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Austin protesters moon Ku Klux Klan at Texas Capitol in 1993

Austin is well known for its protests and for itsKeep Austin Weird motto. Those two often intertwine one recent example is2016sCocks Not Glocks campus carry protest at the University of Texas, where sex toys were proudly displayed on the schools mall.

But back in 1993, when the Ku Klux Klan staged a rally at the Texas Capitol grounds, Austin protesters fought back by turning the other cheek, in a way. Amass mooning of the Klan was staged on Jan. 16, 1993. (Jan. 16 is also the day after Martin Luther King, Jr.s birthday, for those keeping score at home.)

In addition to the bevy of bare butts that day, there was also a march by The People’s Anti-Racism Coalition in honor of Kings birthday, a city-sponsored Peoples Parade to celebrate the city’s racial and cultural diversity, and a multitude of other events citywide to honor Kings legacy, according to American-Statesman archives.

A video from the When We Were Live project documenting the full mooning has resurfaced on Reddit in thewake of recent eventsinvolving violence connectedto whitesupremacist rallies. In the video, you can see protesters yelling at the Klan, as well as peaceful protesters standing nearby.

Oh, and you can see lots of butts. Human butts, dog butts, white butts, tan butts, bare butts, long-john-covered butts, male butts, female butts, just all kinds of butts coming together to show the racists members of the Klan the proper disrespect.

WARNING: This clips contains partial nudity.(Also, theres a sign with a profanity printed on it. Be warned.)

According to the American-Statesman archives, about 5,000 protesters showed up to counter the 40 Klansmen that arrived at the Capitol grounds. About 75 of those protesters were mooners.

The mass mooning event was first written about in print by the American-Statesmans late, great humor columnist, John Kelso. Read his Jan. 9, 1993, column about the idea behind the showing of behinds:

When Ku Klux Klan members rally at the Capitol a week from today, they may see something they’ll never forget – a mass mooning.

This mind-boggling and completely unusual proposal is the brainchild of Austin musician Steve Fromholz. If you want to moon the Klan, just show up and join in with Fromholz. You don’t even need a ticket. No place but Austin.

“I can see the bumper stickers now – I mooned the Klan, Austin ’93,” says Fromholz, who to date has only a half dozen or so friends lined up for the extravaganza. But he expects many volunteers will make plans to attend, once the word gets out.

“I’m certain there are a lot of people in Austin who would leap at the opportunity to moon the Klan,” Fromholz says. “There are some in the community who would worry about their place in the community, or about losing their job. But there are some of us who don’t have to worry about that.”

Fromholz likes this idea because he sees it as a peaceful way to show the Klan that it isn’t appreciated around these parts. It would be nice to completely ignore the Klan, but you know that won’t happen.

Soooo, instead of getting all worked up and cussing and blowing your top, drop your britches, pull them up, then walk off, Fromholz suggests.

“It’s a way to say, We don’t need you, go someplace else to get mooned,'” Fromholz said. “It’s a very simple way of saying, `I hold the Klan in total disrespect.’ Just moon them and walk away and go back to work. Just laugh at them. Don’t shout at them and shoot them the finger.”

Fromholz is so serious about this that he called Travis County Sheriff Terry Keel to ask if a group mooning is legal. Imagine calling the sheriff’s office and asking that question. I’ll bet you would get transferred a bunch, huh?

“I had a nice conversation with Steve about that,” Keel said. He says a group mooning is legal as long as the participants don’t get too explicit, you might say. He says the law regarding this activity does not address “the subject of cheeks.”

Keel also said that though he couldn’t give the group mooning his “official blessing or clearance, he thought it was a good concept. “Steve has the right approach,” he said. “People counterdemonstrate, which is the wrong way to handle it.”

Anyway, it must have been an interesting conversation.

“It’s hilarious and he was all excited when he talked to me about it,” Keel recalled. “What was the word he used? It was as if a vision came to him.”

“It came to me as in a flash of light, ” said Fromholz, who even has his outfit picked out for the affair – a pair of jeans over red long johns.

“You got to believe,” he said. “It’s like keeping Tinkerbell alive. But I can picturalize it, and if I can picturalize it, it will usually happen.”

So what should you do if you want to involve your civic group in this mass mooning of the Klan? Simply come around and go for it. Junior Leaguers, Lions, SOS’ers, developers – come one, come all. Fromholz sees this as a community thing, although I think there are some of y’all who should stay in the house. I won’t name any names, though. I don’t need the aggravation.

OK. So I’ll name one. Radio guy Bob Cole.

“It has great possibilities if the Optimists would come out, and the VFW and the American Legion, and perhaps the Legislature,” Fromholz said. “They showed their (fannies) all the way through this last session.”

Fromholz advises anyone taking part to keep his distance from the Klan members, though mooning a rally is a lot different than mooning a parade, he explained. “The thing is you’ve got to be careful with a rally. They’re not marching by, so they might kick you in the moon, and they’re notorious moon-kickers.”

No matter what you think about this, it sure is unique.

“I don’t think anyone’s ever mooned the Klan before, at least not en masse, ” Fromholz said. “But it’s an idea whose time has come. And I think Martin Luther King would approve. This is nonviolent protest at its best.”

Maybe so. But I wonder how they’ll handle it on CNN?

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Austin protesters moon Ku Klux Klan at Texas Capitol in 1993

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The Day Notre Dame Students Pummeled the Ku Klux Klan – Mental Floss

At first glance, there was nothing unusual about the men who stepped off the train in South Bend, Indiana on the morning of May 17, 1924. Dapper and mannered, they drifted from the station to the downtown area. Some headed for a nearby office that sported a red cross made out of light bulbs stationed in the window. Others roamed around looking for Island Park, the site of a planned social gathering.

A closer look at these visitors revealed one common trait: Many were carrying a folded white robe under their arm. Those who had arrived earlier were fully clothed in their uniform and hood, directing automobile traffic to the park.

The Ku Klux Klan had arrived in town.

Fresh off a controversial leadership election in Indianapolis, Indiana, there was no reason for Klansmen to have any apprehension about holding a morale booster in South Bend. Indiana was Klan territory, with an estimated one in three native born white men sworn members within state lines. Just a few months later, Klansman Ed Jackson would be elected governor.

It was only when Klansmen found themselves guided into alleys and surrounded by an irate gang of Catholic students from nearby Notre Dame University that they realized mobilizing in South Bend may have been a very bad idea.

The Klan wanted a rally. What they got was a full-scale riot.

Politically-endorsed prejudice was the order of the day in the early part of the 20th century, when the Klanfirst created in 1866 to oppose Republican Reconstruction with violent racial enmity and then revived in 1915expanded its tentacles to reach law enforcement and civil service. No longer targeting people of color exclusively, the KKK took issue with Catholics, the Jewish faith, and immigrants. An estimated 4 million Americans belonged to the Klan in the 1920s, all echoing the groups philosophy that only white, God-fearing citizens were worthy of respect.

Under the guidance of Indiana’s Grand Dragon D.C. Stephenson, the group had attempted to shift public perception from the lynch mobs of the past to an orderly and articulate assembly. Rallies were held in KKK-friendly areas; propaganda material was becoming an effective weapon for their cause. Acceptance of the Klans ideology seeped into political office; Stephenson was a prominent Indiana politician.

To help continue that indoctrination, the Klan made plans for a parade in South Bend to be held on May 17, 1924. That it would be in close proximity to the Notre Dame campus was no mistake: At the time, 75 percent of the school’s nearly 2000 students were Catholic, a religion the Klan found abhorrent. By pledging allegiance to the Vatican, their reasoning went, Catholics were acknowledging a foreign power. In the fall of 1923, they had persisted in setting crosses on fire near the University of Dayton in Dayton, Ohio, a predominantly Catholic college, and were frequently chased off by angered football players. That December, the Klan set off firebombs in Dayton during Christmas break. While no one was seriously injured, the intent was to send a messageone they wanted to spread to Indiana.

In the weeks and months leading up to the parade, both students and faculty began to get a taste of that perspective. Copies of the Fiery Cross, the official Klan newspaper, circulated on campus; one Klansman showed up at an auditorium to broadcast that Catholics were not good Americans. He exited the stage when attendees began throwing potatoes at him.

If that public response was foreshadowing, the Klan either ignored or failed to heed the warning. Members began arriving the Friday evening prior to the rally and were met at the train station by irritated students, who scuffled with the early arrivals by ripping their robes. By Saturday morning, when more Klansmen arrived, hundreds of students were in town, a loosely organized anti-Klan task force.

Klan members were used to breezing into towns without incident. Here, they were immediately confronted by young, ornery college kids proud of their Catholicism. Klansmen were led into alleys and tossed into walls; students who played for the schools legendary football squad formed wedges, the offensive line-ups found on the field, and plowed into groups of Klan members like they were challenging for a state title.

The violence, swift and sudden, prompted the Klan to retreat to their headquarters in South Bend. The students followed, their blood pumping hot at the sight of the red cross lit in the office window. Below it stood a grocery store with barrels of fresh potatoes. The students lobbed them at the glass, smashing the bulbs inside.

The conflict had been uninterrupted by law enforcement, but not for lack of trying. Deputy Sheriff John Cully, himself a Klansman, tried to enlist the National Guard but was shot down by officials. Notre Dame president Matthew Walsh had already implored students not to go into town, but his words went unheeded.

Unencumbered by authority, the 100 or so students idling near the Klans office decided they wanted to seize the hideout. Dozens began running up the stairs but were greeted by a Klan member who produced a gun. Unarmed, the students backed off. Four seniors went back and came to an impromptu truce: The student body would disperse if the Klan agreed to hold their rally without weapons or their robes.

The agreement seemed to placate both sides until Stephenson finally arrived in town before the parades scheduled 6:30 p.m. start. Assessing the roughed-up Klansmen and their skittish behavior, he complained to the police, who posted officers on horseback around their assembly at Island Park.

But there would be no rally: A heavy downpour prompted Stephenson to call it off, although the potential for further violence likely weighed on his mind. Lingering students who still hadnt returned to campus met departing Klansmen as they attempted to drive out of town, smashing windows and even tipping over one car.

By Sunday, things seemed to have settled down. Walsh cringed at newspaper reports of the incidents, fearing it would portray the students as thugs.

Unfortunately, neither side was done protesting. And when they met a second time, the robed men would be backed up by lawman Cully and a squad of 30 deputized Klansmen.

Students back on campus Monday had taken to hanging up seized Klan robes and hoods on their walls like trophies. It had been a rout, with the Klan barely putting up a fight.

Now, word was spreading through the halls that the Klan had captured or perhaps had even killed a Notre Dame student. Roughly 500 students jogged the two miles back into South Bend, eager for another confrontation.

When they arrived at the Klans headquarters, the light bulb cross had been rebuilt. It was an act of defiance, and the students moved forward. But the Klan was prepared: Many had been deputized, and uniformed officers joined the melee. Axe handles and bottles were brandished, and blood began to stain the street. It was a clash, with parties on both sides laid out.

When he got word of the conflict, Walsh rushed to the site and climbed on top of a cannon that was part of a monument. Shouting to be heard, he implored students to return to campus. His voice cut through the sounds of breaking glass, snapping the students out of their reverie. They returned to the school.

Absent any opposition, the Klan did the same. Stragglers from out of town returned home. With bombastic prose, writers for the Fiery Cross later recapped the event by accusing Notre Dame students of beating women and children. Later that summer, they declared theyd be returning to South Bend in greater number.

It never happened. Although the Klan maintained an aura of strength for several more years, the conviction of Stephenson for raping and murdering a woman in November 1925 extinguished one of their most enthusiastic leaders; the Depression dampened the ability of new recruits to pay dues. By 1930, the Klan was down to an estimated 45,000 members.

While Walsh never condoned the vigilante justice exacted that weekend, he never disciplined a single student for it.

Additional Sources: Notre Dame vs. the Klan, by Todd Tucker (Loyola Press, 2004) “Hearing the Silence: The University of Dayton, the Ku Klux Klan, and Catholic Universities and Colleges in the 1920s” [PDF], by William Vance Trollinger

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The Day Notre Dame Students Pummeled the Ku Klux Klan – Mental Floss

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Expos of Traitors Buffalo Ku Klux Klan Membership List – Buffalo Rising

Collection owner:Buffalo History Museum

In the early 1920s, after decades of dormancy, the Ku Klux Klan was resurgent, gaining new recruits in the Northeast by using modern sales techniques in which recruiters received commissions for signing new members. Capitalizing on anxieties about foreigners and racial purity, the Klan found new members in locales with otherwise strong traditions of interracial progress and tolerance. Buffalo was one such city.

Openly advocating white supremacy and white nationalism, the Klan was known for racist rhetoric and violence against African-Americans, Jews, Catholics, and immigrants. They also promised opportunities for business contacts, fraternal bonding, mystical ritual, and community improvement, casting themselves as defenders of Anglo-Saxon Protestant notions of morality and decency. As Klan scholar Shawn Lay notes, . . .many men [joined] simply out of curiosity or because they did not want to be left out of what appeared to be an up-and-coming organization. An individuals decision to join the Invisible Empire could not always be solely credited to racial and religious intolerance (Lay, p.3).

The Klans arrival in Buffalo in 1921 exploited a bitter mayoral campaign that pitted Frances X. Schwab (1874-1946), a brewery owner born to German Catholic immigrants, against Protestant Yale-educated establishment attorney George S. Buck (1875-1931). The electorate divided along religious, class, and ethnic lines, and Schwab, who had campaigned in opposition to Prohibition, won a narrow victory, becoming Buffalos first Roman Catholic mayor.

In spite of hostility to the Klan from the Buffalo press, the Catholic Diocese, and leading rabbis and African-Americans, the Buffalo chapters first public ceremony took place in a vacant field on Harlem Road on October 25, 1922 (Lay, p.45). The initiation of 800 new recruits was accompanied by a burning cross and public denials of racial bigotry.

The Klan soon found allies among white middle-class Protestants, who considered Mayor Schwabs administration to be corrupt and tolerant of vice, as demonstrated by his unwillingness to prosecute illegal drinking establishments. Known elsewhere for racist violence, the Klan in Buffalo was belligerent about the lax enforcement of Prohibition.

Operating out of the Calumet Building, 46-58 W. Chippewa Street (Lay, p.81), in offices rented by Kay-Bee Adsign Company, a KKK front, the Klan was soon infiltrated by undercover Buffalo police officer Edward Obertean, who supplied intelligence directly to Mayor Schwab.

By the summer of 1924, battle lines were clearly drawn, and the antagonism between Klan supporters and opponents erupted in the open. Anti-Klan efforts were led by the United Sons of America and the Liberty League. Rising tensions culminated in the bombing on April 18, 1924, of 34 Gallatin Street, the home of Rev. Littleton E. H. Smith, a Klan supporter (Lay, p.117)). The family was not at home at the time. The culprits were never found. Buffalo was on the edge of religious warfare.

Klan headquarters were ransacked on July 3, 1924, and the membership list stolen, perhaps by or with the assistance of Schwabs undercover agents (Lay, p.120). The list was soon in the hands of police, who promptly put it on public display in police headquarters. Thousands of Buffalonians flocked to view the roster and note the names of friends, neighbors, and associates, many of whom quickly distanced themselves from the organization.

Those names form the basis of the membership list that is digitized here by the Buffalo History Museum.

The theft of its records and public exposure threw the Buffalo Klan into disarray and internal dissension. On the evening of August 31, 1924, Thomas Austin, a Klan investigator sent from Atlanta to investigate the break-in, guessed the nature of Edward Oberteans involvement in the Klan and confronted him in front of 128 Durham Street (Lay, p.131). The two men exchanged gunfire and were both killed. Obertean is long overdue for recognition as Buffalos sole martyr in the battle against the Klan.

The ensuing public investigation and prosecution precipitated the decline of the Klan in Buffalo, and by the time Mayor Schwab was reelected in a landslide in 1925, it was no longer a viable organization. Its Buffalo office closed down in late 1925. Buffalos dramatic response to the Klan stands as one of its least-appreciated and most heroic moments.

This membership list formed the basis of Shawn Lays in-depth study of Buffalos Klan experience,Hooded Knights on the Niagara, which is readily available from booksellers and at local libraries. Lay sums up what he learned about Buffalo and this list:

The hooded order followed standard legal procedure in securing warrants against illegal establishments, never engaged in violence against local African-Americans and immigrants, and hoped to establish itself as a legitimate force within the existing power structure. To characterize the KKK as a hopelessly aberrant and lawless fringe group would be manifestly inaccurate. Indeed, the most frightening aspect of the Invisible Empire was its ability to attract ordinary law-abiding citizens. (Lay, pp.82-83)

Lead image:A new member being sworn into the Tigers Eye Society in 1922. The societys aim was to combat the Klu Klux Klan. The secret society was known as the invisible jungle and the knights wore black masks and gowns that hid their faces and bodies. Visible Republic and the Invisible Empire

Collection owner:Buffalo History Museum| www.nyheritage.org/collections/buffalo-ku-klux-klan-membership-list

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Expos of Traitors Buffalo Ku Klux Klan Membership List – Buffalo Rising

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Ku Klux Klan’s profile in Palm Beach County shrank through years – MyPalmBeachPost

The governor of Florida had no patience for the Ku Klux Klan. He called them covered cowards, hooded hoodlums, sheeted jerks.

Fuller Warren could afford to go after the shadowy group. It was 1951, and Florida didnt need the Klan to press Jim Crow. It was the law of the land.

With this months events inCharlottesville, Va., placing the spotlight on extremist groups nationwide, people at times are surprised to learn that Florida, the place that now is the most northern of the southern states, once was a hotbed of racism. Many will argue theres still plenty of it between Pensacola and Key West including in Palm Beach County.

Frank Cerabino: University of Florida fails history with neo-Nazi ban

The Klan had emerged in Florida by 1868, not two years after it was founded in Pulaski, Tenn. And the state has been one of the Klans strongest and most violent realms, Michael Newton wrote in his 2001 book,Invisible Empire: the Ku Klux Klan in Florida.

The Southern Poverty Law Centerlists eight Klan chapters in Florida, none in Palm Beach County. That wasnt always the case. The boomtown 1920s saw neighborhoods popping up across Palm Beach County, but also at least two chapters of the shadowy group that insists its not about hate, just pride.

The first is believed to be the Albert Sidney Johnson Klan, named for a Civil War general, and a chapter also was established in Lake Worth. Articles would announce the groups meetings and say refreshments would be served.

In that period after World War I, the new Klan had pivoted. It was continuing to go after blacks, but was focusing more on the immigrant scourge and what it saw as a decline in family values, longtime Florida historian Gary Mormino said from St. Petersburg.

The Klan sold itself as a sort of moral guardian of an America that was going to hell in a handbasket because of immigrants; Jews; the new woman that emerged in the 20s that was smoking and doing the Charleston, Mormino said.

But by the time Warren went after the Klan in the early 1950s, it still was strong in rural areas, but its extremism had made it not only in disrepute but pretty marginal as well, Mormino said.

In Florida, and Palm Beach County, he said, You didnt need the Klan to be a racist.

By the 1960s, Florida, and Palm Beach County, were becoming more Northern, more immigrant, more Jewish, and more Hispanic. The Klan was there. Mostly out on the edges. But not always.

The Klan rallied in Loxahatchee in February 1980, complete with a 22-foot blazing cross. Its keynote speaker was the national Imperial Wizard, Robert Shelton, who told about 150 people that minorities are robbing this country of its milk and honey.

The Klan later scheduled a local rally for September 1980, but canceled due to some problems in Connecticut for national Klan leader Bill Wilkinson, whod been arrested there on weapons charges.

In the summer of 1984, police arrested nine members of the White Patriot party, formerly Confederate Knights of the KKK, for a series of attacks in Belle Glade and West Palm Beach. Participants allegedly had bludgeoned one man with a spiked ax handle, run down another with a car, stoned black pedestrians, slashed car tires and fired shots into local businesses that dared to employ blacks. Defendants said they formed their group to have something to do. Five people pleaded guilty and were sentenced to probation.

In June 1989, about 15 members of the the Lantana-based Fraternal White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan gathered in a cow pasture and orange grove west of the city. For most of the day, the participants listened to country music and stood under a tent where T-shirts, flags and other Klan paraphernalia were for sale. Nearby, organizers had planted poles bearing the Klan and American flags. But three separate thunderstorms cut short the evening event.

And then, in 1990, the Klan opted to march down iconic Worth Avenue in Palm Beach. The city went to court, but judges said even the Klan had constitutional rights. About 30 Klansmen showed up.

A year later, at a march at Boca Ratons Mizner Park, just 14 showed up.

Were more concerned, I would say, now, about people who are unaffiliated, Lonny Wilk, a South Florida spokesman for the Anti-Defamation League, said Friday. Who are sitting behind a keyboard and being exposed and indoctrinated into hate, into bigotry, into extremism.

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Ku Klux Klan’s profile in Palm Beach County shrank through years – MyPalmBeachPost

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Colorado’s long history and uncertain present with the KKK and other hate groups – The Denver Post

Hate never left Colorado.

From massacres of American Indians in the 19th Century to the Ku Klux Klans control of state politics in the 1920s to modern acts of violence such as the 2013 assassination of the state prisons director by a white supremacist gang member, Colorado has dealt with its share of racism.

Now, though, a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Va., that turned violent and a president who has struggled to outright denounce the racists or their actions have raised awareness across the country, including in Colorado. And people are ready to speak out.

It seems louder for people who deny it ever existed, said the Rev. Timothy Tyler, pastor of Shorter Community AME Church in Denver. But for those of us who have grown up with it and have lived it, we are saying, I told you so.

Were going to do all we can to address a wound that has been scratched over the presidents words and what happened in Charlottesville.

Last year, the Southern Poverty Law Center, an Alabama-based organization that fights extremism, identified 16 hate groups in the state the same number listed in 2015, although some groups had fallen off the list and others had been added.

Of the 16 groups listed in 2016, five were white supremacist/racist groups, while the others were singled out because of their views toward Muslims, immigrants, gay people and white people. Among the white supremacist groups were a Wheat Ridge-based company that distributes neo-Nazi music and books and a group founded in Finland that conducted a so-called patrol through LoDo and posted a video of it on YouTube.

Most of the time, those groups operate under the publics radar, proclaiming their views on social media and refraining from public gatherings. But since Donald Trumps election, many people believe they are becoming more bold and more visible.

Were seeing a greater number of public events, folks who are more willing to express their extremist beliefs and ideologies in a public forum, said Jeremy Shaver, associate director for the Anti-Defamation League Rocky Mountain States region.

In 2015, the Anti-Defamation League recorded 18 reported anti-Semitic incidents but that number more than doubled in 2016 to 45, Shaver said. This year, more than 30 incidents have been reported thus far.

Those incidents include July vandalism at Chabad Lubavitch Jewish Center in Colorado Springs. William Scott Planer, a Denver resident who is accused of affixing a Fight Terror, Nuke Israel sticker on the building, is being held on a $500,000 bond in the El Paso County jail. He also is wanted on a warrant out of California after being accused of attacking a protester during a white supremacists march in June 2106.

Planer and his roommates became notorious figures in November in Denvers Capitol Hill neighborhood after someone put their names, faces and address on fliers to notify area residents that white supremacists live nearby.

The Denver Post attempted to talk to residents at the home last week, but a man inside refused to answer the door and yelled, Go away!

Also this summer, white supremacists have attended an anti-Sharia law rally at the state Capitol and a rally held in Boulder by a group that celebrates misogyny. Those alt-right groups attract white supremacists and are helping bring more public activity, Shaver said.

The take-home message is no community is immune to white supremacy and no state is immune to white supremacy, he said. Colorado is no exception.

And the state never has been the exception.

Courtesy of the Royal Gorge Regional Museum and History Center

This April 1926 photo by Clinton Rolfe shows members of the Ku Klux Klan posing on a ferris wheel at the fairgrounds in Caon City, Colorado.

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

Members of the KKK, in pointed hoods that cover the face and dark or white robes, stand around a tall cross in a boulder field on the summit of Pikes Peak in El Paso County, Colorado on July 4, 1923. They raise their arms in salute. Shows an American flag and the tops of automobiles.

Denver Post archive photo

Members of the Ku Klux Klan march in a parade on Larimer Street in Denver, May 31, 1926. They wear hoods and robes as spectators look on. Parked automobiles line the street. A sign on a building reads: “Western Clothing Co.”

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

A Klan member at “Klan Day” at the races at Overland Park in July 1925. Ku Klux Klan members inspect the Miller Special race car owned by Ralph de Palma at Overland Park race track in Denver, Colorado. People crowd the bleachers. The driver, identified as Mr. Miller, wears a duster and holds a cap.

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

This undated photo shows crosses burning at a KKK night ceremony held on Table Top Mountain in Golden . A row of men in white hoods that cover the face and robes encircles men in street clothes who kneel with their backs to the camera. Spectators sit in chairs outside the circle, some have on white hoods. Shows a flagpole and the American flag. (Photo courtesy of Denver Public LibraryWesternHistory/Genealogy Dept.)

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

This photograph made between 1924 and 1925 shows a panoramic night view of men, members of the KKK, in pointed hoods that cover the face and dark or white robes who stand, or sit on horseback, on Table Top Mountain near Golden (Jefferson County), Colorado. Men in bandanna masks and street clothes kneel before a table with three hooded men; one holds an American flag. Many of the men salute.

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

Two women and a man wearing hoods and robes, members of the Ku Klux Klan, stand near a burning cross at night in 1924 or 1925, probably in Denver.

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

Governor Clarence J. Morely poses for a photo as he signs a document in the Governor’s office. Morely served as Governor of Colorado from 1925 to 1927, he was known as the Ku Klux Klan Governor during the political peak of the Klan in the 1920’s.

Denver Post archive photo

This 1925 group portrait shows men (with drums) and women in Ku Klux Klan costumes and Revolutionary era uniforms, in Denver.

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

Members of the Ku Klux Klan kneel and stand around a U. S. flag in a ceremony on Golden Road near Denver on April 16, 1922. A cross illuminated by flashlights is nearby. The men wear hoods and robes.

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

A cross burns at a night meeting of the Ku Klux Klan on Table Top Mountain near Golden in 1924 or 1925. Men in white robes and hoods encircle a group of men in street clothes who kneel in front of the burning cross. A container and cups on a tray sit behind rows of chairs.

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

Ku Klux Klan members wearing hoods and robes light candles in metal cans buried in a dirt mound on May 7, 1940, probably in Denver.

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

A burning cross and a man in Ku Klux Klan uniform and hood on Ruby Hill, in Denver, sometime in the 1920s.

Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept.

Klansmen exchange documents with one another in front of a burning cross and an American flag as other members of the group watch at a rally of the Boulder Chapter of the Ku Klux Klan in Boulder County, ca. 1925.

Duane Howell, The Denver Post

Denver policemen protect a flag-waving member of the Ku Klux Klan at 16th Street and Court Place about 11:45 a.m., Sept. 14, 1979, during a Chicano march through downtown Denver, kicking off festivities for Mexican Independence Day, celebrated Sunday. One of the marchers was confronted by a policeman, left, as he attempted to approach the Klansman. Shortly after, the unidentified Klansman rolled up his sign and flag and left.

John Sunderland, The Denver Post

Fred Wilkins, the state organizer of the Ku Klux Klan, announces his resignation as head of that organization Aug. 10, 1980 to join the National Association for the Advancement of White People, a group that had been recently formed by the head of the national Ku Klux Klan. Wilkins said the Klan had suffered from a negative image and that the new group should be seen as a pro-white organization instead of an anti-black one.

The power structure of settlements and territories in the early American West called for the destruction of Indians, said Patty Limerick, the states historian laureate and director of the Center for the American West at the University of Colorado Boulder. The times were not much easier for Mexicans or Asian immigrants, who suffered from discrimination and oppression, she said.

In fact, lynching has a very Western story, Limerick said, with Mexicans as the primary victims.

In the 1920s, Colorado politics were dominated by the Ku Klux Klan albeit a branch that, while loyal to its Southern brotherhood, was more preoccupied with Catholics and Jews than black people, Limerick said.

The Klan came to power after World War I during a period where Americans were coming off the anxieties and tensions associated with war but finding that times were not prosperous for farmers and laborers, Limerick said. White Protestants were trying to hang onto their power so immigrants, who were likely to be Irish or Italian Catholics, were targets.

The Klans Denver power broker was a doctor named John Galen Locke, a Spanish-American War veteran from New York.

Klansmen occupied the governors office and represented the majority in both houses of the state legislature and held numerous statewide offices. Denver Mayor Benjamin Stapleton won office because he joined the Klan, and Denver Police Chief William Candish was a klansman.

Limerick described Locke as a weird bird.

His decline came when he was charged with various crimes and the whole movement fell apart, she said.

While Limerick objects to the notion of history repeating itself, the 1920s provide cautionary tales for todays leaders. Stapleton, for example, was not driven solely by hatred of black people, Catholics and Jews, but he knew he needed Klan support to win an election, she said.

It hast gone well for him over the years, Limerick said. He made that devils bargain. He later separated himself from the Klan, but he left himself with that record of being a part of the Klan.

It says something about how long-range someone should think of his heritage and his legacy.

In Denver, there has been a movement to remove Stapletons name from the neighborhood that bears his name, built on the site of a former airport also named after him.

Limerick suggested having an event she described as Stapleton Remembrance Day where people gathered to listen to scholars discuss his choice to form an alliance with such an abhorrent movement. As part of the event, people could spend time talking about their actions today and what legacy they will leave.

I wish we could quit with the tug-of-war over the names of places and statues, Limerick said, because people and their stories are muddled and complicated. I wish we could put a mirror up to ourselves and think, Are we doing that?’

Tyler, the church pastor, said he had grown tired of talking about race but now sees a renewed opportunity form new allies. His church hosted a community discussion about race on Saturday and another is planned for Aug. 31.

I think were going to have to do a lot of talking to get peoples heads around how this is affecting our society, he said.

Barbara Gunion, a 51-year-old from Centennial, has felt the call to act since Trump was elected in November. She joined two national groups that consider themselves organized resistance to the president, and the increased visibility of armed militias, neo-Nazis and other alt-right groups have led to a sense of urgency for her.

I feel like Charlottesville and Trumps statements are a real tipping point for the left, Gunion said. Its not just racheted it up. Its caused a whole different way of thinking.

This experience has made me realize its also my problem. Its my responsibility. Im white but its not an excuse to be silent. Its the reason not to be silent.

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Colorado’s long history and uncertain present with the KKK and other hate groups – The Denver Post

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Ku Klux Klan to attend Boston rally – Boston Herald

Massachusetts members of the Ku Klux Klan reportedly are headed to Boston Common for the so-called Boston Free Speech Rally this Saturday, but a rally organizer said he doesnt want the event hijacked by white supremacists.

I know some of our members from the Springfield area are going, said Thomas Robb, national director of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. Im assuming members in the Boston area are going.

Robb did not provide details on who or how many members would attend the rally, but said they would be inconspicuous while supporting the rally.

I dont think theyre going to cause a disturbance, Robb said, adding that Knights from different areas went to the Charlottesville rally. Our members dont stand out, they dont walk around giving Nazi salutes, they might be your next door neighbor or Cub Scout leader.

Rally organizer John Medlar, who has insisted his group is not racist, told the Herald, Though we naturally respect their right to speak and assemble, we also will exercise our right to choose who we will associate with. We will not allow our platform to be hijacked by the KKK. If I see anyone bring out a swastika or throw a Hitler salute, I will immediately denounce them.

The Free Speech Rally which many fear will turn into a white nationalist protest will take place from noon to 2 p.m. at the Parkman Bandstand tomorrow, with the prospect of massive counterprotests in the wake of the violence in Charlottesville, Va., that left a woman dead.

Medlar has said his group was not involved in Charlottesville though some of the listed speakers were there and that the Boston rally is meant to promote free speech, not white supremacy.

Mayor Martin J. Walsh said about the KKK: Make no mistake: We do not welcome any hate groups to Boston and we reject their message. We have made it clear that we will not tolerate incitements to violence or any threatening behavior. I ask that everyone join me in making Boston a more inclusive, welcoming, love-filled city for all.

Counterprotest organizers said they were not surprised by the Klan threat.

Weve been prepared for the worst like that since the beginning, said Kelsey Taylor, one of the organizers for a rally that will take place in front of the State House. It doesnt change our plan, but it reminds us to be vigilant.

Im not worried about it. It would be naive to think there arent Klansmen in Massachusetts, said Angelina Camacho, one of the organizers of a Black Lives Matter rally that will march from the Reggie Lewis Track and Athletic Center at Roxbury Community College to Boston Common Saturday. Im looking forward to having a peaceful event without incident.

Organizers on both sides of the rally have met with police to go over security plans, which include keeping Free Speech rally participants behind barriers and keeping them separated from counterprotesters. Police are urging people to not bring backpacks or strollers to the Common and are banning weapons, bicycles, signs attached to sticks and pets from the area.

Meanwhile, Christopher Cantwell of Keene, N.H., a self-described white nationalist who attended the rally in Charlottesville, said he was contacted by the FBIs Joint Terrorism Task Force about helping defuse any violence in Boston. He told reporters he isnt going because there is a warrant for his arrest in Virginia stemming from the rally there.

Herald wire services contributed to this report.

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What is the Ku Klux Klan, who was KKK Imperial Wizard Frank … – The Sun

THE Ku Klux Klan returned to prominence thanks toDonald Trump who is cited as a factor in the rise ofright-wing groups in America after they backed him to become president.

Theyre popping their robes back on, emboldened to broadcast their white supremacist message like never before. We explain everything you need to know about them.

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In a nutshell, the Ku Klux Klan (or the KKK) is an extremist hate group who believeall non-Caucasian people are inferior to them.

The group believes that America should be a nation that is free from drugs, homosexuality and immigration.

Claiming to have extreme pride in their nation, they say that they are building a better society for everyone arguing on their website that they are a group not of hate but of love.

Historically, black Americans have been the KKKs main target but more recently it has targeted Jews, immigrants, LGBT people and even Catholics.

Since its formation in 1865, the groups history can be divided into three eras.

The first Klan, founded in Tennessee, was formed by former members of the Confederate army in around 1865.

As a movement it was relatively short-lived at the outset but, as secret vigilantes, the Klan carried out acts of terrorism such as the lynchings, arson, murders, tar-and-featherings, rapes and other violent attacks historically associated with the group. During the first era, these attacks were directed towards anyone who challenged white supremacy.

The second Klan, founded in Atlanta, Georgia in 1921, presented itself as a fraternal organisation employing full-time recruiters. At its peak, it was present in every state in America claiming to have at least 4 million members, operations in Canada, and even reportedly some recruiting activity in the UK.

However, the KKKs popularity plummeted to only 30,000 members after a series of scandals.

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The third revival came in the 1960s in opposition to the civil rights movement, which in the Klans eyes threatened segregation.

The KKK name was used by a number of independent groups many members of which were convicted of murders of civil rights workers.

One of the KKKs most violent actions was the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963 an attack which killed four young girls.

Today, it is thought there are at least 5,000 members of various KKK chapters in the United States.

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The KKK refers to its beliefs and practices as Klankraft.

Although they are a secretive group, there is some knowledge of its beliefs and practices which are all based on their white supremacist views.

Incredible imagesgive a chilling insight into white supremacist culture that still exist in all corners of America.

One of the most iconic symbols of the KKK is their white robes, which feature a conical mask. These were adopted by the first Klan, and were intended to add to the terror of their brutal attacks.

As part of their rituals, the KKK carries out cross burnings. Most Christians would say burning a cross is sacrilege but the Klan believe it is lighting it, in a symbol of members faith.

The KKK also use unique titles and greetings among their members with the leaders referred to as Grand or Imperial Wizards.

To this day the KKK attend rallies, and due the United States Constitutions First Amendment, which relates to freedom of speech, their hate speech is legal.

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Frank Ancona, a self-described Imperial Wizard of the Missouri chapter of the Traditionalist American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, was found dead with a gunshot to the head in February 2017.

Ancona, who wrote that the KKKs mission was to preserve white culture and heritage, had been reported missing from his home afterhe told his wife Malissa that he was filing for a divorce.

After being reported missing on February 10, his body was found near the Big River, with the Sheriff describing his death as a tragic and senseless act of violence.

The 51-year-olds wife, Malissa, and her son Paul Edward Jinkerson Jr, 24, have both been charged with his murder.

Authorities believe that Malissa broke into Franks safe to get at his guns so that she could kill him.

Washington County coroner Brian DeClue told The Kansas City Star:It was not self-inflicted.This is now a homicide investigation.

Donald Trumpblasted the KKK and neo-Nazis as repugnant after being criticised for not singling out the far-right violence following the horrific car assault inCharlottesville, Virginia.

Far-right groups had gathered on August 12 to protest the decision to bring down the statue of Confederate General Robert E Lee.

Activist Richard Spencer and formerKu Klux Klanleader David Duke attended the demonstrations.

Heather Hyer, 32, died after being hit by the car, with her family saying she had been marching in a cry for social justice.

During his statement at the White House, the Trump denounced racism as evil and singled out the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis as repugnant.

He said: Racism is evil. And those who cause violence in its name are criminals and thugs, including the KKK, neo-Nazis, white supremacists and other hate groups that are repugnant to everything we hold dear as Americans.

Trump had attracted criticism for not being strong enough following the terrifying car assault.

David Duke was the Grand Wizard of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, a chapter of the KKK, from 1974 to 1980.

Before 1975, he was a member of the American Nazi party and is now a Republican.

The 56-year-old, who is an antisemitic conspiracy theorist and Holocaust denier, is against what he believes to be the Jewish control of the Federal Reserve Bank, US federal government and the media. He also believes in racial segregation.

Following Donald Trumps election, David Dukethanked Wikileaks and Julian Assange describing the Wikileaks founder as a hero.

AP:Associated Press

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There are no good Nazis or Ku Klux Klan members | The Tribune – The San Luis Obispo Tribune

There are no good Nazis or Ku Klux Klan members | The Tribune
The San Luis Obispo Tribune
President Trump's description of the parties in the tragic conflict in Charlottesville as comprised of good people on both sides got me thinking.

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When the Ku Klux Klan gripped Austin and the nation

Posted: 10:00 a.m. Thursday, August 17, 2017

Hate groups, historians remind us, have always been with us.

The recent deadly white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Va., might have been the largest and most brazen of such American gatherings in a decade or so. However, one of the constituent groups, the Ku Klux Klan, has emblazoned a long historical scar on Texas.

At one point during the 1920s, the group was politically and socially pervasive nationwide, almost a daily fact of life. Its Austin chapter had swelled to 1,500 members by 1922. It took a determined effort by crusaders such as future Texas Gov. Dan Moody to quell the tide.

In my lifetime, the Klan has always been dangerous, says Patricia Bernstein, Houston-based author of the recently published Ten Dollars to Hate: The Texas Man Who Fought the Klan (Texas A&M Press). And occasionally a Klansman kills someone. But the Klan as an organization has recently consisted of small groups of discredited, extremist fanatics.

Bernstein, who majored in American studies at Smith College, once thought the old Klan could never have been an organization that millions would join.

Research proved her wrong. And a few offhand references in her work led Bernstein to the story of Moody, a Taylor native who served as district attorney for the combined Williamson and Travis counties during the 1920s. Later, he was twice elected governor of Texas, the first time at age 33, and was considered a possible vice presidential running mate for Franklin D. Roosevelt.

I was surprised that Moody seemed to have been almost completely forgotten, despite his remarkable achievement in becoming the first prosecutor in the U.S. to succeed in convicting Klansmen for a brutal assault and getting them serious prison time, she says. I wanted to reclaim the story of this unsung Texas hero, whose deeds, to me, are far more important and relevant to todays world than those of the poor fellows who died at the Alamo. All Texas public school students learn about the Alamo in required Texas history courses. They should also learn about Dan Moody.

Three stages of the Klan

During Reconstruction in the 1860s, the secretive Ku Klux Klan employed lynchings, beatings, tribunals, cross burnings and other acts of violence to terrorize and intimidate recently freed slaves and drive them from the public sphere. Eventually, unapologetic Jim Crow laws did the job of separating the races.

Inspired by racial tensions during World War I and an incendiary movie, The Birth of a Nation, originally titled The Clansman, the Klan in its second phase enlisted millions of members. They controlled whole sectors of the American business and social communities, as well as law enforcement departments and local and state government officials. They were active all over the country, not just in the Deep South, and achieved widespread power by expanding their scope to target immigrants, Catholics, Jews, Asians, Latinos, bootleggers and the morally suspect.

By the end of the 1920s, however, that Klans power had dissipated.

RELATED:Crews removed Jefferson Davis, Woodrow Wilson statues from UT Main Mall

In its third phase, the Klan stayed mostly underground after World War II, except for a bloody revival during the civil rights battles of the 1960s. There were the occasional appearances of a self-publicizing leader such as David Duke, but the group has only recently emerged in a more explicit form on the national scene.

Today, the Southern Poverty Law Center estimates there are between 5,000 and 8,000 Klan members split among dozens of groups that use the Klan name in some form. A recent report from the veteran civil rights watchdog group lists 130 different Klan groups. Nine of these are identified as being in Texas, which is characterized as hosting 55 active hate groups all together.

But we have to remember that these days groups that use the Klan name are competing with, and often inspiring, other similar groups that dont use the Klan name, Bernstein says, citing the Southern Poverty Law Center. Neo-Nazis, white nationalists, racist skinheads, Christian identity groups, neo-Confederate groups, anti-LGBT groups, anti-Muslim groups and general hate groups. Black-separatist hate groups are yet another category identified by the SPLC, but, of course, they arent in competition with the white-supremacist Klan.

The 1920s Klan

I think some of the people who were drawn into the Klans orbit in the 1920s were sincere prohibitionists who believed the Klan could help in enforcing Prohibition, Bernstein says. They believed the Klans bogus promise to clean up cities and towns by intimidating, threatening and even punishing bootleggers, moonshiners, vagrants, gamblers, prostitutes and the like.

Conservatives of the day who were scandalized by rapidly changing social and sexual mores thought the Klan would help restore traditional morality.

Only native-born, white, Anglo-Saxon Protestants were eligible to join the Klan at this time, for a $10 membership fee. They called themselves 100 percent Americans, in contrast with hyphenated Americans. This expansion of targets for bigotry helped the new KKK reach far beyond the former Confederacy. Historians estimate that the Klan recruited between 1 million and 3 million people at its height in the early 1920s.

In 1925 and 1926, the Klan marched en masse on Washington. In 1927, members headed to New York City for a big showdown, far away from the supposed home bases in the South.

The Klans grip on Austin, however, during this era was not as firm as it was in, say, Dallas, Houston, Waco or East Texas. Yet a Klan meeting hall operated on East Fifth Street, and a multi-city Klan assembly, cloaked in robes meant to provoke terror, surged up Congress Avenue to the Capitol in 1921.

David Humphreys Austin: An Illustrated History reports that Capital City Klan No. 81 claimed 1,500 members in 1922 and included among its members the sheriff of Travis County. Bernsteins book describes Klan attacks on three men and at least one murder here. Anti-Klan lawmen were never able to identify and bring to justice whoever killed Peeler Clayton, who just happened to be driving by Klan headquarters downtown at the wrong time on the night of Dec. 15, 1921.

In many locations the new Klan was extremely violent, attacking many whites as well as blacks, Bernstein says. In Dallas, for instance, a drunken Klansman bragged to a victim that he was the 67th person to be flogged at the Klan whipping post in the Trinity River bottoms.

RELATED:A closer look at 1919 Austin racial incident turns up the unexpected

It took some time before the public began to see that the Klan was committing crime, not cleaning it up. For all the Klan propaganda about enforcing laws and protecting pure womanhood, many of the top Klan leaders were exposed even arrested for violating liquor laws. Some were also shown to be compulsive womanizers, Bernstein says, and worse.

Americans today continue to misunderstand the second coming of the Klan of the 1920s, which often acted on motivations such as petty grudges and offended honor.

They think that, like all forms of the Klan, it was primarily racist, Bernstein says. When they hear the story of the attack that frames my book, people immediately assume that the Klan attacked Ralph Burleson, accusing him of conducting an illicit affair with a widow, because one member of the couple was white and one was black. In fact, both Burleson and the widow, Fannie Campbell, were white.

Who was Dan Moody?

Dan Moody was the polar opposite of the rogues who founded the second KKK, Bernstein says. He was a super-straight arrow who had worked hard from a very tender age and did not touch alcohol. But there was nothing stuffy or priggish about him.

Bernstein describes him as both extremely bright and extremely likable with an open, optimistic outlook on life.

Moody went off to the University of Texas with one suit of clothes, one pair of shoes and $65 in his pocket. After spending two years in Austin as an undergraduate and two years studying law, he sold his gold watch to pay for the bar exam.

Once he became a lawyer, the 27-year-old was quickly elected county attorney, the youngest ever to serve in Williamson County. In 1922, he was first appointed and then elected district attorney of both Williamson and Travis counties.

At the age of 29, in 1923, he was an experienced and skilled prosecutor ready to take on the Klan in the Burleson case. Before him, other prosecutors in California and Louisiana had come close to exacting appropriate punishment, but Klansmen were no-billed by Klan-dominated grand juries, or they received probation or a fine, or their sentences were overturned on appeal.

Moody had the advantages of an anti-Klan judge, James Hamilton, and an equally anti-Klan sheriff, Lee Allen, and constable, Louis Lowe. Citizens took up a collection to make sure Moody had the resources to fight the top defense attorneys backed by the Klan.

I suspect that Moody may have had an advantage in the Georgetown trials, since Williamson County had a relatively small population compared with some of the urban counties where Klan prosecutions were attempted, Bernstein says. For example, efforts to indict Klansmen in Austin had been unsuccessful. Williamson County locals probably had a pretty good idea who was in the Klan, even though membership was supposed to be secret.

Judge Hamilton allowed Moody to question prospective jurors fairly ferociously about whether they were members of the Klan, Bernstein says, and Moody was determined to keep Klansmen off his juries.

During the trial, Moody was on his toes and highly effective, she says. One observer, Jessie Daniel Ames, described him as being drunk with fight. He had a skillful way of turning defense questioning against the defense and making them look ridiculous.

As posed in Bernsteins book, the story of the first of several trials related to the case, which transfixed Williamson County, was as dramatic as any Hollywood courtroom drama, with a last-minute surprise witness for the defense who could have sunk the prosecutions case. Moody persevered and succeeded.

After his celebrated win, Moody was the man to beat for statewide office.

MORE:24 years ago, Austinites mooned Ku Klux Klan at Texas Capitol

In 1924, Miriam Ma Ferguson defeated the Klan candidate for governor, running as a surrogate for her husband, Jim Pa Ferguson, who had been impeached and removed from office in 1917 and therefore wasnt allowed to run for office again in Texas. At the same time, Moody was elected Texas attorney general.

The Fergusons, however, were extraordinarily corrupt, using the Texas Highway Commission and other methods to rake in cash.

Moody decided to run for governor against Ma in 1926.

She swore that if he beat her by one vote in the primary, she would immediately resign, Bernstein says. He beat her by over 125,000 votes, almost avoiding a runoff, but, of course, she didnt resign. When he whipped her thoroughly in the runoff, she, out of sheer spite, pardoned his first Klan defendant, who had not yet served even a year in prison.

Remembering Moody

Not everyone has forgotten Moody. Nor do they agree on the impact of his heroism.

History-minded folks in Williamson County recently erected a statue of Moody in Georgetowns courthouse square, not far from a 100-year-old image of a Confederate soldier, installed during the Jim Crow era, when many such public symbols of ongoing white supremacy appeared across the South.

Despite the bid for balance, not everyone is impressed by the Moody monument.

Well, it came about without our input, Jaquita Wilson, a leader in Georgetowns African-American community, told apublic radio reporter in June regarding the Moody statue. No one asked us. When you walk around this courthouse, theres no mention that there were Latinos, that there were Native Americans, that there were African-Americans here. Just white Georgetown.

RELATED: Williamson museum plans statue of Klan-fighting prosecutor

When Moody was elected governor, the youngest that Texas ever had, journalists all over the country celebrated his courage and success in fighting demagoguery as well as his victory over the Klan. But that was not the end of the story.

In my book, I have tried to be entirely honest about Moodys later life, Bernstein says. He, like many people, became more conservative even reactionary as he got older. He eventually turned against Roosevelt and the New Deal, perhaps partly because he often represented the oil and gas industry in court, and Texas oilmen bitterly resented increased regulation of business, the growth of the labor movement and fixed wartime prices for oil and gas. Moody came to be one of the leaders of a movement known as the Texas Regulars, which opposed Roosevelt.

Bernstein says Moody, like many other white politicians in Texas, was particularly appalled by the 1944 Supreme Court ruling in Smith v. Allwright, which ended the whites-only Democratic primary in Texas. Moody proposed, in response, that the party revert to using a convention system, instead of a primary, to nominate candidates, the implication being though not stated explicitly by him that it would be easier to keep blacks out of a convention than out of a primary.

He led the fight at the 1944 Democratic National Convention in Chicago for a plank in the national platform that would allow states to keep blacks from voting and to maintain poll taxes and segregated schools, hospitals and public transportation.

Although he fought against anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant sentiments, partly because of his lifelong friendships with those in the affected communities, his record was far from pure.

In other words, like most white men of his time in the South even bright, educated, ethical white men Dan Moody was a racist, Bernstein says. But he was never one of the many rabid racists of his time. As a politician, he never indulged in the crude race-baiting rhetoric common to Southern politicians in those days. Like all our other heroes, Dan Moody had feet of clay.

PATRICIA BERNSTEIN SPEAKS ABOUT THE KLAN AND DAN MOODY

When: 7 p.m. Nov. 1

Where: Austin Jewish Community Center, 7300 Hart Lane

Information:jewishbookfair.org

When: Noon Sept. 6

Where: Bullock Texas State History Museum, 1800 Congress Ave.

Information: 512-936-8746,thestoryoftexas.com

WHY DID PATRICIA BERNSTEIN FOCUS ON THE KLAN IN TEXAS?

Among author Patricia Bernsteins first loves were literature and European history, especially the Middle Ages, the Renaissance and the Victorian era. Back then, Texas history stayed far from her mind.

My dad, who was a Texas oil and gas lawyer for over 50 years, used to try to get me more interested in Texas history, but it all seemed just kind of drab, colorless, deserty and hot, she says. I think we sometimes think that our own environment is not very romantic and doesnt have a lot of historic resonance, but we are often wrong about that.

That all changed when I encountered the picture of the lynching of Jesse Washington in 1916 in Waco in the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, Tennessee. I was tremendously shocked that I didnt know about this terrible story or the prevalence of lynching in my own home state during the Jim Crow era. The result was my previous book, The First Waco Horror: The Lynching of Jesse Washington and the Rise of the NAACP.

At that point I was tuned into Texas history and all the stories we dont know beyond the Alamo and Six Flags and the Texas Rangers. But I cant just dwell for many years of research on the worst that humanity is capable of lynching, the Klan, etc. Im always looking for the real, unsung heroes, the people who stood up against evil in their own time and made a difference. If we are going to dwell on the worst, Id also like to spend some time on the best that humans are capable of.

Though the mass-movement Klan did not last for many years, Bernstein says, the damage it did lingered for decades. For instance, the Klan helped support the passage of the Immigration Law of 1924, which prohibited immigration into the U.S. by East Asians, Middle Easterners and Indians and established quotas for European countries that favored the so-called Nordic nations.

Less than 20 years later, this law played a central role in preventing many Jewish refugees from finding a haven in the United States during the Holocaust.

This is personal for me, Bernstein says. Most of my grandfathers extended family his sisters, their husbands, nephews and nieces perished in Poland during the Holocaust. The implications for attitudes toward immigrants and efforts to keep refugees out of our country today are obvious.

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Austin protesters moon Ku Klux Klan at Texas Capitol in 1993

Austin is well known for its protests and for itsKeep Austin Weird motto. Those two often intertwine one recent example is2016sCocks Not Glocks campus carry protest at the University of Texas, where sex toys were proudly displayed on the schools mall. But back in 1993, when the Ku Klux Klan staged a rally at the Texas Capitol grounds, Austin protesters fought back by turning the other cheek, in a way. Amass mooning of the Klan was staged on Jan. 16, 1993. (Jan. 16 is also the day after Martin Luther King, Jr.s birthday, for those keeping score at home.) In addition to the bevy of bare butts that day, there was also a march by The People’s Anti-Racism Coalition in honor of Kings birthday, a city-sponsored Peoples Parade to celebrate the city’s racial and cultural diversity, and a multitude of other events citywide to honor Kings legacy, according to American-Statesman archives. A video from the When We Were Live project documenting the full mooning has resurfaced on Reddit in thewake of recent eventsinvolving violence connectedto whitesupremacist rallies. In the video, you can see protesters yelling at the Klan, as well as peaceful protesters standing nearby. Oh, and you can see lots of butts. Human butts, dog butts, white butts, tan butts, bare butts, long-john-covered butts, male butts, female butts, just all kinds of butts coming together to show the racists members of the Klan the proper disrespect. WARNING: This clips contains partial nudity.(Also, theres a sign with a profanity printed on it. Be warned.) According to the American-Statesman archives, about 5,000 protesters showed up to counter the 40 Klansmen that arrived at the Capitol grounds. About 75 of those protesters were mooners. The mass mooning event was first written about in print by the American-Statesmans late, great humor columnist, John Kelso. Read his Jan. 9, 1993, column about the idea behind the showing of behinds: When Ku Klux Klan members rally at the Capitol a week from today, they may see something they’ll never forget – a mass mooning. This mind-boggling and completely unusual proposal is the brainchild of Austin musician Steve Fromholz. If you want to moon the Klan, just show up and join in with Fromholz. You don’t even need a ticket. No place but Austin. “I can see the bumper stickers now – I mooned the Klan, Austin ’93,” says Fromholz, who to date has only a half dozen or so friends lined up for the extravaganza. But he expects many volunteers will make plans to attend, once the word gets out. “I’m certain there are a lot of people in Austin who would leap at the opportunity to moon the Klan,” Fromholz says. “There are some in the community who would worry about their place in the community, or about losing their job. But there are some of us who don’t have to worry about that.” Fromholz likes this idea because he sees it as a peaceful way to show the Klan that it isn’t appreciated around these parts. It would be nice to completely ignore the Klan, but you know that won’t happen. Soooo, instead of getting all worked up and cussing and blowing your top, drop your britches, pull them up, then walk off, Fromholz suggests. “It’s a way to say, We don’t need you, go someplace else to get mooned,'” Fromholz said. “It’s a very simple way of saying, `I hold the Klan in total disrespect.’ Just moon them and walk away and go back to work. Just laugh at them. Don’t shout at them and shoot them the finger.” Fromholz is so serious about this that he called Travis County Sheriff Terry Keel to ask if a group mooning is legal. Imagine calling the sheriff’s office and asking that question. I’ll bet you would get transferred a bunch, huh? “I had a nice conversation with Steve about that,” Keel said. He says a group mooning is legal as long as the participants don’t get too explicit, you might say. He says the law regarding this activity does not address “the subject of cheeks.” Keel also said that though he couldn’t give the group mooning his “official blessing or clearance, he thought it was a good concept. “Steve has the right approach,” he said. “People counterdemonstrate, which is the wrong way to handle it.” Anyway, it must have been an interesting conversation. “It’s hilarious and he was all excited when he talked to me about it,” Keel recalled. “What was the word he used? It was as if a vision came to him.” “It came to me as in a flash of light, ” said Fromholz, who even has his outfit picked out for the affair – a pair of jeans over red long johns. “You got to believe,” he said. “It’s like keeping Tinkerbell alive. But I can picturalize it, and if I can picturalize it, it will usually happen.” So what should you do if you want to involve your civic group in this mass mooning of the Klan? Simply come around and go for it. Junior Leaguers, Lions, SOS’ers, developers – come one, come all. Fromholz sees this as a community thing, although I think there are some of y’all who should stay in the house. I won’t name any names, though. I don’t need the aggravation. OK. So I’ll name one. Radio guy Bob Cole. “It has great possibilities if the Optimists would come out, and the VFW and the American Legion, and perhaps the Legislature,” Fromholz said. “They showed their (fannies) all the way through this last session.” Fromholz advises anyone taking part to keep his distance from the Klan members, though mooning a rally is a lot different than mooning a parade, he explained. “The thing is you’ve got to be careful with a rally. They’re not marching by, so they might kick you in the moon, and they’re notorious moon-kickers.” No matter what you think about this, it sure is unique. “I don’t think anyone’s ever mooned the Klan before, at least not en masse, ” Fromholz said. “But it’s an idea whose time has come. And I think Martin Luther King would approve. This is nonviolent protest at its best.” Maybe so. But I wonder how they’ll handle it on CNN?

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The Day Notre Dame Students Pummeled the Ku Klux Klan – Mental Floss

At first glance, there was nothing unusual about the men who stepped off the train in South Bend, Indiana on the morning of May 17, 1924. Dapper and mannered, they drifted from the station to the downtown area. Some headed for a nearby office that sported a red cross made out of light bulbs stationed in the window. Others roamed around looking for Island Park, the site of a planned social gathering. A closer look at these visitors revealed one common trait: Many were carrying a folded white robe under their arm. Those who had arrived earlier were fully clothed in their uniform and hood, directing automobile traffic to the park. The Ku Klux Klan had arrived in town. Fresh off a controversial leadership election in Indianapolis, Indiana, there was no reason for Klansmen to have any apprehension about holding a morale booster in South Bend. Indiana was Klan territory, with an estimated one in three native born white men sworn members within state lines. Just a few months later, Klansman Ed Jackson would be elected governor. It was only when Klansmen found themselves guided into alleys and surrounded by an irate gang of Catholic students from nearby Notre Dame University that they realized mobilizing in South Bend may have been a very bad idea. The Klan wanted a rally. What they got was a full-scale riot. Politically-endorsed prejudice was the order of the day in the early part of the 20th century, when the Klanfirst created in 1866 to oppose Republican Reconstruction with violent racial enmity and then revived in 1915expanded its tentacles to reach law enforcement and civil service. No longer targeting people of color exclusively, the KKK took issue with Catholics, the Jewish faith, and immigrants. An estimated 4 million Americans belonged to the Klan in the 1920s, all echoing the groups philosophy that only white, God-fearing citizens were worthy of respect. Under the guidance of Indiana’s Grand Dragon D.C. Stephenson, the group had attempted to shift public perception from the lynch mobs of the past to an orderly and articulate assembly. Rallies were held in KKK-friendly areas; propaganda material was becoming an effective weapon for their cause. Acceptance of the Klans ideology seeped into political office; Stephenson was a prominent Indiana politician. To help continue that indoctrination, the Klan made plans for a parade in South Bend to be held on May 17, 1924. That it would be in close proximity to the Notre Dame campus was no mistake: At the time, 75 percent of the school’s nearly 2000 students were Catholic, a religion the Klan found abhorrent. By pledging allegiance to the Vatican, their reasoning went, Catholics were acknowledging a foreign power. In the fall of 1923, they had persisted in setting crosses on fire near the University of Dayton in Dayton, Ohio, a predominantly Catholic college, and were frequently chased off by angered football players. That December, the Klan set off firebombs in Dayton during Christmas break. While no one was seriously injured, the intent was to send a messageone they wanted to spread to Indiana. In the weeks and months leading up to the parade, both students and faculty began to get a taste of that perspective. Copies of the Fiery Cross, the official Klan newspaper, circulated on campus; one Klansman showed up at an auditorium to broadcast that Catholics were not good Americans. He exited the stage when attendees began throwing potatoes at him. If that public response was foreshadowing, the Klan either ignored or failed to heed the warning. Members began arriving the Friday evening prior to the rally and were met at the train station by irritated students, who scuffled with the early arrivals by ripping their robes. By Saturday morning, when more Klansmen arrived, hundreds of students were in town, a loosely organized anti-Klan task force. Klan members were used to breezing into towns without incident. Here, they were immediately confronted by young, ornery college kids proud of their Catholicism. Klansmen were led into alleys and tossed into walls; students who played for the schools legendary football squad formed wedges, the offensive line-ups found on the field, and plowed into groups of Klan members like they were challenging for a state title. The violence, swift and sudden, prompted the Klan to retreat to their headquarters in South Bend. The students followed, their blood pumping hot at the sight of the red cross lit in the office window. Below it stood a grocery store with barrels of fresh potatoes. The students lobbed them at the glass, smashing the bulbs inside. The conflict had been uninterrupted by law enforcement, but not for lack of trying. Deputy Sheriff John Cully, himself a Klansman, tried to enlist the National Guard but was shot down by officials. Notre Dame president Matthew Walsh had already implored students not to go into town, but his words went unheeded. Unencumbered by authority, the 100 or so students idling near the Klans office decided they wanted to seize the hideout. Dozens began running up the stairs but were greeted by a Klan member who produced a gun. Unarmed, the students backed off. Four seniors went back and came to an impromptu truce: The student body would disperse if the Klan agreed to hold their rally without weapons or their robes. The agreement seemed to placate both sides until Stephenson finally arrived in town before the parades scheduled 6:30 p.m. start. Assessing the roughed-up Klansmen and their skittish behavior, he complained to the police, who posted officers on horseback around their assembly at Island Park. But there would be no rally: A heavy downpour prompted Stephenson to call it off, although the potential for further violence likely weighed on his mind. Lingering students who still hadnt returned to campus met departing Klansmen as they attempted to drive out of town, smashing windows and even tipping over one car. By Sunday, things seemed to have settled down. Walsh cringed at newspaper reports of the incidents, fearing it would portray the students as thugs. Unfortunately, neither side was done protesting. And when they met a second time, the robed men would be backed up by lawman Cully and a squad of 30 deputized Klansmen. Students back on campus Monday had taken to hanging up seized Klan robes and hoods on their walls like trophies. It had been a rout, with the Klan barely putting up a fight. Now, word was spreading through the halls that the Klan had captured or perhaps had even killed a Notre Dame student. Roughly 500 students jogged the two miles back into South Bend, eager for another confrontation. When they arrived at the Klans headquarters, the light bulb cross had been rebuilt. It was an act of defiance, and the students moved forward. But the Klan was prepared: Many had been deputized, and uniformed officers joined the melee. Axe handles and bottles were brandished, and blood began to stain the street. It was a clash, with parties on both sides laid out. When he got word of the conflict, Walsh rushed to the site and climbed on top of a cannon that was part of a monument. Shouting to be heard, he implored students to return to campus. His voice cut through the sounds of breaking glass, snapping the students out of their reverie. They returned to the school. Absent any opposition, the Klan did the same. Stragglers from out of town returned home. With bombastic prose, writers for the Fiery Cross later recapped the event by accusing Notre Dame students of beating women and children. Later that summer, they declared theyd be returning to South Bend in greater number. It never happened. Although the Klan maintained an aura of strength for several more years, the conviction of Stephenson for raping and murdering a woman in November 1925 extinguished one of their most enthusiastic leaders; the Depression dampened the ability of new recruits to pay dues. By 1930, the Klan was down to an estimated 45,000 members. While Walsh never condoned the vigilante justice exacted that weekend, he never disciplined a single student for it. Additional Sources: Notre Dame vs. the Klan, by Todd Tucker (Loyola Press, 2004) “Hearing the Silence: The University of Dayton, the Ku Klux Klan, and Catholic Universities and Colleges in the 1920s” [PDF], by William Vance Trollinger

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Expos of Traitors Buffalo Ku Klux Klan Membership List – Buffalo Rising

Collection owner:Buffalo History Museum In the early 1920s, after decades of dormancy, the Ku Klux Klan was resurgent, gaining new recruits in the Northeast by using modern sales techniques in which recruiters received commissions for signing new members. Capitalizing on anxieties about foreigners and racial purity, the Klan found new members in locales with otherwise strong traditions of interracial progress and tolerance. Buffalo was one such city. Openly advocating white supremacy and white nationalism, the Klan was known for racist rhetoric and violence against African-Americans, Jews, Catholics, and immigrants. They also promised opportunities for business contacts, fraternal bonding, mystical ritual, and community improvement, casting themselves as defenders of Anglo-Saxon Protestant notions of morality and decency. As Klan scholar Shawn Lay notes, . . .many men [joined] simply out of curiosity or because they did not want to be left out of what appeared to be an up-and-coming organization. An individuals decision to join the Invisible Empire could not always be solely credited to racial and religious intolerance (Lay, p.3). The Klans arrival in Buffalo in 1921 exploited a bitter mayoral campaign that pitted Frances X. Schwab (1874-1946), a brewery owner born to German Catholic immigrants, against Protestant Yale-educated establishment attorney George S. Buck (1875-1931). The electorate divided along religious, class, and ethnic lines, and Schwab, who had campaigned in opposition to Prohibition, won a narrow victory, becoming Buffalos first Roman Catholic mayor. In spite of hostility to the Klan from the Buffalo press, the Catholic Diocese, and leading rabbis and African-Americans, the Buffalo chapters first public ceremony took place in a vacant field on Harlem Road on October 25, 1922 (Lay, p.45). The initiation of 800 new recruits was accompanied by a burning cross and public denials of racial bigotry. The Klan soon found allies among white middle-class Protestants, who considered Mayor Schwabs administration to be corrupt and tolerant of vice, as demonstrated by his unwillingness to prosecute illegal drinking establishments. Known elsewhere for racist violence, the Klan in Buffalo was belligerent about the lax enforcement of Prohibition. Operating out of the Calumet Building, 46-58 W. Chippewa Street (Lay, p.81), in offices rented by Kay-Bee Adsign Company, a KKK front, the Klan was soon infiltrated by undercover Buffalo police officer Edward Obertean, who supplied intelligence directly to Mayor Schwab. By the summer of 1924, battle lines were clearly drawn, and the antagonism between Klan supporters and opponents erupted in the open. Anti-Klan efforts were led by the United Sons of America and the Liberty League. Rising tensions culminated in the bombing on April 18, 1924, of 34 Gallatin Street, the home of Rev. Littleton E. H. Smith, a Klan supporter (Lay, p.117)). The family was not at home at the time. The culprits were never found. Buffalo was on the edge of religious warfare. Klan headquarters were ransacked on July 3, 1924, and the membership list stolen, perhaps by or with the assistance of Schwabs undercover agents (Lay, p.120). The list was soon in the hands of police, who promptly put it on public display in police headquarters. Thousands of Buffalonians flocked to view the roster and note the names of friends, neighbors, and associates, many of whom quickly distanced themselves from the organization. Those names form the basis of the membership list that is digitized here by the Buffalo History Museum. The theft of its records and public exposure threw the Buffalo Klan into disarray and internal dissension. On the evening of August 31, 1924, Thomas Austin, a Klan investigator sent from Atlanta to investigate the break-in, guessed the nature of Edward Oberteans involvement in the Klan and confronted him in front of 128 Durham Street (Lay, p.131). The two men exchanged gunfire and were both killed. Obertean is long overdue for recognition as Buffalos sole martyr in the battle against the Klan. The ensuing public investigation and prosecution precipitated the decline of the Klan in Buffalo, and by the time Mayor Schwab was reelected in a landslide in 1925, it was no longer a viable organization. Its Buffalo office closed down in late 1925. Buffalos dramatic response to the Klan stands as one of its least-appreciated and most heroic moments. This membership list formed the basis of Shawn Lays in-depth study of Buffalos Klan experience,Hooded Knights on the Niagara, which is readily available from booksellers and at local libraries. Lay sums up what he learned about Buffalo and this list: The hooded order followed standard legal procedure in securing warrants against illegal establishments, never engaged in violence against local African-Americans and immigrants, and hoped to establish itself as a legitimate force within the existing power structure. To characterize the KKK as a hopelessly aberrant and lawless fringe group would be manifestly inaccurate. Indeed, the most frightening aspect of the Invisible Empire was its ability to attract ordinary law-abiding citizens. (Lay, pp.82-83) Lead image:A new member being sworn into the Tigers Eye Society in 1922. The societys aim was to combat the Klu Klux Klan. The secret society was known as the invisible jungle and the knights wore black masks and gowns that hid their faces and bodies. Visible Republic and the Invisible Empire Collection owner:Buffalo History Museum| www.nyheritage.org/collections/buffalo-ku-klux-klan-membership-list

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Ku Klux Klan’s profile in Palm Beach County shrank through years – MyPalmBeachPost

The governor of Florida had no patience for the Ku Klux Klan. He called them covered cowards, hooded hoodlums, sheeted jerks. Fuller Warren could afford to go after the shadowy group. It was 1951, and Florida didnt need the Klan to press Jim Crow. It was the law of the land. With this months events inCharlottesville, Va., placing the spotlight on extremist groups nationwide, people at times are surprised to learn that Florida, the place that now is the most northern of the southern states, once was a hotbed of racism. Many will argue theres still plenty of it between Pensacola and Key West including in Palm Beach County. Frank Cerabino: University of Florida fails history with neo-Nazi ban The Klan had emerged in Florida by 1868, not two years after it was founded in Pulaski, Tenn. And the state has been one of the Klans strongest and most violent realms, Michael Newton wrote in his 2001 book,Invisible Empire: the Ku Klux Klan in Florida. The Southern Poverty Law Centerlists eight Klan chapters in Florida, none in Palm Beach County. That wasnt always the case. The boomtown 1920s saw neighborhoods popping up across Palm Beach County, but also at least two chapters of the shadowy group that insists its not about hate, just pride. The first is believed to be the Albert Sidney Johnson Klan, named for a Civil War general, and a chapter also was established in Lake Worth. Articles would announce the groups meetings and say refreshments would be served. In that period after World War I, the new Klan had pivoted. It was continuing to go after blacks, but was focusing more on the immigrant scourge and what it saw as a decline in family values, longtime Florida historian Gary Mormino said from St. Petersburg. The Klan sold itself as a sort of moral guardian of an America that was going to hell in a handbasket because of immigrants; Jews; the new woman that emerged in the 20s that was smoking and doing the Charleston, Mormino said. But by the time Warren went after the Klan in the early 1950s, it still was strong in rural areas, but its extremism had made it not only in disrepute but pretty marginal as well, Mormino said. In Florida, and Palm Beach County, he said, You didnt need the Klan to be a racist. By the 1960s, Florida, and Palm Beach County, were becoming more Northern, more immigrant, more Jewish, and more Hispanic. The Klan was there. Mostly out on the edges. But not always. The Klan rallied in Loxahatchee in February 1980, complete with a 22-foot blazing cross. Its keynote speaker was the national Imperial Wizard, Robert Shelton, who told about 150 people that minorities are robbing this country of its milk and honey. The Klan later scheduled a local rally for September 1980, but canceled due to some problems in Connecticut for national Klan leader Bill Wilkinson, whod been arrested there on weapons charges. In the summer of 1984, police arrested nine members of the White Patriot party, formerly Confederate Knights of the KKK, for a series of attacks in Belle Glade and West Palm Beach. Participants allegedly had bludgeoned one man with a spiked ax handle, run down another with a car, stoned black pedestrians, slashed car tires and fired shots into local businesses that dared to employ blacks. Defendants said they formed their group to have something to do. Five people pleaded guilty and were sentenced to probation. In June 1989, about 15 members of the the Lantana-based Fraternal White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan gathered in a cow pasture and orange grove west of the city. For most of the day, the participants listened to country music and stood under a tent where T-shirts, flags and other Klan paraphernalia were for sale. Nearby, organizers had planted poles bearing the Klan and American flags. But three separate thunderstorms cut short the evening event. And then, in 1990, the Klan opted to march down iconic Worth Avenue in Palm Beach. The city went to court, but judges said even the Klan had constitutional rights. About 30 Klansmen showed up. A year later, at a march at Boca Ratons Mizner Park, just 14 showed up. Were more concerned, I would say, now, about people who are unaffiliated, Lonny Wilk, a South Florida spokesman for the Anti-Defamation League, said Friday. Who are sitting behind a keyboard and being exposed and indoctrinated into hate, into bigotry, into extremism.

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Colorado’s long history and uncertain present with the KKK and other hate groups – The Denver Post

Hate never left Colorado. From massacres of American Indians in the 19th Century to the Ku Klux Klans control of state politics in the 1920s to modern acts of violence such as the 2013 assassination of the state prisons director by a white supremacist gang member, Colorado has dealt with its share of racism. Now, though, a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Va., that turned violent and a president who has struggled to outright denounce the racists or their actions have raised awareness across the country, including in Colorado. And people are ready to speak out. It seems louder for people who deny it ever existed, said the Rev. Timothy Tyler, pastor of Shorter Community AME Church in Denver. But for those of us who have grown up with it and have lived it, we are saying, I told you so. Were going to do all we can to address a wound that has been scratched over the presidents words and what happened in Charlottesville. Last year, the Southern Poverty Law Center, an Alabama-based organization that fights extremism, identified 16 hate groups in the state the same number listed in 2015, although some groups had fallen off the list and others had been added. Of the 16 groups listed in 2016, five were white supremacist/racist groups, while the others were singled out because of their views toward Muslims, immigrants, gay people and white people. Among the white supremacist groups were a Wheat Ridge-based company that distributes neo-Nazi music and books and a group founded in Finland that conducted a so-called patrol through LoDo and posted a video of it on YouTube. Most of the time, those groups operate under the publics radar, proclaiming their views on social media and refraining from public gatherings. But since Donald Trumps election, many people believe they are becoming more bold and more visible. Were seeing a greater number of public events, folks who are more willing to express their extremist beliefs and ideologies in a public forum, said Jeremy Shaver, associate director for the Anti-Defamation League Rocky Mountain States region. In 2015, the Anti-Defamation League recorded 18 reported anti-Semitic incidents but that number more than doubled in 2016 to 45, Shaver said. This year, more than 30 incidents have been reported thus far. Those incidents include July vandalism at Chabad Lubavitch Jewish Center in Colorado Springs. William Scott Planer, a Denver resident who is accused of affixing a Fight Terror, Nuke Israel sticker on the building, is being held on a $500,000 bond in the El Paso County jail. He also is wanted on a warrant out of California after being accused of attacking a protester during a white supremacists march in June 2106. Planer and his roommates became notorious figures in November in Denvers Capitol Hill neighborhood after someone put their names, faces and address on fliers to notify area residents that white supremacists live nearby. The Denver Post attempted to talk to residents at the home last week, but a man inside refused to answer the door and yelled, Go away! Also this summer, white supremacists have attended an anti-Sharia law rally at the state Capitol and a rally held in Boulder by a group that celebrates misogyny. Those alt-right groups attract white supremacists and are helping bring more public activity, Shaver said. The take-home message is no community is immune to white supremacy and no state is immune to white supremacy, he said. Colorado is no exception. And the state never has been the exception. Courtesy of the Royal Gorge Regional Museum and History Center This April 1926 photo by Clinton Rolfe shows members of the Ku Klux Klan posing on a ferris wheel at the fairgrounds in Caon City, Colorado. Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. Members of the KKK, in pointed hoods that cover the face and dark or white robes, stand around a tall cross in a boulder field on the summit of Pikes Peak in El Paso County, Colorado on July 4, 1923. They raise their arms in salute. Shows an American flag and the tops of automobiles. Denver Post archive photo Members of the Ku Klux Klan march in a parade on Larimer Street in Denver, May 31, 1926. They wear hoods and robes as spectators look on. Parked automobiles line the street. A sign on a building reads: “Western Clothing Co.” Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. A Klan member at “Klan Day” at the races at Overland Park in July 1925. Ku Klux Klan members inspect the Miller Special race car owned by Ralph de Palma at Overland Park race track in Denver, Colorado. People crowd the bleachers. The driver, identified as Mr. Miller, wears a duster and holds a cap. Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. This undated photo shows crosses burning at a KKK night ceremony held on Table Top Mountain in Golden . A row of men in white hoods that cover the face and robes encircles men in street clothes who kneel with their backs to the camera. Spectators sit in chairs outside the circle, some have on white hoods. Shows a flagpole and the American flag. (Photo courtesy of Denver Public LibraryWesternHistory/Genealogy Dept.) Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. This photograph made between 1924 and 1925 shows a panoramic night view of men, members of the KKK, in pointed hoods that cover the face and dark or white robes who stand, or sit on horseback, on Table Top Mountain near Golden (Jefferson County), Colorado. Men in bandanna masks and street clothes kneel before a table with three hooded men; one holds an American flag. Many of the men salute. Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. Two women and a man wearing hoods and robes, members of the Ku Klux Klan, stand near a burning cross at night in 1924 or 1925, probably in Denver. Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. Governor Clarence J. Morely poses for a photo as he signs a document in the Governor’s office. Morely served as Governor of Colorado from 1925 to 1927, he was known as the Ku Klux Klan Governor during the political peak of the Klan in the 1920’s. Denver Post archive photo This 1925 group portrait shows men (with drums) and women in Ku Klux Klan costumes and Revolutionary era uniforms, in Denver. Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. Members of the Ku Klux Klan kneel and stand around a U. S. flag in a ceremony on Golden Road near Denver on April 16, 1922. A cross illuminated by flashlights is nearby. The men wear hoods and robes. Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. A cross burns at a night meeting of the Ku Klux Klan on Table Top Mountain near Golden in 1924 or 1925. Men in white robes and hoods encircle a group of men in street clothes who kneel in front of the burning cross. A container and cups on a tray sit behind rows of chairs. Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. Ku Klux Klan members wearing hoods and robes light candles in metal cans buried in a dirt mound on May 7, 1940, probably in Denver. Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. A burning cross and a man in Ku Klux Klan uniform and hood on Ruby Hill, in Denver, sometime in the 1920s. Denver Public Library, Western History/Genealogy Dept. Klansmen exchange documents with one another in front of a burning cross and an American flag as other members of the group watch at a rally of the Boulder Chapter of the Ku Klux Klan in Boulder County, ca. 1925. Duane Howell, The Denver Post Denver policemen protect a flag-waving member of the Ku Klux Klan at 16th Street and Court Place about 11:45 a.m., Sept. 14, 1979, during a Chicano march through downtown Denver, kicking off festivities for Mexican Independence Day, celebrated Sunday. One of the marchers was confronted by a policeman, left, as he attempted to approach the Klansman. Shortly after, the unidentified Klansman rolled up his sign and flag and left. John Sunderland, The Denver Post Fred Wilkins, the state organizer of the Ku Klux Klan, announces his resignation as head of that organization Aug. 10, 1980 to join the National Association for the Advancement of White People, a group that had been recently formed by the head of the national Ku Klux Klan. Wilkins said the Klan had suffered from a negative image and that the new group should be seen as a pro-white organization instead of an anti-black one. The power structure of settlements and territories in the early American West called for the destruction of Indians, said Patty Limerick, the states historian laureate and director of the Center for the American West at the University of Colorado Boulder. The times were not much easier for Mexicans or Asian immigrants, who suffered from discrimination and oppression, she said. In fact, lynching has a very Western story, Limerick said, with Mexicans as the primary victims. In the 1920s, Colorado politics were dominated by the Ku Klux Klan albeit a branch that, while loyal to its Southern brotherhood, was more preoccupied with Catholics and Jews than black people, Limerick said. The Klan came to power after World War I during a period where Americans were coming off the anxieties and tensions associated with war but finding that times were not prosperous for farmers and laborers, Limerick said. White Protestants were trying to hang onto their power so immigrants, who were likely to be Irish or Italian Catholics, were targets. The Klans Denver power broker was a doctor named John Galen Locke, a Spanish-American War veteran from New York. Klansmen occupied the governors office and represented the majority in both houses of the state legislature and held numerous statewide offices. Denver Mayor Benjamin Stapleton won office because he joined the Klan, and Denver Police Chief William Candish was a klansman. Limerick described Locke as a weird bird. His decline came when he was charged with various crimes and the whole movement fell apart, she said. While Limerick objects to the notion of history repeating itself, the 1920s provide cautionary tales for todays leaders. Stapleton, for example, was not driven solely by hatred of black people, Catholics and Jews, but he knew he needed Klan support to win an election, she said. It hast gone well for him over the years, Limerick said. He made that devils bargain. He later separated himself from the Klan, but he left himself with that record of being a part of the Klan. It says something about how long-range someone should think of his heritage and his legacy. In Denver, there has been a movement to remove Stapletons name from the neighborhood that bears his name, built on the site of a former airport also named after him. Limerick suggested having an event she described as Stapleton Remembrance Day where people gathered to listen to scholars discuss his choice to form an alliance with such an abhorrent movement. As part of the event, people could spend time talking about their actions today and what legacy they will leave. I wish we could quit with the tug-of-war over the names of places and statues, Limerick said, because people and their stories are muddled and complicated. I wish we could put a mirror up to ourselves and think, Are we doing that?’ Tyler, the church pastor, said he had grown tired of talking about race but now sees a renewed opportunity form new allies. His church hosted a community discussion about race on Saturday and another is planned for Aug. 31. I think were going to have to do a lot of talking to get peoples heads around how this is affecting our society, he said. Barbara Gunion, a 51-year-old from Centennial, has felt the call to act since Trump was elected in November. She joined two national groups that consider themselves organized resistance to the president, and the increased visibility of armed militias, neo-Nazis and other alt-right groups have led to a sense of urgency for her. I feel like Charlottesville and Trumps statements are a real tipping point for the left, Gunion said. Its not just racheted it up. Its caused a whole different way of thinking. This experience has made me realize its also my problem. Its my responsibility. Im white but its not an excuse to be silent. Its the reason not to be silent.

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Ku Klux Klan to attend Boston rally – Boston Herald

Massachusetts members of the Ku Klux Klan reportedly are headed to Boston Common for the so-called Boston Free Speech Rally this Saturday, but a rally organizer said he doesnt want the event hijacked by white supremacists. I know some of our members from the Springfield area are going, said Thomas Robb, national director of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. Im assuming members in the Boston area are going. Robb did not provide details on who or how many members would attend the rally, but said they would be inconspicuous while supporting the rally. I dont think theyre going to cause a disturbance, Robb said, adding that Knights from different areas went to the Charlottesville rally. Our members dont stand out, they dont walk around giving Nazi salutes, they might be your next door neighbor or Cub Scout leader. Rally organizer John Medlar, who has insisted his group is not racist, told the Herald, Though we naturally respect their right to speak and assemble, we also will exercise our right to choose who we will associate with. We will not allow our platform to be hijacked by the KKK. If I see anyone bring out a swastika or throw a Hitler salute, I will immediately denounce them. The Free Speech Rally which many fear will turn into a white nationalist protest will take place from noon to 2 p.m. at the Parkman Bandstand tomorrow, with the prospect of massive counterprotests in the wake of the violence in Charlottesville, Va., that left a woman dead. Medlar has said his group was not involved in Charlottesville though some of the listed speakers were there and that the Boston rally is meant to promote free speech, not white supremacy. Mayor Martin J. Walsh said about the KKK: Make no mistake: We do not welcome any hate groups to Boston and we reject their message. We have made it clear that we will not tolerate incitements to violence or any threatening behavior. I ask that everyone join me in making Boston a more inclusive, welcoming, love-filled city for all. Counterprotest organizers said they were not surprised by the Klan threat. Weve been prepared for the worst like that since the beginning, said Kelsey Taylor, one of the organizers for a rally that will take place in front of the State House. It doesnt change our plan, but it reminds us to be vigilant. Im not worried about it. It would be naive to think there arent Klansmen in Massachusetts, said Angelina Camacho, one of the organizers of a Black Lives Matter rally that will march from the Reggie Lewis Track and Athletic Center at Roxbury Community College to Boston Common Saturday. Im looking forward to having a peaceful event without incident. Organizers on both sides of the rally have met with police to go over security plans, which include keeping Free Speech rally participants behind barriers and keeping them separated from counterprotesters. Police are urging people to not bring backpacks or strollers to the Common and are banning weapons, bicycles, signs attached to sticks and pets from the area. Meanwhile, Christopher Cantwell of Keene, N.H., a self-described white nationalist who attended the rally in Charlottesville, said he was contacted by the FBIs Joint Terrorism Task Force about helping defuse any violence in Boston. He told reporters he isnt going because there is a warrant for his arrest in Virginia stemming from the rally there. Herald wire services contributed to this report.

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August 19, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

What is the Ku Klux Klan, who was KKK Imperial Wizard Frank … – The Sun

THE Ku Klux Klan returned to prominence thanks toDonald Trump who is cited as a factor in the rise ofright-wing groups in America after they backed him to become president. Theyre popping their robes back on, emboldened to broadcast their white supremacist message like never before. We explain everything you need to know about them. Getty Images In a nutshell, the Ku Klux Klan (or the KKK) is an extremist hate group who believeall non-Caucasian people are inferior to them. The group believes that America should be a nation that is free from drugs, homosexuality and immigration. Claiming to have extreme pride in their nation, they say that they are building a better society for everyone arguing on their website that they are a group not of hate but of love. Historically, black Americans have been the KKKs main target but more recently it has targeted Jews, immigrants, LGBT people and even Catholics. Since its formation in 1865, the groups history can be divided into three eras. The first Klan, founded in Tennessee, was formed by former members of the Confederate army in around 1865. As a movement it was relatively short-lived at the outset but, as secret vigilantes, the Klan carried out acts of terrorism such as the lynchings, arson, murders, tar-and-featherings, rapes and other violent attacks historically associated with the group. During the first era, these attacks were directed towards anyone who challenged white supremacy. The second Klan, founded in Atlanta, Georgia in 1921, presented itself as a fraternal organisation employing full-time recruiters. At its peak, it was present in every state in America claiming to have at least 4 million members, operations in Canada, and even reportedly some recruiting activity in the UK. However, the KKKs popularity plummeted to only 30,000 members after a series of scandals. Getty Images The third revival came in the 1960s in opposition to the civil rights movement, which in the Klans eyes threatened segregation. The KKK name was used by a number of independent groups many members of which were convicted of murders of civil rights workers. One of the KKKs most violent actions was the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963 an attack which killed four young girls. Today, it is thought there are at least 5,000 members of various KKK chapters in the United States. Getty Images The KKK refers to its beliefs and practices as Klankraft. Although they are a secretive group, there is some knowledge of its beliefs and practices which are all based on their white supremacist views. Incredible imagesgive a chilling insight into white supremacist culture that still exist in all corners of America. One of the most iconic symbols of the KKK is their white robes, which feature a conical mask. These were adopted by the first Klan, and were intended to add to the terror of their brutal attacks. As part of their rituals, the KKK carries out cross burnings. Most Christians would say burning a cross is sacrilege but the Klan believe it is lighting it, in a symbol of members faith. The KKK also use unique titles and greetings among their members with the leaders referred to as Grand or Imperial Wizards. To this day the KKK attend rallies, and due the United States Constitutions First Amendment, which relates to freedom of speech, their hate speech is legal. Facebook Frank Ancona, a self-described Imperial Wizard of the Missouri chapter of the Traditionalist American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, was found dead with a gunshot to the head in February 2017. Ancona, who wrote that the KKKs mission was to preserve white culture and heritage, had been reported missing from his home afterhe told his wife Malissa that he was filing for a divorce. After being reported missing on February 10, his body was found near the Big River, with the Sheriff describing his death as a tragic and senseless act of violence. The 51-year-olds wife, Malissa, and her son Paul Edward Jinkerson Jr, 24, have both been charged with his murder. Authorities believe that Malissa broke into Franks safe to get at his guns so that she could kill him. Washington County coroner Brian DeClue told The Kansas City Star:It was not self-inflicted.This is now a homicide investigation. Donald Trumpblasted the KKK and neo-Nazis as repugnant after being criticised for not singling out the far-right violence following the horrific car assault inCharlottesville, Virginia. Far-right groups had gathered on August 12 to protest the decision to bring down the statue of Confederate General Robert E Lee. Activist Richard Spencer and formerKu Klux Klanleader David Duke attended the demonstrations. Heather Hyer, 32, died after being hit by the car, with her family saying she had been marching in a cry for social justice. During his statement at the White House, the Trump denounced racism as evil and singled out the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis as repugnant. He said: Racism is evil. And those who cause violence in its name are criminals and thugs, including the KKK, neo-Nazis, white supremacists and other hate groups that are repugnant to everything we hold dear as Americans. Trump had attracted criticism for not being strong enough following the terrifying car assault. David Duke was the Grand Wizard of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, a chapter of the KKK, from 1974 to 1980. Before 1975, he was a member of the American Nazi party and is now a Republican. The 56-year-old, who is an antisemitic conspiracy theorist and Holocaust denier, is against what he believes to be the Jewish control of the Federal Reserve Bank, US federal government and the media. He also believes in racial segregation. Following Donald Trumps election, David Dukethanked Wikileaks and Julian Assange describing the Wikileaks founder as a hero. AP:Associated Press

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August 19, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

There are no good Nazis or Ku Klux Klan members | The Tribune – The San Luis Obispo Tribune

There are no good Nazis or Ku Klux Klan members | The Tribune The San Luis Obispo Tribune President Trump's description of the parties in the tragic conflict in Charlottesville as comprised of good people on both sides got me thinking. and more »

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August 19, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed

When the Ku Klux Klan gripped Austin and the nation

Posted: 10:00 a.m. Thursday, August 17, 2017 Hate groups, historians remind us, have always been with us. The recent deadly white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Va., might have been the largest and most brazen of such American gatherings in a decade or so. However, one of the constituent groups, the Ku Klux Klan, has emblazoned a long historical scar on Texas. At one point during the 1920s, the group was politically and socially pervasive nationwide, almost a daily fact of life. Its Austin chapter had swelled to 1,500 members by 1922. It took a determined effort by crusaders such as future Texas Gov. Dan Moody to quell the tide. In my lifetime, the Klan has always been dangerous, says Patricia Bernstein, Houston-based author of the recently published Ten Dollars to Hate: The Texas Man Who Fought the Klan (Texas A&M Press). And occasionally a Klansman kills someone. But the Klan as an organization has recently consisted of small groups of discredited, extremist fanatics. Bernstein, who majored in American studies at Smith College, once thought the old Klan could never have been an organization that millions would join. Research proved her wrong. And a few offhand references in her work led Bernstein to the story of Moody, a Taylor native who served as district attorney for the combined Williamson and Travis counties during the 1920s. Later, he was twice elected governor of Texas, the first time at age 33, and was considered a possible vice presidential running mate for Franklin D. Roosevelt. I was surprised that Moody seemed to have been almost completely forgotten, despite his remarkable achievement in becoming the first prosecutor in the U.S. to succeed in convicting Klansmen for a brutal assault and getting them serious prison time, she says. I wanted to reclaim the story of this unsung Texas hero, whose deeds, to me, are far more important and relevant to todays world than those of the poor fellows who died at the Alamo. All Texas public school students learn about the Alamo in required Texas history courses. They should also learn about Dan Moody. Three stages of the Klan During Reconstruction in the 1860s, the secretive Ku Klux Klan employed lynchings, beatings, tribunals, cross burnings and other acts of violence to terrorize and intimidate recently freed slaves and drive them from the public sphere. Eventually, unapologetic Jim Crow laws did the job of separating the races. Inspired by racial tensions during World War I and an incendiary movie, The Birth of a Nation, originally titled The Clansman, the Klan in its second phase enlisted millions of members. They controlled whole sectors of the American business and social communities, as well as law enforcement departments and local and state government officials. They were active all over the country, not just in the Deep South, and achieved widespread power by expanding their scope to target immigrants, Catholics, Jews, Asians, Latinos, bootleggers and the morally suspect. By the end of the 1920s, however, that Klans power had dissipated. RELATED:Crews removed Jefferson Davis, Woodrow Wilson statues from UT Main Mall In its third phase, the Klan stayed mostly underground after World War II, except for a bloody revival during the civil rights battles of the 1960s. There were the occasional appearances of a self-publicizing leader such as David Duke, but the group has only recently emerged in a more explicit form on the national scene. Today, the Southern Poverty Law Center estimates there are between 5,000 and 8,000 Klan members split among dozens of groups that use the Klan name in some form. A recent report from the veteran civil rights watchdog group lists 130 different Klan groups. Nine of these are identified as being in Texas, which is characterized as hosting 55 active hate groups all together. But we have to remember that these days groups that use the Klan name are competing with, and often inspiring, other similar groups that dont use the Klan name, Bernstein says, citing the Southern Poverty Law Center. Neo-Nazis, white nationalists, racist skinheads, Christian identity groups, neo-Confederate groups, anti-LGBT groups, anti-Muslim groups and general hate groups. Black-separatist hate groups are yet another category identified by the SPLC, but, of course, they arent in competition with the white-supremacist Klan. The 1920s Klan I think some of the people who were drawn into the Klans orbit in the 1920s were sincere prohibitionists who believed the Klan could help in enforcing Prohibition, Bernstein says. They believed the Klans bogus promise to clean up cities and towns by intimidating, threatening and even punishing bootleggers, moonshiners, vagrants, gamblers, prostitutes and the like. Conservatives of the day who were scandalized by rapidly changing social and sexual mores thought the Klan would help restore traditional morality. Only native-born, white, Anglo-Saxon Protestants were eligible to join the Klan at this time, for a $10 membership fee. They called themselves 100 percent Americans, in contrast with hyphenated Americans. This expansion of targets for bigotry helped the new KKK reach far beyond the former Confederacy. Historians estimate that the Klan recruited between 1 million and 3 million people at its height in the early 1920s. In 1925 and 1926, the Klan marched en masse on Washington. In 1927, members headed to New York City for a big showdown, far away from the supposed home bases in the South. The Klans grip on Austin, however, during this era was not as firm as it was in, say, Dallas, Houston, Waco or East Texas. Yet a Klan meeting hall operated on East Fifth Street, and a multi-city Klan assembly, cloaked in robes meant to provoke terror, surged up Congress Avenue to the Capitol in 1921. David Humphreys Austin: An Illustrated History reports that Capital City Klan No. 81 claimed 1,500 members in 1922 and included among its members the sheriff of Travis County. Bernsteins book describes Klan attacks on three men and at least one murder here. Anti-Klan lawmen were never able to identify and bring to justice whoever killed Peeler Clayton, who just happened to be driving by Klan headquarters downtown at the wrong time on the night of Dec. 15, 1921. In many locations the new Klan was extremely violent, attacking many whites as well as blacks, Bernstein says. In Dallas, for instance, a drunken Klansman bragged to a victim that he was the 67th person to be flogged at the Klan whipping post in the Trinity River bottoms. RELATED:A closer look at 1919 Austin racial incident turns up the unexpected It took some time before the public began to see that the Klan was committing crime, not cleaning it up. For all the Klan propaganda about enforcing laws and protecting pure womanhood, many of the top Klan leaders were exposed even arrested for violating liquor laws. Some were also shown to be compulsive womanizers, Bernstein says, and worse. Americans today continue to misunderstand the second coming of the Klan of the 1920s, which often acted on motivations such as petty grudges and offended honor. They think that, like all forms of the Klan, it was primarily racist, Bernstein says. When they hear the story of the attack that frames my book, people immediately assume that the Klan attacked Ralph Burleson, accusing him of conducting an illicit affair with a widow, because one member of the couple was white and one was black. In fact, both Burleson and the widow, Fannie Campbell, were white. Who was Dan Moody? Dan Moody was the polar opposite of the rogues who founded the second KKK, Bernstein says. He was a super-straight arrow who had worked hard from a very tender age and did not touch alcohol. But there was nothing stuffy or priggish about him. Bernstein describes him as both extremely bright and extremely likable with an open, optimistic outlook on life. Moody went off to the University of Texas with one suit of clothes, one pair of shoes and $65 in his pocket. After spending two years in Austin as an undergraduate and two years studying law, he sold his gold watch to pay for the bar exam. Once he became a lawyer, the 27-year-old was quickly elected county attorney, the youngest ever to serve in Williamson County. In 1922, he was first appointed and then elected district attorney of both Williamson and Travis counties. At the age of 29, in 1923, he was an experienced and skilled prosecutor ready to take on the Klan in the Burleson case. Before him, other prosecutors in California and Louisiana had come close to exacting appropriate punishment, but Klansmen were no-billed by Klan-dominated grand juries, or they received probation or a fine, or their sentences were overturned on appeal. Moody had the advantages of an anti-Klan judge, James Hamilton, and an equally anti-Klan sheriff, Lee Allen, and constable, Louis Lowe. Citizens took up a collection to make sure Moody had the resources to fight the top defense attorneys backed by the Klan. I suspect that Moody may have had an advantage in the Georgetown trials, since Williamson County had a relatively small population compared with some of the urban counties where Klan prosecutions were attempted, Bernstein says. For example, efforts to indict Klansmen in Austin had been unsuccessful. Williamson County locals probably had a pretty good idea who was in the Klan, even though membership was supposed to be secret. Judge Hamilton allowed Moody to question prospective jurors fairly ferociously about whether they were members of the Klan, Bernstein says, and Moody was determined to keep Klansmen off his juries. During the trial, Moody was on his toes and highly effective, she says. One observer, Jessie Daniel Ames, described him as being drunk with fight. He had a skillful way of turning defense questioning against the defense and making them look ridiculous. As posed in Bernsteins book, the story of the first of several trials related to the case, which transfixed Williamson County, was as dramatic as any Hollywood courtroom drama, with a last-minute surprise witness for the defense who could have sunk the prosecutions case. Moody persevered and succeeded. After his celebrated win, Moody was the man to beat for statewide office. MORE:24 years ago, Austinites mooned Ku Klux Klan at Texas Capitol In 1924, Miriam Ma Ferguson defeated the Klan candidate for governor, running as a surrogate for her husband, Jim Pa Ferguson, who had been impeached and removed from office in 1917 and therefore wasnt allowed to run for office again in Texas. At the same time, Moody was elected Texas attorney general. The Fergusons, however, were extraordinarily corrupt, using the Texas Highway Commission and other methods to rake in cash. Moody decided to run for governor against Ma in 1926. She swore that if he beat her by one vote in the primary, she would immediately resign, Bernstein says. He beat her by over 125,000 votes, almost avoiding a runoff, but, of course, she didnt resign. When he whipped her thoroughly in the runoff, she, out of sheer spite, pardoned his first Klan defendant, who had not yet served even a year in prison. Remembering Moody Not everyone has forgotten Moody. Nor do they agree on the impact of his heroism. History-minded folks in Williamson County recently erected a statue of Moody in Georgetowns courthouse square, not far from a 100-year-old image of a Confederate soldier, installed during the Jim Crow era, when many such public symbols of ongoing white supremacy appeared across the South. Despite the bid for balance, not everyone is impressed by the Moody monument. Well, it came about without our input, Jaquita Wilson, a leader in Georgetowns African-American community, told apublic radio reporter in June regarding the Moody statue. No one asked us. When you walk around this courthouse, theres no mention that there were Latinos, that there were Native Americans, that there were African-Americans here. Just white Georgetown. RELATED: Williamson museum plans statue of Klan-fighting prosecutor When Moody was elected governor, the youngest that Texas ever had, journalists all over the country celebrated his courage and success in fighting demagoguery as well as his victory over the Klan. But that was not the end of the story. In my book, I have tried to be entirely honest about Moodys later life, Bernstein says. He, like many people, became more conservative even reactionary as he got older. He eventually turned against Roosevelt and the New Deal, perhaps partly because he often represented the oil and gas industry in court, and Texas oilmen bitterly resented increased regulation of business, the growth of the labor movement and fixed wartime prices for oil and gas. Moody came to be one of the leaders of a movement known as the Texas Regulars, which opposed Roosevelt. Bernstein says Moody, like many other white politicians in Texas, was particularly appalled by the 1944 Supreme Court ruling in Smith v. Allwright, which ended the whites-only Democratic primary in Texas. Moody proposed, in response, that the party revert to using a convention system, instead of a primary, to nominate candidates, the implication being though not stated explicitly by him that it would be easier to keep blacks out of a convention than out of a primary. He led the fight at the 1944 Democratic National Convention in Chicago for a plank in the national platform that would allow states to keep blacks from voting and to maintain poll taxes and segregated schools, hospitals and public transportation. Although he fought against anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant sentiments, partly because of his lifelong friendships with those in the affected communities, his record was far from pure. In other words, like most white men of his time in the South even bright, educated, ethical white men Dan Moody was a racist, Bernstein says. But he was never one of the many rabid racists of his time. As a politician, he never indulged in the crude race-baiting rhetoric common to Southern politicians in those days. Like all our other heroes, Dan Moody had feet of clay. PATRICIA BERNSTEIN SPEAKS ABOUT THE KLAN AND DAN MOODY When: 7 p.m. Nov. 1 Where: Austin Jewish Community Center, 7300 Hart Lane Information:jewishbookfair.org When: Noon Sept. 6 Where: Bullock Texas State History Museum, 1800 Congress Ave. Information: 512-936-8746,thestoryoftexas.com WHY DID PATRICIA BERNSTEIN FOCUS ON THE KLAN IN TEXAS? Among author Patricia Bernsteins first loves were literature and European history, especially the Middle Ages, the Renaissance and the Victorian era. Back then, Texas history stayed far from her mind. My dad, who was a Texas oil and gas lawyer for over 50 years, used to try to get me more interested in Texas history, but it all seemed just kind of drab, colorless, deserty and hot, she says. I think we sometimes think that our own environment is not very romantic and doesnt have a lot of historic resonance, but we are often wrong about that. That all changed when I encountered the picture of the lynching of Jesse Washington in 1916 in Waco in the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, Tennessee. I was tremendously shocked that I didnt know about this terrible story or the prevalence of lynching in my own home state during the Jim Crow era. The result was my previous book, The First Waco Horror: The Lynching of Jesse Washington and the Rise of the NAACP. At that point I was tuned into Texas history and all the stories we dont know beyond the Alamo and Six Flags and the Texas Rangers. But I cant just dwell for many years of research on the worst that humanity is capable of lynching, the Klan, etc. Im always looking for the real, unsung heroes, the people who stood up against evil in their own time and made a difference. If we are going to dwell on the worst, Id also like to spend some time on the best that humans are capable of. Though the mass-movement Klan did not last for many years, Bernstein says, the damage it did lingered for decades. For instance, the Klan helped support the passage of the Immigration Law of 1924, which prohibited immigration into the U.S. by East Asians, Middle Easterners and Indians and established quotas for European countries that favored the so-called Nordic nations. Less than 20 years later, this law played a central role in preventing many Jewish refugees from finding a haven in the United States during the Holocaust. This is personal for me, Bernstein says. Most of my grandfathers extended family his sisters, their husbands, nephews and nieces perished in Poland during the Holocaust. The implications for attitudes toward immigrants and efforts to keep refugees out of our country today are obvious.

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August 18, 2017   Posted in: Ku Klux Klan  Comments Closed


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