supplements Fascism, a Slate Academy. To learn more and to enroll, visit Slate.com/Fascism.

Adapted from Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan by Nancy K. MacLean. Published by Oxford University Press.

Historians have explained the demise of the second Ku Klux Klan within a decade of its 1915 founding in a variety of ways. Many have pointed to internal problems such as hypocritical leaders and factionalism. Others have cited effective opposition from the press, civic leaders, or residents in particular locales. Some have argued that the very success of Klan politicians in winning office bred demoralization, as once in power they failed to furnish the dramatic changes they had promised. Similarly, some point to the subsiding of local problems such as crime or to how experience exposed the falsity of Klan claims.1 One writer has even suggested that the Klans very nature doomed it.2

If that particular assertion seems wishful thinking, many of the other observations are apt. But the main problem with prevailing accounts of the Klans decline is the parochial vision that serves as their starting point. State or local in conception, almost none of the scholarly studies on the Klan examines the American movement in its international setting.3 They make no effort to come to terms with the Klan as an expression of what European historian Arno Mayer refers to as the General Crisis and Thirty Years War of the twentieth century. Bounded on one end by the First World War and on the other by the Second World War, this epoch was marked by pervasive social change and political crisis, above all by the contest between right and left, the ideological struggle, as Mayer sums it up, between fascism and bolshevism. That match ultimately yielded the regimes of Mussolini in Italy, of Franco in Spain, and of Hitler in Germany.4

– MULTIPLE AUTHORS

The Small, but Significant, Fascist Movements of the U.S. and Britain

NICHOLAS OSHAUGHNESSY

The Nazis Propaganda Trick: Invite the Public to Help Create an Alternate Reality

JOHN BROICH

Why You Shouldnt Believe the Myth of Islamofascism in World War II

ELLEN UMANSKY

The Refugee Ban That Kept 20,000 Jewish Children Out of the U.S.

TIMOTHY SNYDER

Hitler Modeled His Plan for Global Conquest After Americas Manifest Destiny

– MULTIPLE AUTHORS

Fascisms Terrible Apogee: Our Reading Group Arrives at National Socialism in Germany

If historians have largely overlooked the common ground occupied by European fascist movements and the Klan of the 1920s, many contemporaries did not. Some Klan spokespeople recognized the kinship between their movement and those of Mussolini and Hitler. The Klan newspaper Imperial Night Hawk asserted that Mussolinis fight to crush communism and anarchy was an entirely worthy cause. The Rev. Charles Jefferson of New York stated the relationship most aptly. The Ku Klux Klan, he explained, is the Mussolini of America, the organizational expression of the vast volume of discontent in this country with things as they are.6 Moreover, when, after the onset of the Great Depression, organizations emerged in the United States that openly identified with fascists across the sea, the Klan came to their aid.

The reason for the crossover is not hard to find. The Mussolini-inspired American Order of Fascisti, or Black Shirts, which enlisted several of these Klan stalwarts, proclaimed its commitment to white supremacy. It campaigned to solve white unemployment by taking jobs from blacks and defended racist murders.

The Klan had much in common with German National Socialism and Italian fascism not only in its worldview but also in its dynamics as a social movement. All three movements emerged from the crucible of world war and grew in times of economic difficulty, class polarization, and political impasse. Each mobilized men and women from a broad spectrum of the population but had particular attraction for the petite bourgeoisie. Each of these movements also enlisted the active backing or toleration of important members of the established elite and gained strength from the legitimacy thus bestowed. They also exerted particular appeal for members of the police and armed forces, who in turn provided aid and cover for the movements extralegal terror. Finally, all three movements had similar organizational styles in their conscious emphasis on the irrational, on liturgical rituals, and on public displays of power.11

Much more than American historians have realized, Klan ideology shared common features with its Nazi contemporary.7 Like the Klan, Hitler embraced a reactionary populism that blended outspoken resentment of established elites with vitriolic anti-communism. Regularly exaggerating the power and prospects of the left, he was obsessed with destroying the organized workers movement. Like the Klans criticisms of Americas economic system, his attacks on Germanys were superficial and his positive proposals vague. In place of reason, Hitler exalted passion and advocated a propaganda geared to the emotions. He recognized and exploited the power of symbolism and such rituals as torchlight parades. In place of careful analysis, he pushed conspiratorial explanations. In place of a parliamentary democracy he declared mired in corruption and soft on communism, he called for a strong man to take charge. In place of the rule of law, he substituted the calculated paramilitary terror of the Brown Shirts. And, finally, in place of the notion of fundamental human equality: strident nationalism and murderous racism.8

Indeed, as they were for the Klan, nationalism and racialism were National Socialisms means of countering the class divisions it so abhorred. Race was posited as the wellspring of human culture and history. Demonizing Jews, in particular, as the source of all the purported evils of modernityfrom materialism, to Bolshevism, to changes in sexual mores and mass cultureHitler positioned them at the core of his revolutionary counterrevolutionism, a lightning rod to give it mass appeal.9

Of course, to highlight the family resemblance is not to assert that these movements were similar in all respects. Italian fascism, for example, did not rely on anti-Semitism and other racialism the way that the Klan and National Socialism did.12 And the Klan differed in some important ways from those two prototypical fascist movements. Not least, the Klans class politics were more ambiguous. Here the Klan bore the marks of its birthplace. Operating in a nation with much lower levels of working-class organization and consciousness, the Klan sometimes even posed as the friend of organized labor in the face of common enemies.13 More commonly, the Klan took advantage of the deep racial, ethnic, and skill divisions in the American working class to advance its project, especially in the South. It preyed on the narrow craft-union consciousness of native-born, Protestant, white, skilled workers in efforts to turn them against black, foreign-born, and radical workers. The Klans greatest successes among trade unionists tended to follow disastrous defeats, sometimes involving strike-breakers from other ethnic groups, which left some native-born white workers casting about for scapegoats and alternatives to class-based politics.14

There were other contrasts as well. Klansmen seemed less inclined than their continental peers to welcome the idea of dictatorship, even if that was the conclusion their leaders screeds against impotent government pointed to. Klan spokespeople sometimes criticized Mussolini, not only for being an ally of the Pope or a rival nationalist who might appeal to Italian Americans but also for being a despotic ruler.15 And however hedged in formulation and belied in practice, Klan leaders declared regard for the Constitution meant that they at least feared appearing to deviate from it. Finally, the Klans reverence for Protestantism also distinguished it. Seeing established churches as competing centers of belief or power, Nazis were far less inclined to accept them.16 Future research will undoubtedly uncover more contrasts.

The point is thus not to argue for absolute homology. It is rather to insist that the Klan was not a movement sui generis: It had enough in common with contemporary European mass movements of the far right to make for meaningful comparison. The family resemblance between the Klan and classic fascism, however, puts the problem of interpreting the Klans demise into a whole new light.

Once the Klan is viewed in transnational perspective, a more chilling hypothesis emerges about why Klan strength waned so quickly right across the country after mid-decade. The causes usually adduced for this decline may be incidental to the simple fact that circumstances in the United States never reached the point that they did in the nations where fascism ultimately triumphed. After all, as late as the elections of 1928, the Nazis took only 2.6 percent of the total vote and were seen as a minor, and declining splinter party. By contrast, in 1924, a Klan write-in candidate for mayor was able to attract more than one-third of the vote in Detroit, the fourth-largest American city. Had the Depression not hit Germany as hard as it subsequently did, National Socialism might today be dismissed as the Klan sometimes is: a historical curiosity whose doom was foreordained.17

In the United States, on the other hand, the social conditions that once fueled Klan growth had largely abated by mid-decade. In the nation at large, the postwar recession gave way to boom and renewed growth by 1923. The economic crisis loomed larger and longer in the South and in farming regions of the Midwest than in the industrial North, not as dependent on the sick industries of agriculture, textiles, and mining. Yet, even in the South, the sense of economic apocalypse had faded by mid-decade. By 1925, the regional economy had rebounded, and the press was reporting with palpable relief the revival of crop values and textile demand.18

What appears distinctive about the Klan is less the specific ideas it stood for than the way it synthesized them.

The pitched class conflict of 19191921 also rapidly abated, as employers, with the aid of the government Red Scare and new technology, regained the upper hand. By 1924, the offensive against labor and the left had largely succeeded. For the first time in American history, unions failed to grow during a time of relative prosperity. Socialist Party membership in the nation as a whole dropped drastically from 110,000 in 1919 to 12,000 four years later; the Communist Party, for its part, never amassed more than 20,000 members at any point in the decade. By contrast, the German Communist Party in the 20sthe smaller of the countrys main left-wing partiesenlisted a membership that ran as high as 380,000 and drew as many as 3 million votes.19

Like the struggle for industrial democracy in the United States, the wartime and postwar offensive for racial equity had clearly run aground by a few years into the new decade. Despite determined, often heroic, efforts, blacks had been unable to attract enough white support to dismantle any of the apparatus of white supremacy, as the federal governments unwillingness to pass even mild anti-lynching legislation attested. The NAACP lost almost 200 branches by 1923, and over 70,000 membersor more than two-thirds of its 1919 rosterover the decade. The hemorrhage was especially severe in the South, where both challenge and resistance had been greatest.20 The discouragement of blacks, like that of labor, no doubt undercut the urgency many of the Klans followers and sympathizers had hitherto felt.21

Without the extra charge that came from association with labor militancy and black struggle, the changes in gender and generational relations came to seem less threatening. As important as feminism, the so-called sexual revolution, and the spread of the commercial leisure industry had been in winning the Klan a mass following, neither their continued spread nor the ongoing and widespread defiance of Prohibition proved sufficient to keep Klan members mobilized after the other challenges had receded. Here, in fact, if in few other areas, the Klan defeat was unambiguous. The persistence of bootlegging and gambling, the popularity of dancing and movie-going, and young womens enthusiasm for the social freedom and sensual pleasures symbolized by the flapper all made clear the tenuousness of the family values the Klan stood for.

In short, on most fronts, Klansmen could feel, if not triumphant, at least relieved by mid-decade. As the sharp polarizations of the postwar years abated, their movement must have come to seem like overkill to all but the most devoted. Without extreme conditions, extreme measures enjoyed less legitimacy. But that change in circumstances leaves open, for us, an unsettling question: What if the interwar social crisis had reached the scale in America that it did in Italy or Germany? How might native-born, middle-class whites have reacted?

We know enough to make easy optimism untenable. Indeed, what emerges most forcefully from this study of the Klan is the wealth of cultural material at hand that a movement like the Klan could build on. Under conditions of economic uncertainty, sharply contested social relations, and political impasse, assumptions about class, race, gender, and state power so ordinary as to appear common sense to most WASP Americans could be refashioned and harnessed to the building of a virulent reactionary politics able to mobilize millions. What appears distinctive about the Klan is less the specific ideas it stood for than the way it synthesized them. But those ideas themselves, at least in more understated form, had a long-standing and widely accepted place in the dominant culture.

Black Americans and recent immigrants may have contributed more than we will ever know to keeping reactionary populist movements at bay.

Indeed, what seems most striking in this story is the adaptability of many conventional American sensibilities to a reactionary populist project. The core elements of Klan ideology were not as aberrant as one might imagine. Generations of observers of American culture, for example, have remarked on what one writer calls the imperial middle: the pervasive assumption that America had always been and should stay a middle-class society, and the corollary denial that other classes had valid interests of their own. In times of pitched struggle, such as that which followed World War I, those axioms could easily slide into an insistence that class conflict was illegitimate, even treasonous, and should be suppressed.

The unusual sway of individualism, moreover, made the United States fertile terrain for racialist explanations of why some people succeeded and others failed, explanations that ranged from Manifest Destiny to Social Darwinism and eugenics. Indeed, historians have lately become more aware of how, from the time of the republics founding, American ideas of middle-class standing and citizenship rights were coded in racially exclusive ways. So, too, was American middle-class consciousness molded and galvanized, from its very origins, by notions of appropriate gender roles and moral respectability.22 The evangelical strain so prominent in American culture could also play its part in establishing an indigenous form for the apocalyptic, anti-rational, and Manichean emphases of fascist thought. And it would not be such a long leap from the many American varieties of vigilantismnot only lynching but also white-capping, anti-labor citizens committees, and, more generally, the veneration of rough-and-ready frontier justice in popular cultureto the politics of the piazza characteristic of fascism in its mobilization phase.23

Of course, to say this is not to imply that all elements in American culture worked to the Klans advantage or even that all of those that did necessarily did so, that they could not have led to different conclusions. Here I am much persuaded by the accounts of European fascism that reject fatalistic readings of the proclivities of the petite bourgeoisie and stress, instead, contingency: the degree of organization of anti-fascist forces and the political choices made by their leaders mattered very much.24 Even in the narrowed political spectrum of the 1920s, Klan leaders confronted some ideas and values that defied their ambitions. Majority rule, religious tolerance, and regard for the rule of law, for example, all had significant, if not majoritarian, followings.

Among the reasons ordinarily cited by historians for why the United States bypassed the road some of its great-power peers took is the fact that a strong and inclusive working-class movement was able to pose an alternative to both the far right and the discredited status quo during the Great Depression. As civil rights movement veteran Anne Braden once observed, the times when the Klan has failed to grow are as instructive as those when it has. In neither the 1930s nor the 1960s did it make much headway, she argues, because in each period strong mass movements advocated real answers to social and economic problems at the same time as there was a strong offensive against the ideology of racism.25

If this analysis has merit, then the irony is acute. That phenomenon deemed least American by the dominant culture from the founding of the republic forwardclass struggle waged by the propertyless, many of them black Americans and recent immigrantsmay have contributed more than we will ever know to keeping reactionary populist movements at bay in the United States during the Great Depression. Perhaps, after all, it was those with the least stake in society who had the most stake in defending democracy.

Adapted from Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan by Nancy K. MacLean with permission from Oxford University Press. Oxford University Press 1995.

1. Hux, Klan in Macon, 21; Loucks, Klan in Pennsylvania, 164; Moore, Citizen Klansmen, 184-86; Goldberg, Hooded Empire, 58, 94-95, 178-79; Gerlach, Blazing Crosses, xvi-xvii, 8; Jenkins, Steel Valley Klan, 153; Alexander, Crusade for Conformity, 27.

2. The Klans ultimate weakness, maintained Kenneth Jackson, was its lack of a positive program and a corresponding reliance upon emotion rather than reason. The genuine American sense of decency, he concluded, finally asserted itself and consigned the once mighty Klan to obscurity. Jackson, Klan in the City, 254-55. For similar, if less cheerful, views, see Gerlach, Blazing Crosses, 8, 83.

3. To the extent that scholars of the Klan make the comparison, they tend to dispose of it quickly and speciously. See, for example, Cocoltchos, Invisible Government, 626. Exceptions to the prevailing provincialism are Robert Moats Miller, The Ku Klux Klan, in Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America: The 1920s, ed. John Braeman, Robert H. Bremner, and David Brody (n.p., 1968), 215-55; Victor C. Ferkiss, Populist Influences on American Fascism, Western Political Quarterly 10 (June 1957), 350-73. Both of these works are now quite dated; Ferkisss work is particularly flawed by its one-sided caricature, taking off from Richard Hofstadter, of the Populism of the 1890s and its assertion of a direct, unmediated link between it and the fascisms of the twentieth century.

4. Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken 31. For discussion of the international retreat in recent years from comparative study of these movements, see Tim Mason, Whatever Happened to Fascism? Radical History Review 49 (1991), 89-98. For the differences between counterrevolution, reaction, and conservatism and why they matter, see Arno J. Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution in Europe, 1870-1956: An Ana- lytic Framework (New York, 1971).

5. Quoted in James R. Green, Grass-Roots Socialism: Radical Movements in the Southwest, 1895-1943 (Baton Rouge, 1978), 401-5; Siegfried, America Comes of Age, 134; Arthur Corning White, An American Fascismo, Forum 72 (1924), 636-42. See also Atlanta Independent, 21 Dec. 1922, p. 1; Our Own Secret Fascisti, Nation 115 (15 Nov. 1922), 514; Burbank, Agrarian Radicals and Their Opponents; see also DuBois, The Shape of Fear, 293; Bohn, The Klan Interpreted, 397. The discussion that follows concentrates on the commonalities between the Klan and fascist movements, not fascist governments in power, given the changes in composition, ideology, and object that occurred once fascist leaders assumed direction of the state.

6. Searchlight, 4 Nov. 1922, p. 4; Imperial Night Hawk, 4 April 1923, p. 2; Kourier, June 1925, p. 10; Jefferson, Roman Catholicism and the Ku Klux Klan, 145.

11. For analyses along these lines of fascism as a social movement, see Allen, Nazi Seizure of Power; the essays in David Forgacs, ed., Re- thinking Italian Fascism: Capitalism, Populism and Culture (London, 1986); Giampiero Carocci, Italian Fascism, trans. Isabel Quigly (Baltimore, 1975), esp. 7-27; Childers, The Nazi Voter: The Social Foundations of Fas- cism in Germany, 1919-1933 (Chapel Hill, 1983); Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution; Trotsky, Struggle Against Fascism in Germany; idem, Whither France (1936; reprint, New York, 1968); Daniel Guerin, Fascism and Big Business, trans. Frances and Mason Merr (n.p., 1973); Felix Mor- row, Revolution Counter-Revolution in Spain (New York, 1974). For a dissenting view about lower-middle-class dominance in Hitlers popular following, and emphasis, instead, on upper- and upper-middle-class back- ing, see Richard F. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler (Princeton, 1982).

7. The discussion of Nazi ideology in this and ensuing paragraphs builds heavily on Mayer, The Syncretism of Mein Kampf, chap. 4 of Why Did the Heavens Not Darken 90-109. Hereafter, it will only be cited when quoted; other sources will be cited as appropriate.

8. Quotes from Allen, Nazi Seizure of Power, 22; Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken! 98. See also Mosse, Nazi Culture, 319-22; Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution, 64; Gunter W. Remmling, The Destruction of the Workers Mass Movements in Nazi Germany, in Dobkowski and Walliman, Radical Perspectives on the Rise of Fascism, 215-30; Kurt Patzold, Terror and Demagoguery in the Consolidation of the Fascist Dictatorship in Germany, 1933-34, in loc. cit., 231-46.

9. The phrase revolutionary counterrevolutionism comes from Mayer, who uses it to capture Hitlers self-representation as a revolutionary against revolution. (Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken! 94). On Nazi racialism, see Mosse, Nazi Culture, 2, 57-60.

12. Roderick Kedward, Afterword: What Kind of Revisionism, in Forgacs, Rethinking Italian Fascism, 198; Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken! 54-55.

13. See, for example, Searchlight, 22 July 1922, p. 4.

14. For illustrations, see Duffus, Klan in the Middle West, 365; Gladys L. Palmer, Union Tactics and Economic Change (Philadelphia, 1932), 38-44; Cocoltchos, Invisible Government, 194-96, 260-61, 331.

15. Kourier, Dec. 1929, p. 4; also Imperial Night-Hawk, 4 April 1923, p. 2; White, Heroes of the Fiery Cross, 79-84.

16. For examples from Athens, see ABH, 21 Jan. 1925, p. 1; J. T. Jones o Exalted Cyclops and Klansmen of Athens, 1 June 1925, box 1, AK. Nationally, see Klan, Georgia, Official Document, Nov. 1926, pp. 1, 23; Klan, Official Monthly Bulletin, 1 Dec. 1926, pp. 1, 2. On churches, see Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power, 272; Mosse, Nazi Culture, 235-40.

17. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler! 3; Jackson, Klan in the City, 137-38. On conditions in Germany at the time of the election of 1932, see Childers, Nazi Voter, 192-93. In terms of social setting, the American experience of these years was more like that of England. Victors in the war, both of these countries developed similar movements of the far right, yet the impasse was less severe and their systems more able to accommodate the strain.

18. See, e.g., ABH,5 April 1927, p. 1; ABH,20 Jan. 1930, p. 1.

19. Leo Wolman, The Growth of American Trade Unions, 26, 33-37; Barnett, American Trade Unionism; Montgomery, Fall of the House of Labor, 453-54; Bernstein, Lean Years; and Dunn, Americanization of La- bor. The rout of labor in the South was especially thorough. See Layne, Cotton Mill Worker, 203-6; Evans, History of Organized Labor, 90; Yabroff and Herlihy, History of Work Stoppages, 368-70. On the Left, see Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia, 187, 513; Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 130-31; Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler!301.

20. Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 162; McMillen, Dark Journey, 314-16.

21. For the rise and demise of black militancy in the postwarU.S., see Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, esp. 129-32. For Garveys accommodation to the Ku Klux Klan in the South, see ibid., 153-54, 159-60; Zangrando, NAACP Crusade Against Lynching, 91.

22. The phrase comes from DeMott, Imperial Middle. For growing militarism and antipathy to labor struggle in the larger, multi-million- member fraternal tradition, see Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood, chap. 8, 26-28; Lynn Dumenil, Freemasonry and American Culture, 18801930 (Princeton, 1984), 147; and chap. 4. For American racialist traditions, see, for example, Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought, rev. ed. (Boston, 1955); Stephen Steinberg, The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in America (Boston, 1981); Higham, Strangers in the Land; Gordon, Womans Body, Womans Right, 136-58; Thomas G. Dyer, Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race (Baton Rouge, 1980). On the face-coding of class, see Jordan, White Over Black; Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom; Ronald T. Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1979); Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class Politics and Mass Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (London, 1990); David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London, 1991). On gender and middle-class consciousness, see, for a start, Mary P. Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (New York, 1986).

23. James Weldon Johnson, testimony before United States Senate, To Prevent and Punish the Crime of Lynching, Hearing before a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, 69th Congress, 1st session, 16 February 1926 (Washington, D .C ., 1926), 24. For the cultural legitimacy of such violence, see, in particular, Richard Maxwell Brown, Strain of Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism (New York, 1975), esp. chap. 6, Lawless Lawfulness: Legal and Behavioral Perspectives on American Vigilantism.

24. Allen, Nazi Seizure of Power, esp. 276; David Forgacs, The Left and Fascism: Problems of Definition and Strategy, in Forgacs, ed., Re- thinking Italian Fascism; Mabel Berezin, Created Constituencies: The Italian Middle Classes and Fascism, in loc. cit., esp. 158; Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler esp. 422,441;Rudy Koshar, On the Politics of the Splintered Classes: An Introductory Essay, in Koshar, ed., Splintered Classes, esp. 6, 15; and the tragically prescient commentary by Leon Trotsky, Struggle Against Fascism in Germany.

25. Anne Braden, Lessons from a History of Struggle, Southern Exposure 8, n. 2 (Summer 1980), 56. There are even some reports of former Klansmen in the South crossing over to the interracial Southern Tenant Farmers Union and the Socialist and Communist Parties. See Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 207; Green, Grass-Roots Socialism, 414; Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammmer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression, (Chapel Hill, 1990), 28, 61. For an extraordinary, suggestive recent example of such a turn, see Why I Quit the Klan; Studs Terkel Interviews C. P. Ellis, Southern Exposure 8, n. 2 (Summer 1980), 95-98.

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The Hate Report: A KKK sign, beer hall Nazis and a Trump adviser – Reveal (blog)

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By Will Carless Reveal from The Center for Investigative ReportingMarch 17, 2017

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The quaint town of Dahlonega, Georgia, has been the scene for angry protests and counterprotests for the last three weeks, since an elderly businesswoman hung a sign overlooking the town square, proclaiming a vacant building a Historic Ku Klux Klan Meeting Hall.

The sign didnt last long, according to an account of the towns travails in The Washington Post over the weekend. But its hateful message ripped open a wound many in the town thought had healed long ago and got residents asking a question that is being repeated across America.

Is this indicative of something bigger? the Post quotes Paul Dunlap, a local university professor, as saying. Like, do they think they have a voice?

The answer to Dunlaps question comes later in the story, from Chester Doles, a former leader in the Klan and a former member of a white separatist group called the National Alliance, who cheered on the appearance of the sign.

In the last 50 years, I didnt think we had the votes to elect a governor, much less a president, Doles said. And yet here we are today.

And rural Georgia was far from the only part of the country where a hate crime stirred up local sentiment.

In Salem, Oregon, last week, a man attacked a worker in a Middle Eastern restaurant with a pipe after deciding a woman inside was being held as a slave by what he told police was a Saddam Hussein-looking guy. The man, 52-year-old Jason Kendall, faces possible hate crime charges. During the attack, Kendall allegedly screamed, Go back to your country, a phrase that has become an anthem of hate across America.

In Seattle, workers at one of the citys largest synagogues arrived Saturday to find Holocaust denial graffiti spray-painted on a wall. The synagogue decided to leave the graffiti intact at first, so everybody could see it, the temples rabbi later explained.

And in Florida, a man attempted to burn down a convenience store that he believed was owned by a Muslim. The would-be arsonist, 64-year-old Richard Lloyd, told the police he wanted to run the Arabs out of our country. The store is owned by Americans of Indian descent.

Hateful posters and fliers have been showing up on American college campuses in record numbers, according to an Anti-Defamation League report last week. On Monday, the University of Maryland got a taste of the hate when white nationalist posters appeared in at least four spots around campus, according to the universitys student newspaper.

One poster read: A notice to all white Americans: It is your civic duty to report any and all illegal aliens to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. They are criminals. The web address for a white nationalist organization appeared at the bottom.

Posters advertising the same group also were posted at the university in December.

Across the country in Arizona, the Islamic Center of Tucson reported that a man broke into its mosque early Monday and damaged about 130 copies of the Muslim holy book:

He ripped copies of the Quran and threw them around the prayer room before leaving the building, the center wrote. Thankfully no one was hurt.

The man was caught on surveillance footage and is being sought by police.

A slew of anti-Semitic incidents in the Portland, Oregon, area has coincided with the recent surfacing of a celebrity KKK leader in the area, according to the Willamette Week.

Steven Shane Howard, whom the Southern Poverty Law Center has identified as the imperial wizard of the North Mississippi White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, wrote in a Facebook post in May that he was moving to Vancouver, Washington, to start the Washington knights of the Ku klux klan, the Week reports. Vancouver sits across the Columbia River from Portland. (However, Howard told the magazine that he had moved away from Mississippi to get away from the KKK.)

Theres no indication that Howard has been involved in anti-Semitic activities in Oregon, but over the weekend, swastikas were spray-painted in a southeast Portland neighborhood. Earlier in the month, a local Jewish center received a death threat, and on Sunday, there was this incident at a local bar where cards advertising neo-Nazi websites have been left recently:

On March 12, (bar employee Ilan) Moskowitz says he overheard a conversation at a table of 10 white patrons that led him to confront them about the fliers.

One young man in a Make America Great Again hat said, giggling, No, youve got it all wrong, were a black power group, according to Moskowitz. The group then started chanting black power and raising their fists. When staff attempted to kick out those patrons, at first they refused to leave. On their way out, one man played bagpipes he had brought and another declared, I called my Nazi friends, after dancing around the manager and repeatedly calling him anti-gay slurs.

The story continues:

Moskowitz, who is Jewish, didnt think before confronting a group that outnumbered the bar staff 2-to-1 that night. My whole life, I hear about this shit, he says. My grandfather survived two prison camps. Ill tell you what was going through my head: This is how Hitler got started. In a beer hall.

Meanwhile, in Charleston, South Carolina, more racist graffiti was left on buildings, including a library named for Cynthia Hurd, one of the victims of Dylann Roof, who killed nine people in a city church in 2015.

The local county council chairman told CNN:

The vandalism that occurred at the Cynthia Graham Hurd/St. Andrews Regional Library is both unfortunate and sad.

Its a theme weve come back to a few times in The Hate Report: the fact that five states remain without specific hate crime statutes, despite the reported recent increase in such crimes across the nation.

One of those states is Indiana, where a broad coalition of minority groups came together Wednesday to hold a press conference calling on state legislators to pass a hate crime law.

The event was covered by the Indianapolis Star, which quoted David Sklar, government affairs director with the local Jewish Community Relations Council, who spoke alongside leaders from the black, Sikh, LGBT, Jewish, Muslim and Hispanic communities.

We are not at the apex of this conversation nationally, Sklar said. We are not setting precedent. We are not pushing an agenda or creating some sort of social experiment. Theres simply no reason our legislators need to be concerned about the impact of this legislation or deviate from what is working in other states.

Crimes across the country still may be prosecuted under the federal hate crime law, though it is worth noting that Attorney General Jeff Sessions, who directs the nations federal prosecutors, has been an outspoken opponent of the law.

In Minneapolis, federal authorities announced that they are investigating threats to Jewish community centers in Minnesota and across the country as hate crimes.

For weeks, Sebastian Gorka, one of President Donald Trumps highest advisers, has been suspected of being involved with a Hungarian group, known as the Vitzi Rend, that once was allied with the Nazis.

On Thursday, the Forward reported that Gorka pledged a lifelong allegiance to the organization, citing Vitzi Rend leaders. Gorka previously has been criticized for wearing the groups insignia medal at public events. The Forward, a newspaper that covers American Jewish issues, reports that membership of the group could have serious implications for Gorkas status as an immigrant:

The elite order, known as the Vitzi Rend, was established as a loyalist group by Admiral Miklos Horthy, who ruled Hungary as a staunch nationalist from 1920 to October 1944. A self-confessed anti-Semite, Horthy imposed restrictive Jewish laws prior to World War II and collaborated with Hitler during the conflict. His cooperation with the Nazi regime included the deportation of hundreds of thousands of Jews into Nazi hands.

Gorkas membership in the organization if these Vitzi Rend leaders are correct, and if Gorka did not disclose this when he entered the United States as an immigrant could have implications for his immigration status. The State Departments Foreign Affairs Manual specifies that members of the Vitzi Rend are presumed to be inadmissible to the country under the Immigration and Nationality Act.

Reveal host Al Letson interviewed Gorka for a special podcast last week. You can listen to the interview here.

Thursday also saw the indictment of 57-year-old Robin Rhodes, who attacked a Muslim airport employee in New York in January. The New York Daily News reported that Rhodes allegedly shouted some now-familiar words at the worker he abused:

Trump is here now, he taunted, according to prosecutors. He will get rid of all of you. You can ask Germany, Belgium and France about these kind of people. You will see what happens.

Richard Spencer, a notorious poster boy for white nationalists across America and a leader of the so-called alt-right movement, has a dirty secret.

Despite frequently telling audiences that the white race has thrived without the help of other races, Spencer himself benefits directly from a legacy of white exploitation of black workers, Reveal reported today.

Heres a snippet from reporter Lance Williams scoop:

Americas rise was not through black people and has nothing to do with slavery, Spencer retorted. White people could have figured out another way to pick cotton, he said. We do it now.

He is in a position to know. Spencer, along with his mother and sister, are absentee landlords of 5,200 acres of cotton and corn fields in an impoverished, largely African American region of Louisiana, according to records examined by Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting. The farms, controlled by multiple family-owned businesses, are worth millions: A 1,600-acre parcel sold for $4.3 million in 2012.

The Spencer familys farms also are subsidized heavily by the federal government. From 2008 through 2015, the Spencers received $2 million in U.S. farm subsidy payments, according to federal data.

Its been a bad week for Spencer. On Monday, the nonprofit organization he runs, The National Policy Institute, was stripped of its tax-exempt status by the IRS.

Reached by the Los Angeles Times, Spencer admitted confusion on the matter:

I dont know what to say. I dont want to make a comment because I dont understand this stuff, Spencer said in a telephone interview. Its a bit embarrassing, but its not good. Well figure it out.

Look out for our interview with Spencer on Saturdays podcast, too.

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US president promoting Islamophobia, racism: Journalist – Press TV

US President Donald Trump leaves in his limousine after the annual Friends of Ireland luncheon at the Capitol March 16, 2017 in Washington, DC. (Photo by AFP)

The White House has announced it will appeal against the rulings of two federal judges who blocked President Donald Trumps second executive order about travel ban on citizens of Muslim-majority countries. Two federal judges in Hawaii and Maryland froze Trumps order to close US borders to nationals from Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen. Press TV has asked Sander Hicks, an investigative journalist, and Peter Sinnott, an independent scholar, both from New York about the argument on theban in the United States.

Hicks said that the new US president showedhis racist and anti-Islam nature during the 2016 presidential race.

Trump was Islamophobic and his targeting of Muslims is now a part of this legal complaint, the analyst said on Thursday night.

He said several judges and pro-migrant activists are going to file a lawsuit against the US presidents travel ban.

Everything that happened in the past year with the campaign and all the clear Islamophobia is now in a legal document, he added.

Referring to the background of the Trump family in promoting racism, he said, Fred Trump, Donald Trumps father, was arrested in 1927 at a Ku Klux Klan riot.

The Department of Justice in 1973 prosecuted Donald Trump and Fred Trump for racist discriminatory practices; so, Trumps scapegoating of Islam is the oldest trick in the book, Hicks noted.

He went on to say that the courts are stopping Trump from his Islamophobic, racist anddiscriminatory ban on any immigrants or any refugees from the top six countries.

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The immigration problem that the US and other Western states are facing are the consequences of former American president George W. Bushs decision to invade Iraq in 2003 and goes back to the 9/11 terrorist attack and its cover-up by Bush and his vice president Dick Cheney, he argued.

According to the commentator, the United States so-called war on terror is in fact a war for US oil and a war for US global strategic interests.

Sinnott saidTrumps executive order is not a travel ban against Muslims.Pointing to judicial attempts to block Trumps order, he said the setback is merely political.

The US Supreme Court, he said, will uphold the order “based on its wording, because the wording does not discriminate against Muslims.

He touched on Yemen, Sudan, Libya, Somalia and Syria as the countries whichhave difficulties with war and terrorism and cannot vet immigrants.

Iran is a different case in the travel ban list and it could be negotiated to solve long-term problems between Washington and Tehran, he said.

Unlike any of the others on the list, Iran has the opportunity to change the parameters, because its not a country in civil war or incredible turmoil.

Referring to the exemption of Saudi Arabia from the travel ban list, he said, It is the center of a philosophy that has been attacking the United States and it is one of the main exporters of a philosophy and of a people that in the end are involved in terrorism.

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KKK ‘not welcome’ in Asheboro, NC, over planned cross-burning, mayor says – Washington Times

The Ku Klux Klan isnt welcome in Asheboro, North Carolina, the citys mayor said Monday, notwithstanding its plan to hold a cross-burning there in a matter of weeks.

A KKK offshoot known as the Loyal White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan announced plans last week to gather in Asheboro, north of Charlotte, for a whites only event on May 6, spurring condemnation from the city and a local congressman.

Mayor David Smith doubled down on the citys stance Monday and told local reporters that Klan members arent welcome in Asheboro as far as hes concerned.

Its contrary to what we believe. Its contrary to what most people in Asheboro believe, Mr. Smith told the Asheboro Courtier-Tribune Monday. Its contrary to the message of the City of Asheboro. Our position is, dont come here.

We would prefer that they not come to Asheboro, they are not welcome in Asheboro, he told a local Fox News affiliate.

The Loyal White Knights is based out of Pelham and is considered to be perhaps the most active Klan group in the United States, according to the Anti-Defamation League. That particular faction boasted upwards of 200 members across 15 states last year, the ADL said in a 2016 report.

On its website last week, the Loyal White Knight said itll congregate on May 6 in Asheboro for a rally that will include a klavern meeting, speeches, dinner and a crosslighting at dark.

The people of Asheboro have worked too hard to unify our community to let an outside group come in and spread racist views without raising our voices loudly in protest. They may have a right to peacefully assemble, but we also have a right to object at the top of our collective voice, the mayor said in a statement issued by the city Sunday.

The rally may be constitutional, but this groups message and legacy are an affront to our core value that all people are created equal, U.S. Rep. Mark Walker, North Carolina Republican, said in a statement of his own Monday.

But with less than two months until the scheduled event, Asheboro officials this week said the Klan has yet to begin the bureaucratic process of seeking the citys permission. Marching on city streets and using a city-managed facility would both require permits, but the Klan has so far failed to request an application for either, the city manager said Sunday.

The Loyal White Knights did not respond to requests for comment, the Courier-Tribune reported.

In December, the Loyal White Knights organized a victory parade near Pelham to celebrate President Trumps White House victory. Their celebration was cut short, however, when a party the night beforeresulted in criminal charges for two Klansmen and a trip to the hospital for another.

The KKK maintained 130 chapters across the U.S. during 2016, the Southern Poverty Law Center reported last month, including the Loyal White Knights.

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Remember This? The Ku Klux Klan would forever regret their expansion into the Town of Barrie – BarrieToday

What do you picture when you think of the Ku Klux Klan?

Likely, you think of a group of bigoted fanatics in white robes and hoods, centred in the American south, carrying out their cause of promoting all things white and Protestant.

You might be surprised to learn that the reach of the KKK spread north of the border, and at the height of their national popularity, the most infamous of their Canadian actions occurred right here in Barrie.

The Klan was born immediately after the American Civil War when returning Confederate soldiers found their way of life forever changed and they put the blame largely on freed black men and their sympathizers. The United States government had no patience for continued violence in the South and so the KKK was outlawed in 1871.

The Klan re-formed just after World War 1. So-called ordinary Americans were becoming very concerned about their communities and their jobs in the face of mass immigration from Europe. Black Americans were slowly being allowed more rights. Many white Americans saw the Klan as the guardians of their way of life and joined in huge numbers.

At the same time, enough Canadians were worried about seeing this country lose its Britishness,meaning increased ethic and religious diversity, that KKK chapters formed here too in the 1920s.

The KKK in Canada attempted to set itself apart from their American counterparts by denouncing lawlessness and violence.

However, the Klan would forever regret their expansion into the Town of Barrie because it was here that their movement started its rapid decline into unpopularity.

His father had sent him away. William Skelly was in his late twenties but had already lived a lifetime of troubles. In his native Northern Ireland, he had witnessed sectarian violence including the death of a girl he had loved. Skelly fought for Britain in the Great War and had been badly wounded, resulting in the metal plate now protecting his skull. He married but it seems he was charged with assaulting his wife. Other charges included drunkenness and assaulting a police officer. A fresh start was in order.

The young Irishman jobbed about in Ontario for many months before arriving in Simcoe County. He worked for a farmer in Innisfil for a time before finding employment with A.J. Tuck in his junk store on Dunlop St. in Barrie. Far from home, friendless and having no real prospects, William Skelly was ripe for the picking when the Ku Klux Klan brought their roadshow to town in June 1926.

On a hill, more or less where the Travelodge hotel stands at Bayfield St. and the 400, an eighty-foot cross was set on fire and was seen for miles around. It attracted the disenfranchised young man and he became a member of the Klan that night.

William Skelly first met William Butler, a local young man about his own age, who was Kleagle, or membership recruiter, of the Barrie klavern. In turn, he came to know Clare Lee who was klavern secretary and a co-worker of Butler at the shoe factory where both were employed.

Quite quickly after becoming acquainted, the three Klansmen decided that they needed to perform some sort of action to cement their commitment to the ideals of the Klan and, at first, chose the Champlain monument in Orillia for a demonstration of their dedication. It was a symbol of Roman Catholicism, or so they believed, and as such was counter to what they thought the KKK stood for.

Skelly took a revolver from his employers shop and purchased bullets, dynamite, fuse and blasting caps at a local hardware store on June 10, 1926. The trio was unable to find any means of transportation to Orillia, but their determination to make a clear anti-Catholic statement that day was unwavering and so they settled on something nearby. Skelly, Butler and Lee decided to blow up St. Marys Catholic Church.

Just after 6:00 a.m. on Friday, June 11, the church caretaker, Mr. LeClair, arrived at St. Marys and found a door on the north side of the building wide open. He was shocked to find that some kind of explosion had occurred, blowing a hole 4 feet around in the floor in the area of the centre aisle, and had sent chunks of wood flying through stained glass windows, broken light fixtures and shattered floor joists.

The police were called and almost immediately identified a piece of time fuse left at the scene. The act was called variably an outrage and a desecration in Barrie papers, and the local police began an intense but short investigation into who could have done this. A visit to a hardware store quickly pinpointed a suspect the Irish chap working at A.J. Tucks shop.

When staying in Barrie became too hot a prospect, Butler and Lee helped him get away to Toronto. Skelly was at first helped by Klansmen there but they soon decided that he should be handed to the authorities and that the Klan should immediately cut ties with him.

William Skelly was arrested at King and Yonge St. in Toronto about 10 days after his crime, given up by Klan organizer, Major Proctor. He carried a letter, that he had been instructed to sign, stating that the attack on the church was all his idea and had nothing to do with the Klan.

Skelly was brought back to Barrie and lodged in the Barrie Jail. At the courthouse, he was eager to confess, lay out the whole sordid tale and easily implicate his accomplices, Butler and Lee. The townsfolk, who had been aghast at the crime committed by this outsider and the hate group from the south, were taken aback by the involvement of two local sons.

William Skelly was assessed by a psychiatrist in August of 1926 and, although the deed was an exercise in madness, Skelly was deemed fit for trial. As the trial approached, he offered to plead guilty but Justice Logie refused to accept the plea and moved for a full court hearing.

That third week of October, the trial began with standing room only and reports of curious citizens peering in the courthouse windows when they couldnt get a seat inside.

The court heard that the three men drew paper scraps to see which of them would carry out the mission, and that Skelly drew one depicting a fiery cross which gave him the assignment. Lee showed him where the church was located and how to get into it. After fortifying Skelly with some dandelion wine, his co-conspirators sent him of to do the deed.

Skelly set his explosives on the top of a brick wall running north-south in the church basement and lit the fuse. He ran away and fired one shot of the revolver to alert Lee, who lived nearby, that the thing was done. Next came the sound of the explosion, which sounded innocuous enough to those who heard it, much like the backfire of a car.

In the end, all three were found guilty and sent to Kingston Penitentiary. Skelly drew the harshest sentence of four years at hard labour with a recommendation from Justice Logie that he be deported at the end of his sentence. The Justice had a few words to add in closing.

In this country, I am told, for many years Catholics and Protestants have lived in amity, side by side, never troubling each other. That is as it should be. We do not want in this country conditions which formerly prevailed in that distressful isle, Ireland, nor do we want those conditions if the press is to be believed which prevail at the present moment in the republic to the south.

Afterwards, the Ku Klux Klan was held in very low esteem by the outraged Canadian people, both for its hateful mandate and for shaping a lost immigrant into a criminal and then turning their backs on him. The KKK quickly lost any favour they had built up in this country after that.

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What Do Holy Cross, An African-American Newspaper, and the Ku Klux Klan Have in Common? – NewBostonPost (blog)

By Evan Lips | March 15, 2017, 21:52 EDT

Printed from: http://newbostonpost.com/2017/03/15/what-do-holy-cross-an-african-american-newspaper-and-the-ku-klux-klan-have-in-common/

For much of the past 40 years, the student newspaper at Worcesters College of the Holy Cross has coincidentally shared the same name as the chief publication of the Ku Klux Klan.

Apparently, this innocent unintended co-occurrence did not become a problem that needed addressing by Holy Cross professors until 2017.

Last month, the editors-in-chief of The Crusader, the schools student-run newspaper, received a letter signed by 48 faculty members calling on them to consider a name change in response to the growing anti-Muslim tensions in our country, and to the fact that the Ku Klux Klan official newspaper shares the same name as our own.

Historically, the term crusader refers to the period of medieval Crusades, in which Christian solders fought with Muslim forces in an effort to seize control of the disputed Holy Land, which had been under Islamic control.

The undersigned professors cited the message in the colleges mission statement, which is marked by freedom, mutual respect and civility, in the letter and stressed that they question the value of a connection to names and imagery that are often used by others in ways counter to our mission and goals.

Students running the paper responded with a letter of their own in which they voiced their agreement with the undersigned faculty.

In another coincidence, the papers editors-in-chief indicate that the original change in name of the newspaper from The Tomahawk to The Crusader as the former name referred to Native American culture.

In 1955, the editors of this newspaper adopted the name Crusader in place of the former Tomahawk, announcing that the new name would better represent the values of Holy Cross and of the publication, the newspapers response stated. Effective immediately, we would like to initiate an ongoing discussion open to all students, faculty, staff, and alumni to determine whether this claim remains accurate in the year 2017.

The student editors also mentioneda letter they received from an entity not associated with the college that denounced mainline, controlled liberal media and claimed that multiculturalism is a prescription for white genocide.

The student editors wrote that they wondered whether the name of our publication might have been one influence behind this individuals decision to send such a vitriolic letter and later tried to make a connection between the authors denunciation of mainline, controlled liberal media and the alt-right.

We do not doubt that many would consider the Ku Klux Klans The Crusader to be a form of alternative media, and we consider our association with this label to be worthy of urgent discussion, the editors concluded.

That discussion is slated for Thursday night at 6 p.m., and will be held inside the universitys Rehm Library.

Left unreported, however, is the fact that the Chicago Crusader a newspaper aimed at serving the African-American communities in Chicago, Illinois, and Gary, Indiana, also shares the same name as the colleges newspaper.

The Chicago Crusaders mission statement notes that blacks must control their own community to the unconquerable host of Africans who are laying their sacrifices upon the editorial altar for their race.

The publication does not appear to be considering a name change at this time.

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Disturbing: Some Sandusky residents alarmed to find Ku Klux Klan fliers in driveways – fox8.com

Please enable Javascript to watch this video SANDUSKY, Ohio — People who live along Hayes Avenue, Mason Road, and Strub Road in Sandusky made a disturbing discovery Friday morning. Fliers from the Ku Klux Klan were apparently dropped in their driveways. A man who did not want to be identified said he spotted over a hundred fliers inside plastic bags. Erving Rickard lives along Strub Road and discovered a flier in his driveway. “I was amazed because most people in Sandusky get along,” said Rickard. In addition to some KKK literature, the flier urged people to just say no to drugs. Meantime, it’s a mystery as to who dropped the fliers off overnight. “I am going to throw it away. I honestly would have never paid much attention to it,” said Rickard. 41.448940 -82.707961

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April 1, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

Timeline History of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK)

Updated February 19, 2017 The Ku Klux Klan was and is undeniably a terrorist organization — but what made the Klan an especially insidious terrorist organization, and a threat to civil liberties, was that it functioned as the unofficial paramilitary arm of Southern segregationist governments. This allowed its members to kill with impunityand allowed Southern segregationists to eliminate activists by force without alerting federal authorities. Although the Klan is much less active today, it will be remembered as an instrument of cowardly Southern politicians who hid their faces behind hoods, and their ideology behind an unconvincing facade of patriotism. The Ku Klux Klan is founded. Former Confederate general and noted white supremacist Nathan Bedford Forrest, architect of the Fort Pillow Massacre, becomes the first Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. The Klan murders several thousand people in the former Confederate states as an effort to suppress the political participation of black Southerners and their allies. The Ku Klux Klan publishes its Organization and Principles. Although early supporters of the Klan claimed that it was philosophically a Christian, patriotic organization rather than a white supremacist group, a cursory glance at the Klan’s catechism reveals otherwise: 5. Are you opposed to Negro equality both social and political? 7. Are you in favor of constitutional liberty, and a government of equitable laws instead of a government of violence and oppression? 8. Are you in favor of maintaining the constitutional rights of the South? 9. Are you in favor of the reenfranchisement and emancipation of the white men of the South, and the restitution of the Southern people to all their rights, alike proprietary, civil, and political? 10. Do you believe in the inalienable right of self-preservation of the people against the exercise of arbitrary and unlicensed power? The “inalienable right to self-preservation” is a clear reference to the Klan’s violent activities — and its emphasis, even at this early stage, is clearly white supremacy. Congress passes the Klan Act, allowing the federal government to intervene and arrest Klan members on a large scale. Over the next several years, the Klan largely disappears and is replaced by other violent white supremacist groups. Thomas Dixon Jr. adapts his second Ku Klux Klan novel, The Clansman, into a play. Although fictional, the novel introduces the burning cross as a symbol for the Ku Klux Klan: Although Dixon implies that the Klan had always used the burning cross, it was, in fact, his invention. Dixon’s fawning adoration for the Klan, presented less than a half-century after the American Civil War, begins to revive the long-dormant organization. D.W. Griffith’s wildly popular film Birth of a Nation, an adaptation of Dixon’s The Clansman, revives national interest in the Klan. A Georgia lynch mob led by William J. Simmons — and including numerous prominent (but anonymous) members of the community, such as former Georgia governor Joe Brown — murders Jewish factory superintendent Leo Frank, then burns a cross on a hilltop and dubs itself the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. The Klan becomes a more public organizationand expands its platform to include Prohibition, anti-Semitism, xenophobia, anti-Communism, and anti-Catholicism. Spurred on by the romanticized white supremacist history portrayed in Birth of a Nation, bitter whites throughout the country begin to form local Klan groups. Indiana Klan Grand Dragon D.C. Stephenson is convicted of murder. Members subsequently begin to realize that they may actually face criminal charges for their behavior, and the Klan largely disappears — except in the South, where local groups continue to operate. Members of the Ku Klux Klan firebomb the home of NAACP Florida executive director Harry Tyson Moore and his wife, Harriet, on Christmas Eve. Both are killed in the blast. The murders are the first high-profile Southern Klan killings among many during the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s — most of which either go unprosecutedor result in acquittals by all-white juries. Members of the Ku Klux Klan bomb the predominantly black 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, killing four little girls. The Mississippi chapter of the Ku Klux Klan firebombs twenty predominantly black churches, and then (with the aid of local police) murders civil rights activists James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner. Edgar Ray Killen, the architect of the 1964 Chaney-Goodman-Schwerner murders, is convicted on manslaughter charges and sentenced to 60 years in prison. Up Next Up Next Article Up Next Article Up Next Article Up Next Article

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March 30, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

High School Play Featuring KKK Costumes Cancelled – CBS Minnesota / WCCO

March 27, 2017 10:40 PM By Jeff Wagner MINNEAPOLIS (WCCO) Amid growing controversy, New Prague High School has canceled performances of its spring play. The play in question, Larry Shues 1984 comedy The Foreigner, is about a man who pretends he cant speak English in rural Georgia. The play involves the presence of the Ku Klux Klan, which is among the town scandals the main character uncovers. Earlier, a student posted a screenshot of students dressed in KKK robes. The school principal told the towns newspaper that they had been made aware of the posting, and the insensitive nature of this post. The spring play, which was scheduled to perform this coming Friday and Saturday, was canceled. We feel it is in the best interest of New Prague Area Schools to not present the show this weekend, Principal Lonnie Seifert told the New Prague Times. This situation will also allow us the opportunity to have conversations with our students, staff and community as we continue to develop and model our character traits of acceptance and respect for all students within New Prague Area Schools. Ben Thietje, the plays directorand New Pragues theatre teacher, said the cancellation was a unanimous decision made by school administration and myself. The play has a positive message of acceptance and celebration of differences, he said, however,if it also causes stress to a portion of our student body, the point of performing it has been lost. The well-being of our students is the main concern. I take full responsibility in not doing a better job of communicating this message with students from the beginning. Is it disappointing? Yes, Im disappointed for the kids that invested so much time in the play and performing, said Seifert. But I think we also need to look at the big picture of our students and Im disappointed some of our students had to go through the feelings that they went through seeing that (social media) post. Principal Seifert said it was a tough decision cancelling the schools spring play, The Foreigner. Its been performed in high schools across the country. The story is a comedy and portrays the KKK as antagonists. Its got a good message, a message of inclusiveness and acceptance of all, Seifert said. But unfortunately I believe what happened with the social media, the message is now lost. The picture taken during rehearsal and posted online includes a caption reading I think youre gonna wanna come to the spring play. I really truly dont believe there was ill intent on the part of the person that posted it, Seifert said. But the damage was done. Students and parents offended by the post and the play met with Seifert, the plays director and other administrators. He said they felt disrespected and were uncomfortable with the idea of students performing in KKK costumes. There were some tough conversations had about it but in the end were all in agreement this was probably the best decision we could make at this point in time, Seifert said of cancelling the show. Seifert said the students he met with Monday were a mix of races and ethnicities. The plays director said he takes full responsibility for not better communicating the play and its message with the student body. Siefert said students had been rehearsing for the show for more than a month. Jeff Wagner joined the WCCO-TV team in November 2016 as a general assignment reporter. Although he’s new to Minnesota, he’s called the Midwest home his entire life. Born and raised in the Chicago suburbs, Jeff spent most of his childhood in…

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March 28, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

America’s Brush With Fascism – Slate Magazine

Klan members hold a night rally in 1920. Photo illustration by Natalie Matthews-Ramo. Photos by Thinkstock and United States Library of Congress. This article supplements Fascism, a Slate Academy. To learn more and to enroll, visit Slate.com/Fascism. Adapted from Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan by Nancy K. MacLean. Published by Oxford University Press. Historians have explained the demise of the second Ku Klux Klan within a decade of its 1915 founding in a variety of ways. Many have pointed to internal problems such as hypocritical leaders and factionalism. Others have cited effective opposition from the press, civic leaders, or residents in particular locales. Some have argued that the very success of Klan politicians in winning office bred demoralization, as once in power they failed to furnish the dramatic changes they had promised. Similarly, some point to the subsiding of local problems such as crime or to how experience exposed the falsity of Klan claims.1 One writer has even suggested that the Klans very nature doomed it.2 If that particular assertion seems wishful thinking, many of the other observations are apt. But the main problem with prevailing accounts of the Klans decline is the parochial vision that serves as their starting point. State or local in conception, almost none of the scholarly studies on the Klan examines the American movement in its international setting.3 They make no effort to come to terms with the Klan as an expression of what European historian Arno Mayer refers to as the General Crisis and Thirty Years War of the twentieth century. Bounded on one end by the First World War and on the other by the Second World War, this epoch was marked by pervasive social change and political crisis, above all by the contest between right and left, the ideological struggle, as Mayer sums it up, between fascism and bolshevism. That match ultimately yielded the regimes of Mussolini in Italy, of Franco in Spain, and of Hitler in Germany.4 – MULTIPLE AUTHORS The Small, but Significant, Fascist Movements of the U.S. and Britain NICHOLAS OSHAUGHNESSY The Nazis Propaganda Trick: Invite the Public to Help Create an Alternate Reality JOHN BROICH Why You Shouldnt Believe the Myth of Islamofascism in World War II ELLEN UMANSKY The Refugee Ban That Kept 20,000 Jewish Children Out of the U.S. TIMOTHY SNYDER Hitler Modeled His Plan for Global Conquest After Americas Manifest Destiny – MULTIPLE AUTHORS Fascisms Terrible Apogee: Our Reading Group Arrives at National Socialism in Germany If historians have largely overlooked the common ground occupied by European fascist movements and the Klan of the 1920s, many contemporaries did not. Some Klan spokespeople recognized the kinship between their movement and those of Mussolini and Hitler. The Klan newspaper Imperial Night Hawk asserted that Mussolinis fight to crush communism and anarchy was an entirely worthy cause. The Rev. Charles Jefferson of New York stated the relationship most aptly. The Ku Klux Klan, he explained, is the Mussolini of America, the organizational expression of the vast volume of discontent in this country with things as they are.6 Moreover, when, after the onset of the Great Depression, organizations emerged in the United States that openly identified with fascists across the sea, the Klan came to their aid. The reason for the crossover is not hard to find. The Mussolini-inspired American Order of Fascisti, or Black Shirts, which enlisted several of these Klan stalwarts, proclaimed its commitment to white supremacy. It campaigned to solve white unemployment by taking jobs from blacks and defended racist murders. The Klan had much in common with German National Socialism and Italian fascism not only in its worldview but also in its dynamics as a social movement. All three movements emerged from the crucible of world war and grew in times of economic difficulty, class polarization, and political impasse. Each mobilized men and women from a broad spectrum of the population but had particular attraction for the petite bourgeoisie. Each of these movements also enlisted the active backing or toleration of important members of the established elite and gained strength from the legitimacy thus bestowed. They also exerted particular appeal for members of the police and armed forces, who in turn provided aid and cover for the movements extralegal terror. Finally, all three movements had similar organizational styles in their conscious emphasis on the irrational, on liturgical rituals, and on public displays of power.11 Much more than American historians have realized, Klan ideology shared common features with its Nazi contemporary.7 Like the Klan, Hitler embraced a reactionary populism that blended outspoken resentment of established elites with vitriolic anti-communism. Regularly exaggerating the power and prospects of the left, he was obsessed with destroying the organized workers movement. Like the Klans criticisms of Americas economic system, his attacks on Germanys were superficial and his positive proposals vague. In place of reason, Hitler exalted passion and advocated a propaganda geared to the emotions. He recognized and exploited the power of symbolism and such rituals as torchlight parades. In place of careful analysis, he pushed conspiratorial explanations. In place of a parliamentary democracy he declared mired in corruption and soft on communism, he called for a strong man to take charge. In place of the rule of law, he substituted the calculated paramilitary terror of the Brown Shirts. And, finally, in place of the notion of fundamental human equality: strident nationalism and murderous racism.8 Indeed, as they were for the Klan, nationalism and racialism were National Socialisms means of countering the class divisions it so abhorred. Race was posited as the wellspring of human culture and history. Demonizing Jews, in particular, as the source of all the purported evils of modernityfrom materialism, to Bolshevism, to changes in sexual mores and mass cultureHitler positioned them at the core of his revolutionary counterrevolutionism, a lightning rod to give it mass appeal.9 Of course, to highlight the family resemblance is not to assert that these movements were similar in all respects. Italian fascism, for example, did not rely on anti-Semitism and other racialism the way that the Klan and National Socialism did.12 And the Klan differed in some important ways from those two prototypical fascist movements. Not least, the Klans class politics were more ambiguous. Here the Klan bore the marks of its birthplace. Operating in a nation with much lower levels of working-class organization and consciousness, the Klan sometimes even posed as the friend of organized labor in the face of common enemies.13 More commonly, the Klan took advantage of the deep racial, ethnic, and skill divisions in the American working class to advance its project, especially in the South. It preyed on the narrow craft-union consciousness of native-born, Protestant, white, skilled workers in efforts to turn them against black, foreign-born, and radical workers. The Klans greatest successes among trade unionists tended to follow disastrous defeats, sometimes involving strike-breakers from other ethnic groups, which left some native-born white workers casting about for scapegoats and alternatives to class-based politics.14 There were other contrasts as well. Klansmen seemed less inclined than their continental peers to welcome the idea of dictatorship, even if that was the conclusion their leaders screeds against impotent government pointed to. Klan spokespeople sometimes criticized Mussolini, not only for being an ally of the Pope or a rival nationalist who might appeal to Italian Americans but also for being a despotic ruler.15 And however hedged in formulation and belied in practice, Klan leaders declared regard for the Constitution meant that they at least feared appearing to deviate from it. Finally, the Klans reverence for Protestantism also distinguished it. Seeing established churches as competing centers of belief or power, Nazis were far less inclined to accept them.16 Future research will undoubtedly uncover more contrasts. The point is thus not to argue for absolute homology. It is rather to insist that the Klan was not a movement sui generis: It had enough in common with contemporary European mass movements of the far right to make for meaningful comparison. The family resemblance between the Klan and classic fascism, however, puts the problem of interpreting the Klans demise into a whole new light. Once the Klan is viewed in transnational perspective, a more chilling hypothesis emerges about why Klan strength waned so quickly right across the country after mid-decade. The causes usually adduced for this decline may be incidental to the simple fact that circumstances in the United States never reached the point that they did in the nations where fascism ultimately triumphed. After all, as late as the elections of 1928, the Nazis took only 2.6 percent of the total vote and were seen as a minor, and declining splinter party. By contrast, in 1924, a Klan write-in candidate for mayor was able to attract more than one-third of the vote in Detroit, the fourth-largest American city. Had the Depression not hit Germany as hard as it subsequently did, National Socialism might today be dismissed as the Klan sometimes is: a historical curiosity whose doom was foreordained.17 In the United States, on the other hand, the social conditions that once fueled Klan growth had largely abated by mid-decade. In the nation at large, the postwar recession gave way to boom and renewed growth by 1923. The economic crisis loomed larger and longer in the South and in farming regions of the Midwest than in the industrial North, not as dependent on the sick industries of agriculture, textiles, and mining. Yet, even in the South, the sense of economic apocalypse had faded by mid-decade. By 1925, the regional economy had rebounded, and the press was reporting with palpable relief the revival of crop values and textile demand.18 What appears distinctive about the Klan is less the specific ideas it stood for than the way it synthesized them. The pitched class conflict of 19191921 also rapidly abated, as employers, with the aid of the government Red Scare and new technology, regained the upper hand. By 1924, the offensive against labor and the left had largely succeeded. For the first time in American history, unions failed to grow during a time of relative prosperity. Socialist Party membership in the nation as a whole dropped drastically from 110,000 in 1919 to 12,000 four years later; the Communist Party, for its part, never amassed more than 20,000 members at any point in the decade. By contrast, the German Communist Party in the 20sthe smaller of the countrys main left-wing partiesenlisted a membership that ran as high as 380,000 and drew as many as 3 million votes.19 Like the struggle for industrial democracy in the United States, the wartime and postwar offensive for racial equity had clearly run aground by a few years into the new decade. Despite determined, often heroic, efforts, blacks had been unable to attract enough white support to dismantle any of the apparatus of white supremacy, as the federal governments unwillingness to pass even mild anti-lynching legislation attested. The NAACP lost almost 200 branches by 1923, and over 70,000 membersor more than two-thirds of its 1919 rosterover the decade. The hemorrhage was especially severe in the South, where both challenge and resistance had been greatest.20 The discouragement of blacks, like that of labor, no doubt undercut the urgency many of the Klans followers and sympathizers had hitherto felt.21 Without the extra charge that came from association with labor militancy and black struggle, the changes in gender and generational relations came to seem less threatening. As important as feminism, the so-called sexual revolution, and the spread of the commercial leisure industry had been in winning the Klan a mass following, neither their continued spread nor the ongoing and widespread defiance of Prohibition proved sufficient to keep Klan members mobilized after the other challenges had receded. Here, in fact, if in few other areas, the Klan defeat was unambiguous. The persistence of bootlegging and gambling, the popularity of dancing and movie-going, and young womens enthusiasm for the social freedom and sensual pleasures symbolized by the flapper all made clear the tenuousness of the family values the Klan stood for. In short, on most fronts, Klansmen could feel, if not triumphant, at least relieved by mid-decade. As the sharp polarizations of the postwar years abated, their movement must have come to seem like overkill to all but the most devoted. Without extreme conditions, extreme measures enjoyed less legitimacy. But that change in circumstances leaves open, for us, an unsettling question: What if the interwar social crisis had reached the scale in America that it did in Italy or Germany? How might native-born, middle-class whites have reacted? We know enough to make easy optimism untenable. Indeed, what emerges most forcefully from this study of the Klan is the wealth of cultural material at hand that a movement like the Klan could build on. Under conditions of economic uncertainty, sharply contested social relations, and political impasse, assumptions about class, race, gender, and state power so ordinary as to appear common sense to most WASP Americans could be refashioned and harnessed to the building of a virulent reactionary politics able to mobilize millions. What appears distinctive about the Klan is less the specific ideas it stood for than the way it synthesized them. But those ideas themselves, at least in more understated form, had a long-standing and widely accepted place in the dominant culture. Black Americans and recent immigrants may have contributed more than we will ever know to keeping reactionary populist movements at bay. Indeed, what seems most striking in this story is the adaptability of many conventional American sensibilities to a reactionary populist project. The core elements of Klan ideology were not as aberrant as one might imagine. Generations of observers of American culture, for example, have remarked on what one writer calls the imperial middle: the pervasive assumption that America had always been and should stay a middle-class society, and the corollary denial that other classes had valid interests of their own. In times of pitched struggle, such as that which followed World War I, those axioms could easily slide into an insistence that class conflict was illegitimate, even treasonous, and should be suppressed. The unusual sway of individualism, moreover, made the United States fertile terrain for racialist explanations of why some people succeeded and others failed, explanations that ranged from Manifest Destiny to Social Darwinism and eugenics. Indeed, historians have lately become more aware of how, from the time of the republics founding, American ideas of middle-class standing and citizenship rights were coded in racially exclusive ways. So, too, was American middle-class consciousness molded and galvanized, from its very origins, by notions of appropriate gender roles and moral respectability.22 The evangelical strain so prominent in American culture could also play its part in establishing an indigenous form for the apocalyptic, anti-rational, and Manichean emphases of fascist thought. And it would not be such a long leap from the many American varieties of vigilantismnot only lynching but also white-capping, anti-labor citizens committees, and, more generally, the veneration of rough-and-ready frontier justice in popular cultureto the politics of the piazza characteristic of fascism in its mobilization phase.23 Of course, to say this is not to imply that all elements in American culture worked to the Klans advantage or even that all of those that did necessarily did so, that they could not have led to different conclusions. Here I am much persuaded by the accounts of European fascism that reject fatalistic readings of the proclivities of the petite bourgeoisie and stress, instead, contingency: the degree of organization of anti-fascist forces and the political choices made by their leaders mattered very much.24 Even in the narrowed political spectrum of the 1920s, Klan leaders confronted some ideas and values that defied their ambitions. Majority rule, religious tolerance, and regard for the rule of law, for example, all had significant, if not majoritarian, followings. Among the reasons ordinarily cited by historians for why the United States bypassed the road some of its great-power peers took is the fact that a strong and inclusive working-class movement was able to pose an alternative to both the far right and the discredited status quo during the Great Depression. As civil rights movement veteran Anne Braden once observed, the times when the Klan has failed to grow are as instructive as those when it has. In neither the 1930s nor the 1960s did it make much headway, she argues, because in each period strong mass movements advocated real answers to social and economic problems at the same time as there was a strong offensive against the ideology of racism.25 If this analysis has merit, then the irony is acute. That phenomenon deemed least American by the dominant culture from the founding of the republic forwardclass struggle waged by the propertyless, many of them black Americans and recent immigrantsmay have contributed more than we will ever know to keeping reactionary populist movements at bay in the United States during the Great Depression. Perhaps, after all, it was those with the least stake in society who had the most stake in defending democracy. Adapted from Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan by Nancy K. MacLean with permission from Oxford University Press. Oxford University Press 1995. 1. Hux, Klan in Macon, 21; Loucks, Klan in Pennsylvania, 164; Moore, Citizen Klansmen, 184-86; Goldberg, Hooded Empire, 58, 94-95, 178-79; Gerlach, Blazing Crosses, xvi-xvii, 8; Jenkins, Steel Valley Klan, 153; Alexander, Crusade for Conformity, 27. 2. The Klans ultimate weakness, maintained Kenneth Jackson, was its lack of a positive program and a corresponding reliance upon emotion rather than reason. The genuine American sense of decency, he concluded, finally asserted itself and consigned the once mighty Klan to obscurity. Jackson, Klan in the City, 254-55. For similar, if less cheerful, views, see Gerlach, Blazing Crosses, 8, 83. 3. To the extent that scholars of the Klan make the comparison, they tend to dispose of it quickly and speciously. See, for example, Cocoltchos, Invisible Government, 626. Exceptions to the prevailing provincialism are Robert Moats Miller, The Ku Klux Klan, in Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America: The 1920s, ed. John Braeman, Robert H. Bremner, and David Brody (n.p., 1968), 215-55; Victor C. Ferkiss, Populist Influences on American Fascism, Western Political Quarterly 10 (June 1957), 350-73. Both of these works are now quite dated; Ferkisss work is particularly flawed by its one-sided caricature, taking off from Richard Hofstadter, of the Populism of the 1890s and its assertion of a direct, unmediated link between it and the fascisms of the twentieth century. 4. Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken 31. For discussion of the international retreat in recent years from comparative study of these movements, see Tim Mason, Whatever Happened to Fascism? Radical History Review 49 (1991), 89-98. For the differences between counterrevolution, reaction, and conservatism and why they matter, see Arno J. Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution in Europe, 1870-1956: An Ana- lytic Framework (New York, 1971). 5. Quoted in James R. Green, Grass-Roots Socialism: Radical Movements in the Southwest, 1895-1943 (Baton Rouge, 1978), 401-5; Siegfried, America Comes of Age, 134; Arthur Corning White, An American Fascismo, Forum 72 (1924), 636-42. See also Atlanta Independent, 21 Dec. 1922, p. 1; Our Own Secret Fascisti, Nation 115 (15 Nov. 1922), 514; Burbank, Agrarian Radicals and Their Opponents; see also DuBois, The Shape of Fear, 293; Bohn, The Klan Interpreted, 397. The discussion that follows concentrates on the commonalities between the Klan and fascist movements, not fascist governments in power, given the changes in composition, ideology, and object that occurred once fascist leaders assumed direction of the state. 6. Searchlight, 4 Nov. 1922, p. 4; Imperial Night Hawk, 4 April 1923, p. 2; Kourier, June 1925, p. 10; Jefferson, Roman Catholicism and the Ku Klux Klan, 145. 11. For analyses along these lines of fascism as a social movement, see Allen, Nazi Seizure of Power; the essays in David Forgacs, ed., Re- thinking Italian Fascism: Capitalism, Populism and Culture (London, 1986); Giampiero Carocci, Italian Fascism, trans. Isabel Quigly (Baltimore, 1975), esp. 7-27; Childers, The Nazi Voter: The Social Foundations of Fas- cism in Germany, 1919-1933 (Chapel Hill, 1983); Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution; Trotsky, Struggle Against Fascism in Germany; idem, Whither France (1936; reprint, New York, 1968); Daniel Guerin, Fascism and Big Business, trans. Frances and Mason Merr (n.p., 1973); Felix Mor- row, Revolution Counter-Revolution in Spain (New York, 1974). For a dissenting view about lower-middle-class dominance in Hitlers popular following, and emphasis, instead, on upper- and upper-middle-class back- ing, see Richard F. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler (Princeton, 1982). 7. The discussion of Nazi ideology in this and ensuing paragraphs builds heavily on Mayer, The Syncretism of Mein Kampf, chap. 4 of Why Did the Heavens Not Darken 90-109. Hereafter, it will only be cited when quoted; other sources will be cited as appropriate. 8. Quotes from Allen, Nazi Seizure of Power, 22; Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken! 98. See also Mosse, Nazi Culture, 319-22; Mayer, Dynamics of Counterrevolution, 64; Gunter W. Remmling, The Destruction of the Workers Mass Movements in Nazi Germany, in Dobkowski and Walliman, Radical Perspectives on the Rise of Fascism, 215-30; Kurt Patzold, Terror and Demagoguery in the Consolidation of the Fascist Dictatorship in Germany, 1933-34, in loc. cit., 231-46. 9. The phrase revolutionary counterrevolutionism comes from Mayer, who uses it to capture Hitlers self-representation as a revolutionary against revolution. (Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken! 94). On Nazi racialism, see Mosse, Nazi Culture, 2, 57-60. 12. Roderick Kedward, Afterword: What Kind of Revisionism, in Forgacs, Rethinking Italian Fascism, 198; Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken! 54-55. 13. See, for example, Searchlight, 22 July 1922, p. 4. 14. For illustrations, see Duffus, Klan in the Middle West, 365; Gladys L. Palmer, Union Tactics and Economic Change (Philadelphia, 1932), 38-44; Cocoltchos, Invisible Government, 194-96, 260-61, 331. 15. Kourier, Dec. 1929, p. 4; also Imperial Night-Hawk, 4 April 1923, p. 2; White, Heroes of the Fiery Cross, 79-84. 16. For examples from Athens, see ABH, 21 Jan. 1925, p. 1; J. T. Jones o Exalted Cyclops and Klansmen of Athens, 1 June 1925, box 1, AK. Nationally, see Klan, Georgia, Official Document, Nov. 1926, pp. 1, 23; Klan, Official Monthly Bulletin, 1 Dec. 1926, pp. 1, 2. On churches, see Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power, 272; Mosse, Nazi Culture, 235-40. 17. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler! 3; Jackson, Klan in the City, 137-38. On conditions in Germany at the time of the election of 1932, see Childers, Nazi Voter, 192-93. In terms of social setting, the American experience of these years was more like that of England. Victors in the war, both of these countries developed similar movements of the far right, yet the impasse was less severe and their systems more able to accommodate the strain. 18. See, e.g., ABH,5 April 1927, p. 1; ABH,20 Jan. 1930, p. 1. 19. Leo Wolman, The Growth of American Trade Unions, 26, 33-37; Barnett, American Trade Unionism; Montgomery, Fall of the House of Labor, 453-54; Bernstein, Lean Years; and Dunn, Americanization of La- bor. The rout of labor in the South was especially thorough. See Layne, Cotton Mill Worker, 203-6; Evans, History of Organized Labor, 90; Yabroff and Herlihy, History of Work Stoppages, 368-70. On the Left, see Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia, 187, 513; Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 130-31; Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler!301. 20. Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, 162; McMillen, Dark Journey, 314-16. 21. For the rise and demise of black militancy in the postwarU.S., see Stein, World of Marcus Garvey, esp. 129-32. For Garveys accommodation to the Ku Klux Klan in the South, see ibid., 153-54, 159-60; Zangrando, NAACP Crusade Against Lynching, 91. 22. The phrase comes from DeMott, Imperial Middle. For growing militarism and antipathy to labor struggle in the larger, multi-million- member fraternal tradition, see Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood, chap. 8, 26-28; Lynn Dumenil, Freemasonry and American Culture, 18801930 (Princeton, 1984), 147; and chap. 4. For American racialist traditions, see, for example, Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought, rev. ed. (Boston, 1955); Stephen Steinberg, The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in America (Boston, 1981); Higham, Strangers in the Land; Gordon, Womans Body, Womans Right, 136-58; Thomas G. Dyer, Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race (Baton Rouge, 1980). On the face-coding of class, see Jordan, White Over Black; Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom; Ronald T. Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1979); Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class Politics and Mass Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (London, 1990); David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London, 1991). On gender and middle-class consciousness, see, for a start, Mary P. Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (New York, 1986). 23. James Weldon Johnson, testimony before United States Senate, To Prevent and Punish the Crime of Lynching, Hearing before a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, 69th Congress, 1st session, 16 February 1926 (Washington, D .C ., 1926), 24. For the cultural legitimacy of such violence, see, in particular, Richard Maxwell Brown, Strain of Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism (New York, 1975), esp. chap. 6, Lawless Lawfulness: Legal and Behavioral Perspectives on American Vigilantism. 24. Allen, Nazi Seizure of Power, esp. 276; David Forgacs, The Left and Fascism: Problems of Definition and Strategy, in Forgacs, ed., Re- thinking Italian Fascism; Mabel Berezin, Created Constituencies: The Italian Middle Classes and Fascism, in loc. cit., esp. 158; Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler esp. 422,441;Rudy Koshar, On the Politics of the Splintered Classes: An Introductory Essay, in Koshar, ed., Splintered Classes, esp. 6, 15; and the tragically prescient commentary by Leon Trotsky, Struggle Against Fascism in Germany. 25. Anne Braden, Lessons from a History of Struggle, Southern Exposure 8, n. 2 (Summer 1980), 56. There are even some reports of former Klansmen in the South crossing over to the interracial Southern Tenant Farmers Union and the Socialist and Communist Parties. See Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 207; Green, Grass-Roots Socialism, 414; Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammmer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression, (Chapel Hill, 1990), 28, 61. For an extraordinary, suggestive recent example of such a turn, see Why I Quit the Klan; Studs Terkel Interviews C. P. Ellis, Southern Exposure 8, n. 2 (Summer 1980), 95-98.

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March 22, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

The Hate Report: A KKK sign, beer hall Nazis and a Trump adviser – Reveal (blog)

Thanks for your interest in republishing this story. By Will Carless Reveal from The Center for Investigative ReportingMarch 17, 2017 As a nonprofit newsroom, we want to share our work with as many people as possible. You are free to embed our audio and video content from SoundCloud and YouTube, respectively. You may republish any story free of charge and will be fully indemnified by us from legal challenges as long as you follow these guidelines: If you have any questions, comments or concerns about our content, please contact us at republish@revealnews.org. If you do republish our work, please let us know at that same email address. By Will Carless / March 17, 2017 This story was originally published by Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting, a nonprofit news organization based in the San Francisco Bay Area. Learn more at revealnews.org and subscribe to the Reveal podcast, produced with PRX, at revealnews.org/podcast. Sign up here to get The Hate Report emailed to you every Friday. The quaint town of Dahlonega, Georgia, has been the scene for angry protests and counterprotests for the last three weeks, since an elderly businesswoman hung a sign overlooking the town square, proclaiming a vacant building a Historic Ku Klux Klan Meeting Hall. The sign didnt last long, according to an account of the towns travails in The Washington Post over the weekend. But its hateful message ripped open a wound many in the town thought had healed long ago and got residents asking a question that is being repeated across America. Is this indicative of something bigger? the Post quotes Paul Dunlap, a local university professor, as saying. Like, do they think they have a voice? The answer to Dunlaps question comes later in the story, from Chester Doles, a former leader in the Klan and a former member of a white separatist group called the National Alliance, who cheered on the appearance of the sign. In the last 50 years, I didnt think we had the votes to elect a governor, much less a president, Doles said. And yet here we are today. And rural Georgia was far from the only part of the country where a hate crime stirred up local sentiment. In Salem, Oregon, last week, a man attacked a worker in a Middle Eastern restaurant with a pipe after deciding a woman inside was being held as a slave by what he told police was a Saddam Hussein-looking guy. The man, 52-year-old Jason Kendall, faces possible hate crime charges. During the attack, Kendall allegedly screamed, Go back to your country, a phrase that has become an anthem of hate across America. In Seattle, workers at one of the citys largest synagogues arrived Saturday to find Holocaust denial graffiti spray-painted on a wall. The synagogue decided to leave the graffiti intact at first, so everybody could see it, the temples rabbi later explained. And in Florida, a man attempted to burn down a convenience store that he believed was owned by a Muslim. The would-be arsonist, 64-year-old Richard Lloyd, told the police he wanted to run the Arabs out of our country. The store is owned by Americans of Indian descent. Hateful posters and fliers have been showing up on American college campuses in record numbers, according to an Anti-Defamation League report last week. On Monday, the University of Maryland got a taste of the hate when white nationalist posters appeared in at least four spots around campus, according to the universitys student newspaper. One poster read: A notice to all white Americans: It is your civic duty to report any and all illegal aliens to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. They are criminals. The web address for a white nationalist organization appeared at the bottom. Posters advertising the same group also were posted at the university in December. Across the country in Arizona, the Islamic Center of Tucson reported that a man broke into its mosque early Monday and damaged about 130 copies of the Muslim holy book: He ripped copies of the Quran and threw them around the prayer room before leaving the building, the center wrote. Thankfully no one was hurt. The man was caught on surveillance footage and is being sought by police. A slew of anti-Semitic incidents in the Portland, Oregon, area has coincided with the recent surfacing of a celebrity KKK leader in the area, according to the Willamette Week. Steven Shane Howard, whom the Southern Poverty Law Center has identified as the imperial wizard of the North Mississippi White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, wrote in a Facebook post in May that he was moving to Vancouver, Washington, to start the Washington knights of the Ku klux klan, the Week reports. Vancouver sits across the Columbia River from Portland. (However, Howard told the magazine that he had moved away from Mississippi to get away from the KKK.) Theres no indication that Howard has been involved in anti-Semitic activities in Oregon, but over the weekend, swastikas were spray-painted in a southeast Portland neighborhood. Earlier in the month, a local Jewish center received a death threat, and on Sunday, there was this incident at a local bar where cards advertising neo-Nazi websites have been left recently: On March 12, (bar employee Ilan) Moskowitz says he overheard a conversation at a table of 10 white patrons that led him to confront them about the fliers. One young man in a Make America Great Again hat said, giggling, No, youve got it all wrong, were a black power group, according to Moskowitz. The group then started chanting black power and raising their fists. When staff attempted to kick out those patrons, at first they refused to leave. On their way out, one man played bagpipes he had brought and another declared, I called my Nazi friends, after dancing around the manager and repeatedly calling him anti-gay slurs. The story continues: Moskowitz, who is Jewish, didnt think before confronting a group that outnumbered the bar staff 2-to-1 that night. My whole life, I hear about this shit, he says. My grandfather survived two prison camps. Ill tell you what was going through my head: This is how Hitler got started. In a beer hall. Meanwhile, in Charleston, South Carolina, more racist graffiti was left on buildings, including a library named for Cynthia Hurd, one of the victims of Dylann Roof, who killed nine people in a city church in 2015. The local county council chairman told CNN: The vandalism that occurred at the Cynthia Graham Hurd/St. Andrews Regional Library is both unfortunate and sad. Its a theme weve come back to a few times in The Hate Report: the fact that five states remain without specific hate crime statutes, despite the reported recent increase in such crimes across the nation. One of those states is Indiana, where a broad coalition of minority groups came together Wednesday to hold a press conference calling on state legislators to pass a hate crime law. The event was covered by the Indianapolis Star, which quoted David Sklar, government affairs director with the local Jewish Community Relations Council, who spoke alongside leaders from the black, Sikh, LGBT, Jewish, Muslim and Hispanic communities. We are not at the apex of this conversation nationally, Sklar said. We are not setting precedent. We are not pushing an agenda or creating some sort of social experiment. Theres simply no reason our legislators need to be concerned about the impact of this legislation or deviate from what is working in other states. Crimes across the country still may be prosecuted under the federal hate crime law, though it is worth noting that Attorney General Jeff Sessions, who directs the nations federal prosecutors, has been an outspoken opponent of the law. In Minneapolis, federal authorities announced that they are investigating threats to Jewish community centers in Minnesota and across the country as hate crimes. For weeks, Sebastian Gorka, one of President Donald Trumps highest advisers, has been suspected of being involved with a Hungarian group, known as the Vitzi Rend, that once was allied with the Nazis. On Thursday, the Forward reported that Gorka pledged a lifelong allegiance to the organization, citing Vitzi Rend leaders. Gorka previously has been criticized for wearing the groups insignia medal at public events. The Forward, a newspaper that covers American Jewish issues, reports that membership of the group could have serious implications for Gorkas status as an immigrant: The elite order, known as the Vitzi Rend, was established as a loyalist group by Admiral Miklos Horthy, who ruled Hungary as a staunch nationalist from 1920 to October 1944. A self-confessed anti-Semite, Horthy imposed restrictive Jewish laws prior to World War II and collaborated with Hitler during the conflict. His cooperation with the Nazi regime included the deportation of hundreds of thousands of Jews into Nazi hands. Gorkas membership in the organization if these Vitzi Rend leaders are correct, and if Gorka did not disclose this when he entered the United States as an immigrant could have implications for his immigration status. The State Departments Foreign Affairs Manual specifies that members of the Vitzi Rend are presumed to be inadmissible to the country under the Immigration and Nationality Act. Reveal host Al Letson interviewed Gorka for a special podcast last week. You can listen to the interview here. Thursday also saw the indictment of 57-year-old Robin Rhodes, who attacked a Muslim airport employee in New York in January. The New York Daily News reported that Rhodes allegedly shouted some now-familiar words at the worker he abused: Trump is here now, he taunted, according to prosecutors. He will get rid of all of you. You can ask Germany, Belgium and France about these kind of people. You will see what happens. Richard Spencer, a notorious poster boy for white nationalists across America and a leader of the so-called alt-right movement, has a dirty secret. Despite frequently telling audiences that the white race has thrived without the help of other races, Spencer himself benefits directly from a legacy of white exploitation of black workers, Reveal reported today. Heres a snippet from reporter Lance Williams scoop: Americas rise was not through black people and has nothing to do with slavery, Spencer retorted. White people could have figured out another way to pick cotton, he said. We do it now. He is in a position to know. Spencer, along with his mother and sister, are absentee landlords of 5,200 acres of cotton and corn fields in an impoverished, largely African American region of Louisiana, according to records examined by Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting. The farms, controlled by multiple family-owned businesses, are worth millions: A 1,600-acre parcel sold for $4.3 million in 2012. The Spencer familys farms also are subsidized heavily by the federal government. From 2008 through 2015, the Spencers received $2 million in U.S. farm subsidy payments, according to federal data. Its been a bad week for Spencer. On Monday, the nonprofit organization he runs, The National Policy Institute, was stripped of its tax-exempt status by the IRS. Reached by the Los Angeles Times, Spencer admitted confusion on the matter: I dont know what to say. I dont want to make a comment because I dont understand this stuff, Spencer said in a telephone interview. Its a bit embarrassing, but its not good. Well figure it out. Look out for our interview with Spencer on Saturdays podcast, too.

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March 20, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

US president promoting Islamophobia, racism: Journalist – Press TV

US President Donald Trump leaves in his limousine after the annual Friends of Ireland luncheon at the Capitol March 16, 2017 in Washington, DC. (Photo by AFP) The White House has announced it will appeal against the rulings of two federal judges who blocked President Donald Trumps second executive order about travel ban on citizens of Muslim-majority countries. Two federal judges in Hawaii and Maryland froze Trumps order to close US borders to nationals from Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen. Press TV has asked Sander Hicks, an investigative journalist, and Peter Sinnott, an independent scholar, both from New York about the argument on theban in the United States. Hicks said that the new US president showedhis racist and anti-Islam nature during the 2016 presidential race. Trump was Islamophobic and his targeting of Muslims is now a part of this legal complaint, the analyst said on Thursday night. He said several judges and pro-migrant activists are going to file a lawsuit against the US presidents travel ban. Everything that happened in the past year with the campaign and all the clear Islamophobia is now in a legal document, he added. Referring to the background of the Trump family in promoting racism, he said, Fred Trump, Donald Trumps father, was arrested in 1927 at a Ku Klux Klan riot. The Department of Justice in 1973 prosecuted Donald Trump and Fred Trump for racist discriminatory practices; so, Trumps scapegoating of Islam is the oldest trick in the book, Hicks noted. He went on to say that the courts are stopping Trump from his Islamophobic, racist anddiscriminatory ban on any immigrants or any refugees from the top six countries. Read More: The immigration problem that the US and other Western states are facing are the consequences of former American president George W. Bushs decision to invade Iraq in 2003 and goes back to the 9/11 terrorist attack and its cover-up by Bush and his vice president Dick Cheney, he argued. According to the commentator, the United States so-called war on terror is in fact a war for US oil and a war for US global strategic interests. Sinnott saidTrumps executive order is not a travel ban against Muslims.Pointing to judicial attempts to block Trumps order, he said the setback is merely political. The US Supreme Court, he said, will uphold the order “based on its wording, because the wording does not discriminate against Muslims. He touched on Yemen, Sudan, Libya, Somalia and Syria as the countries whichhave difficulties with war and terrorism and cannot vet immigrants. Iran is a different case in the travel ban list and it could be negotiated to solve long-term problems between Washington and Tehran, he said. Unlike any of the others on the list, Iran has the opportunity to change the parameters, because its not a country in civil war or incredible turmoil. Referring to the exemption of Saudi Arabia from the travel ban list, he said, It is the center of a philosophy that has been attacking the United States and it is one of the main exporters of a philosophy and of a people that in the end are involved in terrorism.

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March 17, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

KKK ‘not welcome’ in Asheboro, NC, over planned cross-burning, mayor says – Washington Times

The Ku Klux Klan isnt welcome in Asheboro, North Carolina, the citys mayor said Monday, notwithstanding its plan to hold a cross-burning there in a matter of weeks. A KKK offshoot known as the Loyal White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan announced plans last week to gather in Asheboro, north of Charlotte, for a whites only event on May 6, spurring condemnation from the city and a local congressman. Mayor David Smith doubled down on the citys stance Monday and told local reporters that Klan members arent welcome in Asheboro as far as hes concerned. Its contrary to what we believe. Its contrary to what most people in Asheboro believe, Mr. Smith told the Asheboro Courtier-Tribune Monday. Its contrary to the message of the City of Asheboro. Our position is, dont come here. We would prefer that they not come to Asheboro, they are not welcome in Asheboro, he told a local Fox News affiliate. The Loyal White Knights is based out of Pelham and is considered to be perhaps the most active Klan group in the United States, according to the Anti-Defamation League. That particular faction boasted upwards of 200 members across 15 states last year, the ADL said in a 2016 report. On its website last week, the Loyal White Knight said itll congregate on May 6 in Asheboro for a rally that will include a klavern meeting, speeches, dinner and a crosslighting at dark. The people of Asheboro have worked too hard to unify our community to let an outside group come in and spread racist views without raising our voices loudly in protest. They may have a right to peacefully assemble, but we also have a right to object at the top of our collective voice, the mayor said in a statement issued by the city Sunday. The rally may be constitutional, but this groups message and legacy are an affront to our core value that all people are created equal, U.S. Rep. Mark Walker, North Carolina Republican, said in a statement of his own Monday. But with less than two months until the scheduled event, Asheboro officials this week said the Klan has yet to begin the bureaucratic process of seeking the citys permission. Marching on city streets and using a city-managed facility would both require permits, but the Klan has so far failed to request an application for either, the city manager said Sunday. The Loyal White Knights did not respond to requests for comment, the Courier-Tribune reported. In December, the Loyal White Knights organized a victory parade near Pelham to celebrate President Trumps White House victory. Their celebration was cut short, however, when a party the night beforeresulted in criminal charges for two Klansmen and a trip to the hospital for another. The KKK maintained 130 chapters across the U.S. during 2016, the Southern Poverty Law Center reported last month, including the Loyal White Knights.

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Remember This? The Ku Klux Klan would forever regret their expansion into the Town of Barrie – BarrieToday

What do you picture when you think of the Ku Klux Klan? Likely, you think of a group of bigoted fanatics in white robes and hoods, centred in the American south, carrying out their cause of promoting all things white and Protestant. You might be surprised to learn that the reach of the KKK spread north of the border, and at the height of their national popularity, the most infamous of their Canadian actions occurred right here in Barrie. The Klan was born immediately after the American Civil War when returning Confederate soldiers found their way of life forever changed and they put the blame largely on freed black men and their sympathizers. The United States government had no patience for continued violence in the South and so the KKK was outlawed in 1871. The Klan re-formed just after World War 1. So-called ordinary Americans were becoming very concerned about their communities and their jobs in the face of mass immigration from Europe. Black Americans were slowly being allowed more rights. Many white Americans saw the Klan as the guardians of their way of life and joined in huge numbers. At the same time, enough Canadians were worried about seeing this country lose its Britishness,meaning increased ethic and religious diversity, that KKK chapters formed here too in the 1920s. The KKK in Canada attempted to set itself apart from their American counterparts by denouncing lawlessness and violence. However, the Klan would forever regret their expansion into the Town of Barrie because it was here that their movement started its rapid decline into unpopularity. His father had sent him away. William Skelly was in his late twenties but had already lived a lifetime of troubles. In his native Northern Ireland, he had witnessed sectarian violence including the death of a girl he had loved. Skelly fought for Britain in the Great War and had been badly wounded, resulting in the metal plate now protecting his skull. He married but it seems he was charged with assaulting his wife. Other charges included drunkenness and assaulting a police officer. A fresh start was in order. The young Irishman jobbed about in Ontario for many months before arriving in Simcoe County. He worked for a farmer in Innisfil for a time before finding employment with A.J. Tuck in his junk store on Dunlop St. in Barrie. Far from home, friendless and having no real prospects, William Skelly was ripe for the picking when the Ku Klux Klan brought their roadshow to town in June 1926. On a hill, more or less where the Travelodge hotel stands at Bayfield St. and the 400, an eighty-foot cross was set on fire and was seen for miles around. It attracted the disenfranchised young man and he became a member of the Klan that night. William Skelly first met William Butler, a local young man about his own age, who was Kleagle, or membership recruiter, of the Barrie klavern. In turn, he came to know Clare Lee who was klavern secretary and a co-worker of Butler at the shoe factory where both were employed. Quite quickly after becoming acquainted, the three Klansmen decided that they needed to perform some sort of action to cement their commitment to the ideals of the Klan and, at first, chose the Champlain monument in Orillia for a demonstration of their dedication. It was a symbol of Roman Catholicism, or so they believed, and as such was counter to what they thought the KKK stood for. Skelly took a revolver from his employers shop and purchased bullets, dynamite, fuse and blasting caps at a local hardware store on June 10, 1926. The trio was unable to find any means of transportation to Orillia, but their determination to make a clear anti-Catholic statement that day was unwavering and so they settled on something nearby. Skelly, Butler and Lee decided to blow up St. Marys Catholic Church. Just after 6:00 a.m. on Friday, June 11, the church caretaker, Mr. LeClair, arrived at St. Marys and found a door on the north side of the building wide open. He was shocked to find that some kind of explosion had occurred, blowing a hole 4 feet around in the floor in the area of the centre aisle, and had sent chunks of wood flying through stained glass windows, broken light fixtures and shattered floor joists. The police were called and almost immediately identified a piece of time fuse left at the scene. The act was called variably an outrage and a desecration in Barrie papers, and the local police began an intense but short investigation into who could have done this. A visit to a hardware store quickly pinpointed a suspect the Irish chap working at A.J. Tucks shop. When staying in Barrie became too hot a prospect, Butler and Lee helped him get away to Toronto. Skelly was at first helped by Klansmen there but they soon decided that he should be handed to the authorities and that the Klan should immediately cut ties with him. William Skelly was arrested at King and Yonge St. in Toronto about 10 days after his crime, given up by Klan organizer, Major Proctor. He carried a letter, that he had been instructed to sign, stating that the attack on the church was all his idea and had nothing to do with the Klan. Skelly was brought back to Barrie and lodged in the Barrie Jail. At the courthouse, he was eager to confess, lay out the whole sordid tale and easily implicate his accomplices, Butler and Lee. The townsfolk, who had been aghast at the crime committed by this outsider and the hate group from the south, were taken aback by the involvement of two local sons. William Skelly was assessed by a psychiatrist in August of 1926 and, although the deed was an exercise in madness, Skelly was deemed fit for trial. As the trial approached, he offered to plead guilty but Justice Logie refused to accept the plea and moved for a full court hearing. That third week of October, the trial began with standing room only and reports of curious citizens peering in the courthouse windows when they couldnt get a seat inside. The court heard that the three men drew paper scraps to see which of them would carry out the mission, and that Skelly drew one depicting a fiery cross which gave him the assignment. Lee showed him where the church was located and how to get into it. After fortifying Skelly with some dandelion wine, his co-conspirators sent him of to do the deed. Skelly set his explosives on the top of a brick wall running north-south in the church basement and lit the fuse. He ran away and fired one shot of the revolver to alert Lee, who lived nearby, that the thing was done. Next came the sound of the explosion, which sounded innocuous enough to those who heard it, much like the backfire of a car. In the end, all three were found guilty and sent to Kingston Penitentiary. Skelly drew the harshest sentence of four years at hard labour with a recommendation from Justice Logie that he be deported at the end of his sentence. The Justice had a few words to add in closing. In this country, I am told, for many years Catholics and Protestants have lived in amity, side by side, never troubling each other. That is as it should be. We do not want in this country conditions which formerly prevailed in that distressful isle, Ireland, nor do we want those conditions if the press is to be believed which prevail at the present moment in the republic to the south. Afterwards, the Ku Klux Klan was held in very low esteem by the outraged Canadian people, both for its hateful mandate and for shaping a lost immigrant into a criminal and then turning their backs on him. The KKK quickly lost any favour they had built up in this country after that.

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What Do Holy Cross, An African-American Newspaper, and the Ku Klux Klan Have in Common? – NewBostonPost (blog)

By Evan Lips | March 15, 2017, 21:52 EDT Printed from: http://newbostonpost.com/2017/03/15/what-do-holy-cross-an-african-american-newspaper-and-the-ku-klux-klan-have-in-common/ For much of the past 40 years, the student newspaper at Worcesters College of the Holy Cross has coincidentally shared the same name as the chief publication of the Ku Klux Klan. Apparently, this innocent unintended co-occurrence did not become a problem that needed addressing by Holy Cross professors until 2017. Last month, the editors-in-chief of The Crusader, the schools student-run newspaper, received a letter signed by 48 faculty members calling on them to consider a name change in response to the growing anti-Muslim tensions in our country, and to the fact that the Ku Klux Klan official newspaper shares the same name as our own. Historically, the term crusader refers to the period of medieval Crusades, in which Christian solders fought with Muslim forces in an effort to seize control of the disputed Holy Land, which had been under Islamic control. The undersigned professors cited the message in the colleges mission statement, which is marked by freedom, mutual respect and civility, in the letter and stressed that they question the value of a connection to names and imagery that are often used by others in ways counter to our mission and goals. Students running the paper responded with a letter of their own in which they voiced their agreement with the undersigned faculty. In another coincidence, the papers editors-in-chief indicate that the original change in name of the newspaper from The Tomahawk to The Crusader as the former name referred to Native American culture. In 1955, the editors of this newspaper adopted the name Crusader in place of the former Tomahawk, announcing that the new name would better represent the values of Holy Cross and of the publication, the newspapers response stated. Effective immediately, we would like to initiate an ongoing discussion open to all students, faculty, staff, and alumni to determine whether this claim remains accurate in the year 2017. The student editors also mentioneda letter they received from an entity not associated with the college that denounced mainline, controlled liberal media and claimed that multiculturalism is a prescription for white genocide. The student editors wrote that they wondered whether the name of our publication might have been one influence behind this individuals decision to send such a vitriolic letter and later tried to make a connection between the authors denunciation of mainline, controlled liberal media and the alt-right. We do not doubt that many would consider the Ku Klux Klans The Crusader to be a form of alternative media, and we consider our association with this label to be worthy of urgent discussion, the editors concluded. That discussion is slated for Thursday night at 6 p.m., and will be held inside the universitys Rehm Library. Left unreported, however, is the fact that the Chicago Crusader a newspaper aimed at serving the African-American communities in Chicago, Illinois, and Gary, Indiana, also shares the same name as the colleges newspaper. The Chicago Crusaders mission statement notes that blacks must control their own community to the unconquerable host of Africans who are laying their sacrifices upon the editorial altar for their race. The publication does not appear to be considering a name change at this time. comments

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March 17, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed


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