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Confederate flag rally tests a diminished Ku Klux Klan | MSNBC

The Loyal White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan calls itself the largest Klan group in America. But it doesnt take much these days to claim that mark.

The Knights, who on Saturday will rally at the steps of the South Carolina Capitol to protest the removal of the Confederate battle flag, claims a few thousand active members nationwide, a figure that researchers say is exaggerated but remains a tiny fraction of the 5 million Americans who were on the rolls of Klan chapters 90 years ago.

Now the Loyal White Knights says the Klan is poised for a return from the extreme fringe of American culture.

The group is trying to tap into anger among many Southern whites over a backlash against the flag that followed the killing of nine black church parishioners by a white man last month. The Klan says the reaction was excessive, and has fueled a broader feeling of dispossession among those who believe their country is abandoning white heritage.

RELATED:President Obama greeted by Confederate flags in Oklahoma

If thats true, then the rally in Columbia, South Carolina, will be a pivotal test for todays KKK, which is less a cohesive organization than a collection of disjointed mini-Klans that pop up and die off.

The Klan, which has historically relied on public displays of violence and intimidation, is struggling to find its place within the contemporary white supremacist movements think tank-style organizations and sophisticated-looking websites that argue for white civil rights. The groups advocate for complete separation of the races Jews included and a return to white-dominated communities where separatist symbols like the Confederate flag continue to fly.

The KKK has publicly denounced the Charleston, South Carolina, church killings, allegedly carried out by a young man who visited white supremacist websites, posted photos online of himself posing with the Confederate flagand is believed to have written a manifestothat griped about the weakened state of the white supremacist movement, including what he described as no real KKK and no one doing anything but talking on the Internet.

RELATED:Tom Petty: My past use of Confederate flag was downright stupid

But the Klan became enraged when the state legislature reacted to the killings byremoving the Confederate battle flagfrom the front of the State House.

They cannot punish everyone for what one man did, Amanda Barker, Imperial Officer of the Pelham, North Carolina-based Loyal White Knights, told NBC News.

UP, 7/12/15, 8:32 AM ET

As the south changes, are the politics keeping up? Katon Dawson, former Chairman of the South Carolina Republican Party, Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., and Bob Herbert of Demos discuss the significance of the Confederate flag debate.

She says the Loyal White Knights has also gotten thousands of calls in support of Saturdays march.

But in its application to hold a rally on the Capitol grounds, the group said it expected only 100 to 200 to participate. And a few dozen of the marchers will be members not of the Klan but of the National Socialist Movement, a Michigan-based group that calls itself a white civil rights political action organization.

Will Quigg, California Grand Dragon for the Loyal White Knights, said it was difficult to predict how many would show up. Thats why we are called the Invisible Empire, Quigg said.

RELATED:The true story of the South Carolina Confederate flag debate

Gov. Nikki Haley,who led the effort to take down the flag, has urged people to stay away from Saturdays rally. Authorities are beefing up security for the event, which will coincide with a march in support of the flags removal, raising concerns of a violent clash.

Black Educators for Justice, a Florida organization with links to the New Black Panther Party, will hold a rally nearby on the Capitol grounds to urge for more action beyond the removal of the flag. A leader of that group, James Mohammed, said members of the New Black Panther Party, Nation of Islam and Black Lawyers for Justice also will attend.

He said the black groups were not expecting violence. But if any person of color is harmed in any way we have no choice, obviously, but to defend ourselves and to expose who are under those hoods, Mohammed told NBC News.

The Klan remains a secretive organization, allowing it to make unverifiable claims about its size. Leading Klan researchers say the groups claims of membership and influence are overstated.

The Klan today is weak, poorly led, divided internally and without any political support whatsoever, so it is radically different from the Klan of history, said Mark Potok, a senior fellow at the Southern Poverty Law Center, which has used legal maneuvers to win crippling monetary awards from KKK chapters around the South.

RELATED:NAACP votes to end South Carolina boycott after Confederate flag comes down

The Klan, formed in the wake of the Civil War, has seen several brief surges in popularity in recent decades: the period of anti-immigrant fervor of the 1920s, the Civil Rights era of the late 1950s and early 1960s, and a modest resurgence in the 1970s, in reaction to freedoms won by blacks.

But over the long term, the Klan has been steadily losing members.

From its peak of 5 million in 1925, national membership dropped to 42,000 in 1965, and hit 11,000 in 1981, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. Today, Potok said, there are fewer than 4,000 members of the Klan nationwide, divided into 23 bickering groups that all claim to be the one true Klan and clamber for attention.

Potok estimated that the Loyal White Knights has fewer than 100 members and accused them of simply injecting themselves into the conversation because they know they will get national an even international publicity, and they are right about that.

WATCH:Do symbols like the Confederate flag matter?

Donald Green, a political science professor at Columbia University who researches hate crimes, argued that the backlash against the Confederate battle flag has actually hurt the Klan, because it has shown that the groups ideals are far out of touch from public opinion. Green said hed seen no evidence that KKK activity or membership were on the rise.

The Confederate flag is one of the foremost symbols of their ideological outlook. So the idea that they can muster fewer than 200 people is an indication of how far their membership has dwindled, Green said.

At the same time, researchers have documented as many as 90 pro-flag rallies around the South in recent weeks, some held by Klan chapters, some by other white supremacist groups.

I suspect we are on the precipice of a new wave of Klan activity, said Leonard Zeskin, who runs the Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights and is the author of Blood and Politics: The History of the White Nationalist Movement from the Margins to the Mainstream.

Zeskin cautioned anyone from dismissing the Klan as out-of-touch goons. As the makeup of American society, and the arc of political opinion, moves further away from white dominance, the Klan will seek ways to turn it to their advantage, he said.

We are moving toward a turning point in American history, toward a demographic transformation in which white people will become minorities, Zeskind said. Every one of the racist organizations knows that date is coming. They talk about it and they strategize about it, and they hope that the battles of 2035 are sharper than the battles of today.

This article first appeared at NBCNews.com

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Confederate flag rally tests a diminished Ku Klux Klan | MSNBC

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July 15, 2018  Tags:   Posted in: Mark Potok  Comments Closed

The Coming of Conan the Cimmerian by Robert E. Howard …

Cimmeria

Written in Mission, Texas, February, 1932; suggested by the memory of the hill-country above Fredericksburg seen in a mist of winter rain.

Robert E. Howard

Cimmeria

I remember

The dark woods, masking slopes of sombre hills;

The grey clouds’ leaden everlasting arch;

The dusky streams that flowed without a sound,

And the lone winds that whispered down the passes.

Vista on vista marching, hills on hills,

Slope beyond slope, each dark with sullen trees,

Our gaunt land lay. So when a man climbed up

A rugged peak and gazed, his shaded eye

Saw but the endless vista – hill on hill,

Slope beyond slope, each hooded like its brothers.

It was a gloomy land that seemed to hold

All winds and clouds and dreams that shun the sun,

With bare boughs rattling in the lonesome winds,

And the dark woodlands brooding over all,

Not even lightened by the rare dim sun

Which made squat shadows out of men; they called it

Cimmeria, land of Darkness and deep Night.

It was so long ago and far away

I have forgot the very name men called me.

The axe and flint-tipped spear are like a dream,

And hunts and wars are shadows. I recall

Only the stillness of that sombre land;

The clouds that piled forever on the hills,

The dimness of the everlasting woods.

Cimmeria, land of Darkness and the Night.

Oh, soul of mine, born out of shadowed hills,

To clouds and winds and ghosts that shun the sun,

How many deaths shall serve to break at last

This heritage which wraps me in the grey

Apparel of ghosts? I search my heart and find

Cimmeria, land of Darkness and the Night.

The Phoenix on the Sword

The Phoenix on the Sword

“Know, oh prince, that between the years when the oceans drank Atlantis and the gleaming cities, and the years of the rise of the Sons of Aryas, there was an Age undreamed of, when shining kingdoms lay spread across the world like blue mantles beneath the stars – Nemedia, Ophir, Brythunia, Hyperborea, Zamora with its dark-haired women and towers of spider-haunted mystery, Zingara with its chivalry, Koth that bordered on the pastoral lands of Shem, Stygia with its shadow-guarded tombs, Hyrkania whose riders wore steel and silk and gold. But the proudest kingdom of the world was Aquilonia, reigning supreme in the dreaming west. Hither came Conan, the Cimmerian, black-haired, sullen-eyed, sword in hand, a thief, a reaver, a slayer, with gigantic melancholies and gigantic mirth, to tread the jeweled thrones of the Earth under his sandalled feet.”

– The Nemedian Chronicles.

Over shadowy spires and gleaming towers lay the ghostly darkness and silence that runs before dawn. Into a dim alley, one of a veritable labyrinth of mysterious winding ways, four masked figures came hurriedly from a door which a dusky hand furtively opened. They spoke not but went swiftly into the gloom, cloaks wrapped closely about them; as silently as the ghosts of murdered men they disappeared in the darkness. Behind them a sardonic countenance was framed in the partly opened door; a pair of evil eyes glittered malevolently in the gloom.

“Go into the night, creatures of the night,” a voice mocked. “Oh, fools, your doom hounds your heels like a blind dog, and you know it not.”

The speaker closed the door and bolted it, then turned and went up the corridor, candle in hand. He was a somber giant, whose dusky skin revealed his Stygian blood. He came into an inner chamber, where a tall, lean man in worn velvet lounged like a great lazy cat on a silken couch, sipping wine from a huge golden goblet.

“Well, Ascalante,” said the Stygian, setting down the candle, “your dupes have slunk into the streets like rats from their burrows. You work with strange tools.”

“Tools?” replied Ascalante. “Why, they consider me that. For months now, ever since the Rebel Four summoned me from the southern desert, I have been living in the very heart of my enemies, hiding by day in this obscure house, skulking through dark alleys and darker corridors at night. And I have accomplished what those rebellious nobles could not. Working through them, and through other agents, many of whom have never seen my face, I have honeycombed the empire with sedition and unrest. In short I, working in the shadows, have paved the downfall of the king who sits throned in the sun. By Mitra, I was a statesman before I was an outlaw.”

“And these dupes who deem themselves your masters?”

“They will continue to think that I serve them, until our present task is completed. Who are they to match wits with Ascalante? Volmana, the dwarfish count of Karaban; Gromel, the giant commander of the Black Legion; Dion, the fat baron of Attalus; Rinaldo, the hare-brained minstrel. I am the force which has welded together the steel in each, and by the clay in each, I will crush them when the time comes. But that lies in the future; tonight the king dies.”

“Days ago I saw the imperial squadrons ride from the city,” said the Stygian.

“They rode to the frontier which the heathen Picts assail – thanks to the strong liquor which I’ve smuggled over the borders to madden them. Dion’s great wealth made that possible. And Volmana made it possible to dispose of the rest of the imperial troops which remained in the city. Through his princely kin in Nemedia, it was easy to persuade King Numa to request the presence of Count Trocero of Poitain, seneschal of Aquilonia; and of course, to do him honor, he’ll be accompanied by an imperial escort, as well as his own troops, and Prospero, King Conan’s right-hand man. That leaves only the king’s personal bodyguard in the citybesides the Black Legion. Through Gromel I’ve corrupted a spendthrift officer of that guard, and bribed him to lead his men away from the king’s door at midnight.

“Then, with sixteen desperate rogues of mine, we enter the palace by a secret tunnel. After the deed is done, even if the people do not rise to welcome us, Gromel’s Black Legion will be sufficient to hold the city and the crown.”

“And Dion thinks that crown will be given to him?”

“Yes. The fat fool claims it by reason of a trace of royal blood. Conan makes a bad mistake in letting men live who still boast descent from the old dynasty, from which he tore the crown of Aquilonia.

“Volmana wishes to be reinstated in royal favor as he was under the old regime, so that he may lift his poverty-ridden estates to their former grandeur. Gromel hates Pallantides, commander of the Black Dragons, and desires the command of the whole army, with all the stubbornness of the Bossonian. Alone of us all, Rinaldo has no personal ambition. He sees in Conan a red-handed, rough-footed barbarian who came out of the north to plunder a civilized land. He idealizes the king whom Conan killed to get the crown, remembering only that he occasionally patronized the arts, and forgetting the evils of his reign, and he is making the people forget. Already they openly sing The Lament for the King in which Rinaldo lauds the sainted villain and denounces Conan as ‘that black-hearted savage from the abyss.’ Conan laughs, but the people snarl.”

“Why does he hate Conan?”

“Poets always hate those in power. To them perfection is always just behind the last corner, or beyond the next. They escape the present in dreams of the past and future. Rinaldo is a flaming torch of idealism, rising, as he thinks, to overthrow a tyrant and liberate the people. As for me – well, a few months ago I had lost all ambition but to raid the caravans for the rest of my life; now old dreams stir. Conan will die; Dion will mount the throne. Then he, too, will die. One by one, all who oppose me will die – by fire, or steel, or those deadly wines you know so well how to brew. Ascalante, king of Aquilonia! How like you the sound of it?”

The Stygian shrugged his broad shoulders.

“There was a time,” he said with unconcealed bitterness, “when I, too, had my ambitions, beside which yours seem tawdry and childish. To what a state I have fallen! My old-time peers and rivals would stare indeed could they see Thoth-amon of the Ring serving as the slave of an outlander, and an outlaw at that; and aiding in the petty ambitions of barons and kings!”

“You laid your trust in magic and mummery,” answered Ascalante carelessly. “I trust my wits and my sword.”

“Wits and swords are as straws against the wisdom of the Darkness,” growled the Stygian, his dark eyes flickering with menacing lights and shadows. “Had I not lost the Ring, our positions might be reversed.”

“Nevertheless,” answered the outlaw impatiently, “you wear the stripes of my whip on your back, and are likely to continue to wear them.”

“Be not so sure!” the fiendish hatred of the Stygian glittered for an instant redly in his eyes. “Some day, somehow, I will find the Ring again, and when I do, by the serpent-fangs of Set, you shall pay -“

The hot-tempered Aquilonian started up and struck him heavily across the mouth. Thoth reeled back, blood starting from his lips.

“You grow over-bold, dog,” growled the outlaw. “Have a care; I am still your master who knows your dark secret. Go upon the housetops and shout that Ascalante is in the city plotting against the king – if you dare.”

“I dare not,” muttered the Stygian, wiping the blood from his lips.

“No, you do not dare,” Ascalante grinned bleakly. “For if I die by your stealth or treachery, a hermit priest in the southern desert will know of it, and will break the seal of a manuscript I left in his hands. And having read, a word will be whispered in Stygia, and a wind will creep up from the south by midnight. And where will you hide your head, Thoth-amon?”

The slave shuddered and his dusky face went ashen.

“Enough!” Ascalante changed his tone peremptorily. “I have work for you. I do not trust Dion. I bade him ride to his country estate and remain there until the work tonight is done. The fat fool could never conceal his nervousness before the king today. Ride after him, and if you do not overtake him on the road, proceed to his estate and remain with him until we send for him. Don’t let him out of your sight. He is mazed with fear, and might bolt – might even rush to Conan in a panic, and reveal the whole plot, hoping thus to save his own hide. Go!”

The slave bowed, hiding the hate in his eyes, and did as he was bidden. Ascalante turned again to his wine. Over the jeweled spires was rising a dawn crimson as blood.

II

When I was a fighting-man, the kettle-drums they beat,

The people scattered gold-dust before my horse’s feet;

But now I am a great king, the people hound my track

With poison in my wine-cup, and daggers at my back.

– The Road of Kings.

The room was large and ornate, with rich tapestries on the polished-panelled walls, deep rugs on the ivory floor, and with the lofty ceiling adorned with intricate carvings and silver scrollwork. Behind an ivory, gold-inlaid writing-table sat a man whose broad shoulders and sun-browned skin seemed out of place among those luxuriant surroundings. He seemed more a part of the sun and winds and high places of the outlands. His slightest movement spoke of steel-spring muscles knit to a keen brain with the co-ordination of a born fighting-man. There was nothing deliberate or measured about his actions. Either he was perfectly at rest – still as a bronze statue – or else he was in motion, not with the jerky quickness of over-tense

nerves, but with a cat-like speed that blurred the sight which tried to follow him.

His garments were of rich fabric, but simply made. He wore no ring or ornaments, and his square-cut black mane was confined merely by a cloth-of-silver band about his head.

Now he laid down the golden stylus with which he had been laboriously scrawling on waxed papyrus, rested his chin on his fist, and fixed his smoldering blue eyes enviously on the man who stood before him. This person was occupied in his own affairs at the moment, for he was taking up the laces of his gold-chased armor, and abstractedly whistling – a rather unconventional performance, considering that he was in the presence of a king.

“Prospero,” said the man at the table, “these matters of statecraft weary me as all the fighting I have done never did.”

“All part of the game, Conan,” answered the dark-eyed Poitainian. “You are king – you must play the part.”

“I wish I might ride with you to Nemedia,” said Conan enviously. “It seems ages since I had a horse between my knees – but Publius says that affairs in the city require my presence. Curse him!

“When I overthrew the old dynasty,” he continued, speaking with the easy familiarity which existed only between the Poitainian and himself, “it was easy enough, though it seemed bitter hard at the time. Looking back now over the wild path I followed, all those days of toil, intrigue, slaughter and tribulation seem like a dream.

“I did not dream far enough, Prospero. When King Numedides lay dead at my feet and I tore the crown from his gory head and set it on my own, I had reached the ultimate border of my dreams. I had prepared myself to take the crown, not to hold it. In the old free days all I wanted was a sharp sword and a straight path to my enemies. Now no paths are straight and my sword is useless.

“When I overthrew Numedides, then I was the Liberator – now they spit at my shadow. They have put a statue of that swine in the temple of Mitra, and people go and wail before it, hailing it as the holy effigy of a saintly monarch who was done to death by a red-handed barbarian. When I led her armies to victory as a mercenary, Aquilonia overlooked the fact that I was a foreigner, but now she can not forgive me.

“Now in Mitra’s temple there come to burn incense to Numedides’ memory, men whom his hangmen maimed and blinded, men whose sons died in his dungeons, whose wives and daughters were dragged into his seraglio. The fickle fools!”

“Rinaldo is largely responsible,” answered Prospero, drawing up his sword-belt another notch. “He sings songs that make men mad. Hang him in his jester’s garb to the highest tower in the city. Let him make rimes for the vultures.”

Conan shook his lion head. “No, Prospero, he’s beyond my reach. A great poet is greater than any king. His songs are mightier than my scepter; for he has near ripped the heart from my breast when he chose to sing for me. I shall die and be forgotten, but Rinaldo’s songs will live for ever.

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SPLC News | Southern Poverty Law Center

When Victor came to the U.S. from Guatemala, he was eager to attend high school so he could study his favorite subjects science and math and prepare for a career in engineering, technology, medicine, or some other field where he could make good use of his talents.

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Driver’s Eye View – Tito’s Blue Train – Lapovo to Belgrade …

Cab ride Serbia Travel with the driver of J class 441 (441-753) at the head of Titos famous Blue Train from Lapovo () to the outskirts of Belgrade. Thank you to the driver for allowing me to place a small GoPro camera in his cab to record this video. For more information about our locomotive please click on this link – https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/J%C5%BD…For those who enjoy following the route, I have listed the stations. Please copy and paste your chosen station into Google Earth and click search. This video was filmed as part of a tour with the Railway Touring Company on 13th June 2017. The line is standard gauge 1,435 mm (4 ft 8 12 in).00:18 Lapovo ()02:11 Lapovo Ranirna04:46 Lapovo Varos10:47 13:49 Novo Selo – 17:50 Staro Selo – 22:12 Velika Plana27:38 Veliko Orasje33:59 Krnjevo-Trnove41:26 Lozovik-Saraorci – (-)45:24 Saraorci48:31 (Lugavina)49:54 (Osipaonica)51:04 Osipaonica53:13 Skobalj56:54 Mala Krsna1:10:09 1:19:21 Vodanj 1:33:50 Umari ()1:41:54 – (Draanj-epin)1:44:23 (Mali Poarevac)1:55:12 Mala Ivana2:03:32 Lipe2:09:51 Kasapovac2:14:34 Vrin2:23:55 Zuce2:29:05 Beli Potok2:45:09 Jajinci ()2:54:51 Rakovica ()2:56:07 Topider ()

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In what ways is the movie ‘Frozen River’ the same as the …

More or less, everything in the book is the same as the film apart from a few things: .The book is set in England . There is no doll in the book . Although the Other Mother in the book becomes more scarier, she does not transform to the extent of what she does in the film. . The Other Father does not turn into a pumpkin, instead Coraline finds him in the basement transformed into a grub like creature. . In the book, you do not get to see the mouse circus . The biggest change in the book..THERE IS NO WYBIE! . Coraline defeats the Other Mother’s hand on her own, with her own wit. . Coraline apparently doesn’t have blue hair in the book. . Some events in the film happen before/after events in the book. . The first marble is found in a toy box in the book, whereas in the film, the Other Father has it in the garden. . Coraline doesn’t visit the other world as much in the book as the film. . In the book the Other Father pretends to work on the computer, liker her Father works at home, unlike the film where the Other Father can play the piano. . An interesting final note would be the little song her Father sings (quite badly) in the film at the real world dinner scene, is actually the song Coraline sings in the book to calm her nerves when the other mother hand is preparing to attack, both in the film and book this song is linked to her father.

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The Trump Effect | Southern Poverty Law Center

In August 2015, two Boston men returning home late after a Red Sox game happened upon a homeless Mexican immigrant sleeping outside a commuter rail station. They beat him with a metal pipe, punched him repeatedly, urinated on him and called him a wetback. Then they high-fived each other as they walked away, leaving Guillermo Rodriguez with broken ribs and fingers and other injuries.

When they were arrested a short time later, one of them, 38-year-old Scott Leader, told arresting officers, Donald Trump was right. All these illegals need to be deported. Later, but long before they were sentenced to terms of two and three years, they whined that authorities only arrested whites, never the minorities.

To these men, Donald Trump was a hero and an inspiration.

Photo credit: Lincoln Agnew

After all, Trump had kicked off his presidential bid two months earlier with a speech describing Mexican immigrants as rapists and drug smugglers. He later called the Mexican government totally corrupt. He promised to build a wall along the 2,000-mile Mexico-U.S. border. He told an audience in New Hampshire that a plane overhead could be a Mexican plane up there, theyre getting ready to attack. And he insisted that an Indiana-born federal judge could not preside fairly over a civil racketeering case against his Trump University because hes a Mexican.

And that was just Trumps talk about Mexicans.

By the time he won the election, Trump had called for a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the country. He had lied about personally witnessing thousands of Muslims in New Jersey cheering as the World Trade Center collapsed on 9/11. He had attacked a Muslim Gold Star family, insinuating that Khizr Khan, whose son died in Iraq, was a terrorist sympathizer. He had retweeted utterly bogus claims that black people were responsible for 80% of the murders of whites. He had cozied up to some of the countrys hardest line gay-bashers. He had retweeted anti-Semitic memes and called many immigrants not well. He had attacked a debate moderator by insinuating that her tough questions were the result of her menstrual cycle. And his earlier boasts about grabbing women by the genitals had been revealed.

Trump also had repeatedly encouraged violence.

After a Black Lives Matter activist was beaten at a Trump rally in Birmingham, Ala., he told Fox News that maybe he should have been roughed up. In Cedar Rapids, Iowa, he urged supporters to knock the crap out of protesters, adding, I promise you, I will pay your legal fees. When a backer at a Fayetteville, N.C., rally sucker-punched a black protester being led away by police an act described by the local sheriff as a cowardly, unprovoked attack Trump told two national news outlets that he was looking into paying the mans legal fees.

Through it all, Trump was heedless, rejecting calls from left and right to tamp down the insults and the violence they were spawning. His reaction to the beating of Guillermo Rodriguez was typical. While the attack was a shame, Trumps main conclusion was that people who are following me are very passionate.

In the immediate aftermath of the election, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) noticed a dramatic jump in hate violence and incidents of harassment and intimidation around the country. At the same time, a wave of incidents of bullying and other kinds of harassment washed over the nations K-12 schools. The SPLC decided to make an effort to document all of this in real time.

The ugly evidence of hatred unleashed had already become apparent before Election Day. An earlier SPLC study of the impact in K-12 schools of Trumps bigoted rhetoric and encouragement of violence during his campaign had found massive anecdotal evidence of a rise in bullying and anxiety in classrooms.

There was even evidence that Trumps attacks on Muslims during 2015 when he called for a ban on Muslims entering the U.S., suggested a registry for Muslims already here, and proposed to surveil mosques had had an effect that early. The FBI reported that anti-Muslim hate crimes went up by 67% in 2015, while other categories rose only slightly. It seemed obvious that Trumps rhetoric, along with Islamic State atrocities, had driven anti-Muslim hatred to new highs, with the 2015 anti-Muslim hate crime count registering the highest number since 2001.

These trends only worsened after the election.

In its post-election first study, looking at harassment and intimidation in the first 10 days after Trumps election, the SPLC counted 867 hate incidents, some of them amounting to hate crimes, around the country. It collected information from media reports, social media, and through a #ReportHate page set up on the SPLC website, excluding incidents found to be hoaxes.

The results were disheartening.

I have experienced discrimination in my life, but never in such a public and unashamed manner, an Asian-American woman reported after a man told her to go home as she left a train station in Oakland, Calif. A black man whose apartment was vandalized with the phrase 911 nigger said that he had never witnessed anything like this. A Los Angeles woman, who encountered a man who told her he was [g]onna beat [her] pussy, said she had been in the neighborhood all the time and never experienced this type of language before. Not far away, in Sunnyvale, Calif., a transgender person reported being targeted with slurs at a bar where Ive been a regular customer for three years never had any issues.

Incidents were reported in nearly every state. The largest portion (323 incidents) occurred on university campuses or in K-12 schools. The incidents were dominated by anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim incidents (together, 329), but included ones that were anti-black (187), anti-Semitic (100), anti-LGBT (95), anti-woman (40) and white nationalist (32). A small sliver of them (23) were anti-Trump, but the vast majority appeared to be celebrating his election victory.

When the SPLC first released these findings, right-wing media outlets claimed that there was no evidence that they were related to Trump or the election. But that is false. For one thing, the largest number of incidents occurred on the day after the election, and they declined fairly steadily for the nine days after that.

Later, when the SPLC updated its findings to cover the first 34 days after the election, it counted a total of 1,094 bias incidents around the nation. Importantly, it also calculated that 37% of them directly referenced either President-elect Trump, his campaign slogans, or his infamous remarks about sexual assault. Just 26 were anti-Trump, with six of those explicitly anti-white.

Particularly noteworthy in this longer period was a string of letters, describing Muslims as Children of Satan and a vile and filthy people, sent to 15 mosques and Islamic centers around the country between Nov. 23 and Dec. 2. Also during that period, there were 57 incidents of extremist posters and fliers appearing, about three-quarters of them at university campuses, where emboldened white nationalists have been hard at work since the election. Thirty-four campuses were hit.

The SPLCs first, pre-election look at bias incidents in K-12 schools was based on responses from about 2,000 educators. In its post-election survey, however, the SPLC got responses to its online survey from more than 10,000 teachers, counselors, administrators and others who work in schools. Although the survey was not scientific, with such a large response it was hard to dismiss the findings.

Ninety percent of the respondents said that the climate of their schools had been affected negatively by the election. A full 80% described heightened anxiety on the part of students worried about the impact on them and their families. There were reports of slurs, derogatory language, and incidents involving extremist symbols.

Eight in 10 educators reported fears on the part of marginalized students including immigrants, Muslims, African Americans and LGBT people. Four in 10 heard derogatory language directed at minority students. More than 2,500 described instances of bigotry and harassment directly related to election rhetoric. Two out of 10 had heard derogatory comments about white students, although few of them were made directly to those students. Most were remarks about whites voting for Trump.

An Arizona high school counselor reported white students holding up a Confederate flag in a school assembly. A middle school teacher in Washington told of a student blurting out in class, I hate Muslims. A Georgia high school teacher said many students were making jokes about Hispanic students going back to Mexico. Another teacher in Oregon described a black girl running out of a classroom in tears after being racially harassed in two classes. A Massachusetts middle school teacher described how a white student, on the day after the election, went around asking each non-white student he passed, Are you legal?

This is my 21st year of teaching, a Georgia elementary school teacher reported. This is the first time Ive had a student call another student the n word. This incident occurred the day after a conference with the offenders mother. During the conference, the mother made her support of Trump known and expressed her hope that the blacks would soon know their place again.

Four days after the election, Donald Trump was interviewed on 60 Minutes, where he was asked about the hate. He said he was surprised to hear about it, and, looking into the camera, told the perpetrators to stop it. In another interview, he promised to bind the wounds of division that were afflicting our country.

His comments were a day late and a dollar short. The hatred, and the new energy of the white nationalist movement, were predictable results of the campaign Trump waged a campaign marked by incendiary racial statements, the stoking of white racial resentment, and attacks on so-called political correctness.

A few weeks later, Trump acknowledged what he had not earlier. In a post-election speech in Orlando, Fla., part of his thank you tour, he responded to the crowd chanting Lock her up with this: Four weeks ago, you people were vicious, violent, screaming, Wheres the wall? We want the wall! Prison! Prison! Lock her up! I mean, you were going crazy. I mean, you were nasty and mean and vicious and you wanted to win, right? Now, same crowds but its much different. Youre laid back, youre cool, youre mellow. Youre basking in the glory of victory.

Donald Trump is not legally responsible for any of this, of course. The people who engaged in legally punishable hate violence, if they are caught, are the ones who will have to actually pay for their crimes. But it seems undeniable that Trumps reckless, populist campaign has left a legacy of hatred, violence and division.

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The Trump Effect | Southern Poverty Law Center

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Mark Potok | Freedom Riders

Posted: August 8, 2010 in Mark Potok, PeopleTags: markpotok, montgomery, splc

Mark Potok is a career investigative reporter who serves as Director of the Intelligence Project, a unique project which supports the legal work of the SPLC and its fight against hate groups, individuals and entities that foster or sponsor white supremacy and racism. In 1981, the Southern Poverty Law Center began investigating hate activity in response to a resurgence of groups like the Ku Klux Klan. Today the Intelligence Project monitors hate groups and tracks extremist activity throughout the U.S. It provides comprehensive updates to law enforcement, the media and the public through its quarterly magazine Intelligence Report. Staff members, who include investigators, research analysts and writers, regularly conduct training sessions for police, schools, and civil rights and community groups, and they often serve as experts at hearings and conferences.

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Nancy Potok Named Chief Statistician of the United States

Nancy Potok, formerly deputy director and chief operating officer of the U.S. Census Bureau, has been appointed chief statistician of the United States. Located within the Office of Management and Budget, Potoks new position is responsible for providing coordination, guidance, and oversight for U.S. federal statistical agencies and activities. This marks the first time in 24 years that the position has been vacant after most recently being occupied by Katherine Wallman, who retired.

The ASA extended congratulatory greetings in a letter to Potok, vowing to support her efforts and work together to expand the countrys federal statistical system.

A former member of the ASA, Potok is an elected fellow of the National Academy of Public Administration. Her government service also includes stints as deputy undersecretary for economic affairs in the Department of Commerce; the Census Bureau’s associate director for demographic programs; and the principal associate director and chief financial officer in charge of field operations, information technology, and administration during the 2000 Census. Her career of more than 30 years also includes time spent as senior vice president and director of the economic, labor, and population studies department at The University of Chicagos famed National Opinion Research Center.

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Mark Twains Tom Quartz | Mirror with Clouds

Whenever he was out of luck and a little downhearted, he would fall to mourning over the loss of a wonderful cat

Tom Quartz is another of Mark Twains stories that is actually a story within a story. It reminds me a little of The Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County because of the way the story is told in dialect and accent. The story involves a cat, dynamite and miners who only half know what they are doing.

The Looney Tunes antics that ensue are funny only because nobody (or no animal) truly gets hurt. I know that the quotation Ive used above may imply otherwise but the cat isnt really harmed. I mean, hes able to walk away.

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Confederate flag rally tests a diminished Ku Klux Klan | MSNBC

The Loyal White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan calls itself the largest Klan group in America. But it doesnt take much these days to claim that mark. The Knights, who on Saturday will rally at the steps of the South Carolina Capitol to protest the removal of the Confederate battle flag, claims a few thousand active members nationwide, a figure that researchers say is exaggerated but remains a tiny fraction of the 5 million Americans who were on the rolls of Klan chapters 90 years ago. Now the Loyal White Knights says the Klan is poised for a return from the extreme fringe of American culture. The group is trying to tap into anger among many Southern whites over a backlash against the flag that followed the killing of nine black church parishioners by a white man last month. The Klan says the reaction was excessive, and has fueled a broader feeling of dispossession among those who believe their country is abandoning white heritage. RELATED:President Obama greeted by Confederate flags in Oklahoma If thats true, then the rally in Columbia, South Carolina, will be a pivotal test for todays KKK, which is less a cohesive organization than a collection of disjointed mini-Klans that pop up and die off. The Klan, which has historically relied on public displays of violence and intimidation, is struggling to find its place within the contemporary white supremacist movements think tank-style organizations and sophisticated-looking websites that argue for white civil rights. The groups advocate for complete separation of the races Jews included and a return to white-dominated communities where separatist symbols like the Confederate flag continue to fly. The KKK has publicly denounced the Charleston, South Carolina, church killings, allegedly carried out by a young man who visited white supremacist websites, posted photos online of himself posing with the Confederate flagand is believed to have written a manifestothat griped about the weakened state of the white supremacist movement, including what he described as no real KKK and no one doing anything but talking on the Internet. RELATED:Tom Petty: My past use of Confederate flag was downright stupid But the Klan became enraged when the state legislature reacted to the killings byremoving the Confederate battle flagfrom the front of the State House. They cannot punish everyone for what one man did, Amanda Barker, Imperial Officer of the Pelham, North Carolina-based Loyal White Knights, told NBC News. UP, 7/12/15, 8:32 AM ET As the south changes, are the politics keeping up? Katon Dawson, former Chairman of the South Carolina Republican Party, Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., and Bob Herbert of Demos discuss the significance of the Confederate flag debate. She says the Loyal White Knights has also gotten thousands of calls in support of Saturdays march. But in its application to hold a rally on the Capitol grounds, the group said it expected only 100 to 200 to participate. And a few dozen of the marchers will be members not of the Klan but of the National Socialist Movement, a Michigan-based group that calls itself a white civil rights political action organization. Will Quigg, California Grand Dragon for the Loyal White Knights, said it was difficult to predict how many would show up. Thats why we are called the Invisible Empire, Quigg said. RELATED:The true story of the South Carolina Confederate flag debate Gov. Nikki Haley,who led the effort to take down the flag, has urged people to stay away from Saturdays rally. Authorities are beefing up security for the event, which will coincide with a march in support of the flags removal, raising concerns of a violent clash. Black Educators for Justice, a Florida organization with links to the New Black Panther Party, will hold a rally nearby on the Capitol grounds to urge for more action beyond the removal of the flag. A leader of that group, James Mohammed, said members of the New Black Panther Party, Nation of Islam and Black Lawyers for Justice also will attend. He said the black groups were not expecting violence. But if any person of color is harmed in any way we have no choice, obviously, but to defend ourselves and to expose who are under those hoods, Mohammed told NBC News. The Klan remains a secretive organization, allowing it to make unverifiable claims about its size. Leading Klan researchers say the groups claims of membership and influence are overstated. The Klan today is weak, poorly led, divided internally and without any political support whatsoever, so it is radically different from the Klan of history, said Mark Potok, a senior fellow at the Southern Poverty Law Center, which has used legal maneuvers to win crippling monetary awards from KKK chapters around the South. RELATED:NAACP votes to end South Carolina boycott after Confederate flag comes down The Klan, formed in the wake of the Civil War, has seen several brief surges in popularity in recent decades: the period of anti-immigrant fervor of the 1920s, the Civil Rights era of the late 1950s and early 1960s, and a modest resurgence in the 1970s, in reaction to freedoms won by blacks. But over the long term, the Klan has been steadily losing members. From its peak of 5 million in 1925, national membership dropped to 42,000 in 1965, and hit 11,000 in 1981, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. Today, Potok said, there are fewer than 4,000 members of the Klan nationwide, divided into 23 bickering groups that all claim to be the one true Klan and clamber for attention. Potok estimated that the Loyal White Knights has fewer than 100 members and accused them of simply injecting themselves into the conversation because they know they will get national an even international publicity, and they are right about that. WATCH:Do symbols like the Confederate flag matter? Donald Green, a political science professor at Columbia University who researches hate crimes, argued that the backlash against the Confederate battle flag has actually hurt the Klan, because it has shown that the groups ideals are far out of touch from public opinion. Green said hed seen no evidence that KKK activity or membership were on the rise. The Confederate flag is one of the foremost symbols of their ideological outlook. So the idea that they can muster fewer than 200 people is an indication of how far their membership has dwindled, Green said. At the same time, researchers have documented as many as 90 pro-flag rallies around the South in recent weeks, some held by Klan chapters, some by other white supremacist groups. I suspect we are on the precipice of a new wave of Klan activity, said Leonard Zeskin, who runs the Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights and is the author of Blood and Politics: The History of the White Nationalist Movement from the Margins to the Mainstream. Zeskin cautioned anyone from dismissing the Klan as out-of-touch goons. As the makeup of American society, and the arc of political opinion, moves further away from white dominance, the Klan will seek ways to turn it to their advantage, he said. We are moving toward a turning point in American history, toward a demographic transformation in which white people will become minorities, Zeskind said. Every one of the racist organizations knows that date is coming. They talk about it and they strategize about it, and they hope that the battles of 2035 are sharper than the battles of today. This article first appeared at NBCNews.com

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The Coming of Conan the Cimmerian by Robert E. Howard …

Cimmeria Written in Mission, Texas, February, 1932; suggested by the memory of the hill-country above Fredericksburg seen in a mist of winter rain. Robert E. Howard Cimmeria I remember The dark woods, masking slopes of sombre hills; The grey clouds’ leaden everlasting arch; The dusky streams that flowed without a sound, And the lone winds that whispered down the passes. Vista on vista marching, hills on hills, Slope beyond slope, each dark with sullen trees, Our gaunt land lay. So when a man climbed up A rugged peak and gazed, his shaded eye Saw but the endless vista – hill on hill, Slope beyond slope, each hooded like its brothers. It was a gloomy land that seemed to hold All winds and clouds and dreams that shun the sun, With bare boughs rattling in the lonesome winds, And the dark woodlands brooding over all, Not even lightened by the rare dim sun Which made squat shadows out of men; they called it Cimmeria, land of Darkness and deep Night. It was so long ago and far away I have forgot the very name men called me. The axe and flint-tipped spear are like a dream, And hunts and wars are shadows. I recall Only the stillness of that sombre land; The clouds that piled forever on the hills, The dimness of the everlasting woods. Cimmeria, land of Darkness and the Night. Oh, soul of mine, born out of shadowed hills, To clouds and winds and ghosts that shun the sun, How many deaths shall serve to break at last This heritage which wraps me in the grey Apparel of ghosts? I search my heart and find Cimmeria, land of Darkness and the Night. The Phoenix on the Sword The Phoenix on the Sword “Know, oh prince, that between the years when the oceans drank Atlantis and the gleaming cities, and the years of the rise of the Sons of Aryas, there was an Age undreamed of, when shining kingdoms lay spread across the world like blue mantles beneath the stars – Nemedia, Ophir, Brythunia, Hyperborea, Zamora with its dark-haired women and towers of spider-haunted mystery, Zingara with its chivalry, Koth that bordered on the pastoral lands of Shem, Stygia with its shadow-guarded tombs, Hyrkania whose riders wore steel and silk and gold. But the proudest kingdom of the world was Aquilonia, reigning supreme in the dreaming west. Hither came Conan, the Cimmerian, black-haired, sullen-eyed, sword in hand, a thief, a reaver, a slayer, with gigantic melancholies and gigantic mirth, to tread the jeweled thrones of the Earth under his sandalled feet.” – The Nemedian Chronicles. Over shadowy spires and gleaming towers lay the ghostly darkness and silence that runs before dawn. Into a dim alley, one of a veritable labyrinth of mysterious winding ways, four masked figures came hurriedly from a door which a dusky hand furtively opened. They spoke not but went swiftly into the gloom, cloaks wrapped closely about them; as silently as the ghosts of murdered men they disappeared in the darkness. Behind them a sardonic countenance was framed in the partly opened door; a pair of evil eyes glittered malevolently in the gloom. “Go into the night, creatures of the night,” a voice mocked. “Oh, fools, your doom hounds your heels like a blind dog, and you know it not.” The speaker closed the door and bolted it, then turned and went up the corridor, candle in hand. He was a somber giant, whose dusky skin revealed his Stygian blood. He came into an inner chamber, where a tall, lean man in worn velvet lounged like a great lazy cat on a silken couch, sipping wine from a huge golden goblet. “Well, Ascalante,” said the Stygian, setting down the candle, “your dupes have slunk into the streets like rats from their burrows. You work with strange tools.” “Tools?” replied Ascalante. “Why, they consider me that. For months now, ever since the Rebel Four summoned me from the southern desert, I have been living in the very heart of my enemies, hiding by day in this obscure house, skulking through dark alleys and darker corridors at night. And I have accomplished what those rebellious nobles could not. Working through them, and through other agents, many of whom have never seen my face, I have honeycombed the empire with sedition and unrest. In short I, working in the shadows, have paved the downfall of the king who sits throned in the sun. By Mitra, I was a statesman before I was an outlaw.” “And these dupes who deem themselves your masters?” “They will continue to think that I serve them, until our present task is completed. Who are they to match wits with Ascalante? Volmana, the dwarfish count of Karaban; Gromel, the giant commander of the Black Legion; Dion, the fat baron of Attalus; Rinaldo, the hare-brained minstrel. I am the force which has welded together the steel in each, and by the clay in each, I will crush them when the time comes. But that lies in the future; tonight the king dies.” “Days ago I saw the imperial squadrons ride from the city,” said the Stygian. “They rode to the frontier which the heathen Picts assail – thanks to the strong liquor which I’ve smuggled over the borders to madden them. Dion’s great wealth made that possible. And Volmana made it possible to dispose of the rest of the imperial troops which remained in the city. Through his princely kin in Nemedia, it was easy to persuade King Numa to request the presence of Count Trocero of Poitain, seneschal of Aquilonia; and of course, to do him honor, he’ll be accompanied by an imperial escort, as well as his own troops, and Prospero, King Conan’s right-hand man. That leaves only the king’s personal bodyguard in the citybesides the Black Legion. Through Gromel I’ve corrupted a spendthrift officer of that guard, and bribed him to lead his men away from the king’s door at midnight. “Then, with sixteen desperate rogues of mine, we enter the palace by a secret tunnel. After the deed is done, even if the people do not rise to welcome us, Gromel’s Black Legion will be sufficient to hold the city and the crown.” “And Dion thinks that crown will be given to him?” “Yes. The fat fool claims it by reason of a trace of royal blood. Conan makes a bad mistake in letting men live who still boast descent from the old dynasty, from which he tore the crown of Aquilonia. “Volmana wishes to be reinstated in royal favor as he was under the old regime, so that he may lift his poverty-ridden estates to their former grandeur. Gromel hates Pallantides, commander of the Black Dragons, and desires the command of the whole army, with all the stubbornness of the Bossonian. Alone of us all, Rinaldo has no personal ambition. He sees in Conan a red-handed, rough-footed barbarian who came out of the north to plunder a civilized land. He idealizes the king whom Conan killed to get the crown, remembering only that he occasionally patronized the arts, and forgetting the evils of his reign, and he is making the people forget. Already they openly sing The Lament for the King in which Rinaldo lauds the sainted villain and denounces Conan as ‘that black-hearted savage from the abyss.’ Conan laughs, but the people snarl.” “Why does he hate Conan?” “Poets always hate those in power. To them perfection is always just behind the last corner, or beyond the next. They escape the present in dreams of the past and future. Rinaldo is a flaming torch of idealism, rising, as he thinks, to overthrow a tyrant and liberate the people. As for me – well, a few months ago I had lost all ambition but to raid the caravans for the rest of my life; now old dreams stir. Conan will die; Dion will mount the throne. Then he, too, will die. One by one, all who oppose me will die – by fire, or steel, or those deadly wines you know so well how to brew. Ascalante, king of Aquilonia! How like you the sound of it?” The Stygian shrugged his broad shoulders. “There was a time,” he said with unconcealed bitterness, “when I, too, had my ambitions, beside which yours seem tawdry and childish. To what a state I have fallen! My old-time peers and rivals would stare indeed could they see Thoth-amon of the Ring serving as the slave of an outlander, and an outlaw at that; and aiding in the petty ambitions of barons and kings!” “You laid your trust in magic and mummery,” answered Ascalante carelessly. “I trust my wits and my sword.” “Wits and swords are as straws against the wisdom of the Darkness,” growled the Stygian, his dark eyes flickering with menacing lights and shadows. “Had I not lost the Ring, our positions might be reversed.” “Nevertheless,” answered the outlaw impatiently, “you wear the stripes of my whip on your back, and are likely to continue to wear them.” “Be not so sure!” the fiendish hatred of the Stygian glittered for an instant redly in his eyes. “Some day, somehow, I will find the Ring again, and when I do, by the serpent-fangs of Set, you shall pay -” The hot-tempered Aquilonian started up and struck him heavily across the mouth. Thoth reeled back, blood starting from his lips. “You grow over-bold, dog,” growled the outlaw. “Have a care; I am still your master who knows your dark secret. Go upon the housetops and shout that Ascalante is in the city plotting against the king – if you dare.” “I dare not,” muttered the Stygian, wiping the blood from his lips. “No, you do not dare,” Ascalante grinned bleakly. “For if I die by your stealth or treachery, a hermit priest in the southern desert will know of it, and will break the seal of a manuscript I left in his hands. And having read, a word will be whispered in Stygia, and a wind will creep up from the south by midnight. And where will you hide your head, Thoth-amon?” The slave shuddered and his dusky face went ashen. “Enough!” Ascalante changed his tone peremptorily. “I have work for you. I do not trust Dion. I bade him ride to his country estate and remain there until the work tonight is done. The fat fool could never conceal his nervousness before the king today. Ride after him, and if you do not overtake him on the road, proceed to his estate and remain with him until we send for him. Don’t let him out of your sight. He is mazed with fear, and might bolt – might even rush to Conan in a panic, and reveal the whole plot, hoping thus to save his own hide. Go!” The slave bowed, hiding the hate in his eyes, and did as he was bidden. Ascalante turned again to his wine. Over the jeweled spires was rising a dawn crimson as blood. II When I was a fighting-man, the kettle-drums they beat, The people scattered gold-dust before my horse’s feet; But now I am a great king, the people hound my track With poison in my wine-cup, and daggers at my back. – The Road of Kings. The room was large and ornate, with rich tapestries on the polished-panelled walls, deep rugs on the ivory floor, and with the lofty ceiling adorned with intricate carvings and silver scrollwork. Behind an ivory, gold-inlaid writing-table sat a man whose broad shoulders and sun-browned skin seemed out of place among those luxuriant surroundings. He seemed more a part of the sun and winds and high places of the outlands. His slightest movement spoke of steel-spring muscles knit to a keen brain with the co-ordination of a born fighting-man. There was nothing deliberate or measured about his actions. Either he was perfectly at rest – still as a bronze statue – or else he was in motion, not with the jerky quickness of over-tense nerves, but with a cat-like speed that blurred the sight which tried to follow him. His garments were of rich fabric, but simply made. He wore no ring or ornaments, and his square-cut black mane was confined merely by a cloth-of-silver band about his head. Now he laid down the golden stylus with which he had been laboriously scrawling on waxed papyrus, rested his chin on his fist, and fixed his smoldering blue eyes enviously on the man who stood before him. This person was occupied in his own affairs at the moment, for he was taking up the laces of his gold-chased armor, and abstractedly whistling – a rather unconventional performance, considering that he was in the presence of a king. “Prospero,” said the man at the table, “these matters of statecraft weary me as all the fighting I have done never did.” “All part of the game, Conan,” answered the dark-eyed Poitainian. “You are king – you must play the part.” “I wish I might ride with you to Nemedia,” said Conan enviously. “It seems ages since I had a horse between my knees – but Publius says that affairs in the city require my presence. Curse him! “When I overthrew the old dynasty,” he continued, speaking with the easy familiarity which existed only between the Poitainian and himself, “it was easy enough, though it seemed bitter hard at the time. Looking back now over the wild path I followed, all those days of toil, intrigue, slaughter and tribulation seem like a dream. “I did not dream far enough, Prospero. When King Numedides lay dead at my feet and I tore the crown from his gory head and set it on my own, I had reached the ultimate border of my dreams. I had prepared myself to take the crown, not to hold it. In the old free days all I wanted was a sharp sword and a straight path to my enemies. Now no paths are straight and my sword is useless. “When I overthrew Numedides, then I was the Liberator – now they spit at my shadow. They have put a statue of that swine in the temple of Mitra, and people go and wail before it, hailing it as the holy effigy of a saintly monarch who was done to death by a red-handed barbarian. When I led her armies to victory as a mercenary, Aquilonia overlooked the fact that I was a foreigner, but now she can not forgive me. “Now in Mitra’s temple there come to burn incense to Numedides’ memory, men whom his hangmen maimed and blinded, men whose sons died in his dungeons, whose wives and daughters were dragged into his seraglio. The fickle fools!” “Rinaldo is largely responsible,” answered Prospero, drawing up his sword-belt another notch. “He sings songs that make men mad. Hang him in his jester’s garb to the highest tower in the city. Let him make rimes for the vultures.” Conan shook his lion head. “No, Prospero, he’s beyond my reach. A great poet is greater than any king. His songs are mightier than my scepter; for he has near ripped the heart from my breast when he chose to sing for me. I shall die and be forgotten, but Rinaldo’s songs will live for ever.

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SPLC News | Southern Poverty Law Center

When Victor came to the U.S. from Guatemala, he was eager to attend high school so he could study his favorite subjects science and math and prepare for a career in engineering, technology, medicine, or some other field where he could make good use of his talents.

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Driver’s Eye View – Tito’s Blue Train – Lapovo to Belgrade …

Cab ride Serbia Travel with the driver of J class 441 (441-753) at the head of Titos famous Blue Train from Lapovo () to the outskirts of Belgrade. Thank you to the driver for allowing me to place a small GoPro camera in his cab to record this video. For more information about our locomotive please click on this link – https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/J%C5%BD…For those who enjoy following the route, I have listed the stations. Please copy and paste your chosen station into Google Earth and click search. This video was filmed as part of a tour with the Railway Touring Company on 13th June 2017. The line is standard gauge 1,435 mm (4 ft 8 12 in).00:18 Lapovo ()02:11 Lapovo Ranirna04:46 Lapovo Varos10:47 13:49 Novo Selo – 17:50 Staro Selo – 22:12 Velika Plana27:38 Veliko Orasje33:59 Krnjevo-Trnove41:26 Lozovik-Saraorci – (-)45:24 Saraorci48:31 (Lugavina)49:54 (Osipaonica)51:04 Osipaonica53:13 Skobalj56:54 Mala Krsna1:10:09 1:19:21 Vodanj 1:33:50 Umari ()1:41:54 – (Draanj-epin)1:44:23 (Mali Poarevac)1:55:12 Mala Ivana2:03:32 Lipe2:09:51 Kasapovac2:14:34 Vrin2:23:55 Zuce2:29:05 Beli Potok2:45:09 Jajinci ()2:54:51 Rakovica ()2:56:07 Topider ()

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In what ways is the movie ‘Frozen River’ the same as the …

More or less, everything in the book is the same as the film apart from a few things: .The book is set in England . There is no doll in the book . Although the Other Mother in the book becomes more scarier, she does not transform to the extent of what she does in the film. . The Other Father does not turn into a pumpkin, instead Coraline finds him in the basement transformed into a grub like creature. . In the book, you do not get to see the mouse circus . The biggest change in the book..THERE IS NO WYBIE! . Coraline defeats the Other Mother’s hand on her own, with her own wit. . Coraline apparently doesn’t have blue hair in the book. . Some events in the film happen before/after events in the book. . The first marble is found in a toy box in the book, whereas in the film, the Other Father has it in the garden. . Coraline doesn’t visit the other world as much in the book as the film. . In the book the Other Father pretends to work on the computer, liker her Father works at home, unlike the film where the Other Father can play the piano. . An interesting final note would be the little song her Father sings (quite badly) in the film at the real world dinner scene, is actually the song Coraline sings in the book to calm her nerves when the other mother hand is preparing to attack, both in the film and book this song is linked to her father.

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The Trump Effect | Southern Poverty Law Center

In August 2015, two Boston men returning home late after a Red Sox game happened upon a homeless Mexican immigrant sleeping outside a commuter rail station. They beat him with a metal pipe, punched him repeatedly, urinated on him and called him a wetback. Then they high-fived each other as they walked away, leaving Guillermo Rodriguez with broken ribs and fingers and other injuries. When they were arrested a short time later, one of them, 38-year-old Scott Leader, told arresting officers, Donald Trump was right. All these illegals need to be deported. Later, but long before they were sentenced to terms of two and three years, they whined that authorities only arrested whites, never the minorities. To these men, Donald Trump was a hero and an inspiration. Photo credit: Lincoln Agnew After all, Trump had kicked off his presidential bid two months earlier with a speech describing Mexican immigrants as rapists and drug smugglers. He later called the Mexican government totally corrupt. He promised to build a wall along the 2,000-mile Mexico-U.S. border. He told an audience in New Hampshire that a plane overhead could be a Mexican plane up there, theyre getting ready to attack. And he insisted that an Indiana-born federal judge could not preside fairly over a civil racketeering case against his Trump University because hes a Mexican. And that was just Trumps talk about Mexicans. By the time he won the election, Trump had called for a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the country. He had lied about personally witnessing thousands of Muslims in New Jersey cheering as the World Trade Center collapsed on 9/11. He had attacked a Muslim Gold Star family, insinuating that Khizr Khan, whose son died in Iraq, was a terrorist sympathizer. He had retweeted utterly bogus claims that black people were responsible for 80% of the murders of whites. He had cozied up to some of the countrys hardest line gay-bashers. He had retweeted anti-Semitic memes and called many immigrants not well. He had attacked a debate moderator by insinuating that her tough questions were the result of her menstrual cycle. And his earlier boasts about grabbing women by the genitals had been revealed. Trump also had repeatedly encouraged violence. After a Black Lives Matter activist was beaten at a Trump rally in Birmingham, Ala., he told Fox News that maybe he should have been roughed up. In Cedar Rapids, Iowa, he urged supporters to knock the crap out of protesters, adding, I promise you, I will pay your legal fees. When a backer at a Fayetteville, N.C., rally sucker-punched a black protester being led away by police an act described by the local sheriff as a cowardly, unprovoked attack Trump told two national news outlets that he was looking into paying the mans legal fees. Through it all, Trump was heedless, rejecting calls from left and right to tamp down the insults and the violence they were spawning. His reaction to the beating of Guillermo Rodriguez was typical. While the attack was a shame, Trumps main conclusion was that people who are following me are very passionate. In the immediate aftermath of the election, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) noticed a dramatic jump in hate violence and incidents of harassment and intimidation around the country. At the same time, a wave of incidents of bullying and other kinds of harassment washed over the nations K-12 schools. The SPLC decided to make an effort to document all of this in real time. The ugly evidence of hatred unleashed had already become apparent before Election Day. An earlier SPLC study of the impact in K-12 schools of Trumps bigoted rhetoric and encouragement of violence during his campaign had found massive anecdotal evidence of a rise in bullying and anxiety in classrooms. There was even evidence that Trumps attacks on Muslims during 2015 when he called for a ban on Muslims entering the U.S., suggested a registry for Muslims already here, and proposed to surveil mosques had had an effect that early. The FBI reported that anti-Muslim hate crimes went up by 67% in 2015, while other categories rose only slightly. It seemed obvious that Trumps rhetoric, along with Islamic State atrocities, had driven anti-Muslim hatred to new highs, with the 2015 anti-Muslim hate crime count registering the highest number since 2001. These trends only worsened after the election. In its post-election first study, looking at harassment and intimidation in the first 10 days after Trumps election, the SPLC counted 867 hate incidents, some of them amounting to hate crimes, around the country. It collected information from media reports, social media, and through a #ReportHate page set up on the SPLC website, excluding incidents found to be hoaxes. The results were disheartening. I have experienced discrimination in my life, but never in such a public and unashamed manner, an Asian-American woman reported after a man told her to go home as she left a train station in Oakland, Calif. A black man whose apartment was vandalized with the phrase 911 nigger said that he had never witnessed anything like this. A Los Angeles woman, who encountered a man who told her he was [g]onna beat [her] pussy, said she had been in the neighborhood all the time and never experienced this type of language before. Not far away, in Sunnyvale, Calif., a transgender person reported being targeted with slurs at a bar where Ive been a regular customer for three years never had any issues. Incidents were reported in nearly every state. The largest portion (323 incidents) occurred on university campuses or in K-12 schools. The incidents were dominated by anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim incidents (together, 329), but included ones that were anti-black (187), anti-Semitic (100), anti-LGBT (95), anti-woman (40) and white nationalist (32). A small sliver of them (23) were anti-Trump, but the vast majority appeared to be celebrating his election victory. When the SPLC first released these findings, right-wing media outlets claimed that there was no evidence that they were related to Trump or the election. But that is false. For one thing, the largest number of incidents occurred on the day after the election, and they declined fairly steadily for the nine days after that. Later, when the SPLC updated its findings to cover the first 34 days after the election, it counted a total of 1,094 bias incidents around the nation. Importantly, it also calculated that 37% of them directly referenced either President-elect Trump, his campaign slogans, or his infamous remarks about sexual assault. Just 26 were anti-Trump, with six of those explicitly anti-white. Particularly noteworthy in this longer period was a string of letters, describing Muslims as Children of Satan and a vile and filthy people, sent to 15 mosques and Islamic centers around the country between Nov. 23 and Dec. 2. Also during that period, there were 57 incidents of extremist posters and fliers appearing, about three-quarters of them at university campuses, where emboldened white nationalists have been hard at work since the election. Thirty-four campuses were hit. The SPLCs first, pre-election look at bias incidents in K-12 schools was based on responses from about 2,000 educators. In its post-election survey, however, the SPLC got responses to its online survey from more than 10,000 teachers, counselors, administrators and others who work in schools. Although the survey was not scientific, with such a large response it was hard to dismiss the findings. Ninety percent of the respondents said that the climate of their schools had been affected negatively by the election. A full 80% described heightened anxiety on the part of students worried about the impact on them and their families. There were reports of slurs, derogatory language, and incidents involving extremist symbols. Eight in 10 educators reported fears on the part of marginalized students including immigrants, Muslims, African Americans and LGBT people. Four in 10 heard derogatory language directed at minority students. More than 2,500 described instances of bigotry and harassment directly related to election rhetoric. Two out of 10 had heard derogatory comments about white students, although few of them were made directly to those students. Most were remarks about whites voting for Trump. An Arizona high school counselor reported white students holding up a Confederate flag in a school assembly. A middle school teacher in Washington told of a student blurting out in class, I hate Muslims. A Georgia high school teacher said many students were making jokes about Hispanic students going back to Mexico. Another teacher in Oregon described a black girl running out of a classroom in tears after being racially harassed in two classes. A Massachusetts middle school teacher described how a white student, on the day after the election, went around asking each non-white student he passed, Are you legal? This is my 21st year of teaching, a Georgia elementary school teacher reported. This is the first time Ive had a student call another student the n word. This incident occurred the day after a conference with the offenders mother. During the conference, the mother made her support of Trump known and expressed her hope that the blacks would soon know their place again. Four days after the election, Donald Trump was interviewed on 60 Minutes, where he was asked about the hate. He said he was surprised to hear about it, and, looking into the camera, told the perpetrators to stop it. In another interview, he promised to bind the wounds of division that were afflicting our country. His comments were a day late and a dollar short. The hatred, and the new energy of the white nationalist movement, were predictable results of the campaign Trump waged a campaign marked by incendiary racial statements, the stoking of white racial resentment, and attacks on so-called political correctness. A few weeks later, Trump acknowledged what he had not earlier. In a post-election speech in Orlando, Fla., part of his thank you tour, he responded to the crowd chanting Lock her up with this: Four weeks ago, you people were vicious, violent, screaming, Wheres the wall? We want the wall! Prison! Prison! Lock her up! I mean, you were going crazy. I mean, you were nasty and mean and vicious and you wanted to win, right? Now, same crowds but its much different. Youre laid back, youre cool, youre mellow. Youre basking in the glory of victory. Donald Trump is not legally responsible for any of this, of course. The people who engaged in legally punishable hate violence, if they are caught, are the ones who will have to actually pay for their crimes. But it seems undeniable that Trumps reckless, populist campaign has left a legacy of hatred, violence and division.

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Mark Potok | Freedom Riders

Posted: August 8, 2010 in Mark Potok, PeopleTags: markpotok, montgomery, splc Mark Potok is a career investigative reporter who serves as Director of the Intelligence Project, a unique project which supports the legal work of the SPLC and its fight against hate groups, individuals and entities that foster or sponsor white supremacy and racism. In 1981, the Southern Poverty Law Center began investigating hate activity in response to a resurgence of groups like the Ku Klux Klan. Today the Intelligence Project monitors hate groups and tracks extremist activity throughout the U.S. It provides comprehensive updates to law enforcement, the media and the public through its quarterly magazine Intelligence Report. Staff members, who include investigators, research analysts and writers, regularly conduct training sessions for police, schools, and civil rights and community groups, and they often serve as experts at hearings and conferences. Like Loading… Related

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Nancy Potok Named Chief Statistician of the United States

Nancy Potok, formerly deputy director and chief operating officer of the U.S. Census Bureau, has been appointed chief statistician of the United States. Located within the Office of Management and Budget, Potoks new position is responsible for providing coordination, guidance, and oversight for U.S. federal statistical agencies and activities. This marks the first time in 24 years that the position has been vacant after most recently being occupied by Katherine Wallman, who retired. The ASA extended congratulatory greetings in a letter to Potok, vowing to support her efforts and work together to expand the countrys federal statistical system. A former member of the ASA, Potok is an elected fellow of the National Academy of Public Administration. Her government service also includes stints as deputy undersecretary for economic affairs in the Department of Commerce; the Census Bureau’s associate director for demographic programs; and the principal associate director and chief financial officer in charge of field operations, information technology, and administration during the 2000 Census. Her career of more than 30 years also includes time spent as senior vice president and director of the economic, labor, and population studies department at The University of Chicagos famed National Opinion Research Center.

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Mark Twains Tom Quartz | Mirror with Clouds

Whenever he was out of luck and a little downhearted, he would fall to mourning over the loss of a wonderful cat Tom Quartz is another of Mark Twains stories that is actually a story within a story. It reminds me a little of The Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County because of the way the story is told in dialect and accent. The story involves a cat, dynamite and miners who only half know what they are doing. The Looney Tunes antics that ensue are funny only because nobody (or no animal) truly gets hurt. I know that the quotation Ive used above may imply otherwise but the cat isnt really harmed. I mean, hes able to walk away. Like Loading… Related

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