Curricula | Define Curricula at Dictionary.com

[kuh-rik-yuh-luhm]

ExamplesWord Origin

Dictionary.com UnabridgedBased on the Random House Unabridged Dictionary, Random House, Inc. 2018

C19: from Latin: course, from currere to run

Collins English Dictionary – Complete & Unabridged 2012 Digital Edition William Collins Sons & Co. Ltd. 1979, 1986 HarperCollins Publishers 1998, 2000, 2003, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2009, 2012

1824, from Modern Latin transferred use of classical Latin curriculum “a running, course, career” (also “a fast chariot, racing car”), from currere (see current (adj.)). Used in English as a Latin word since 1630s at Scottish universities.

Online Etymology Dictionary, 2010 Douglas Harper

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EU Leaders to Seek Cyber Sanctions, Press Asia for Action: Draft Statements

The European Union should agree a sanctions law to target computer hackers by early next year, the bloc’s leaders are set to say on Thursday and will also seek a pledge from Russia and China to help stop cyber attacks, internal EU documents show.

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Ukraine Travel: Your Ukrainian Guide for Things to Do, Hotels …

Kiev Oblast

There are few cities in Ukraine which enjoy such a well documented ancient past as Vyshhorod. While today Vyshhorod in Ukraine is a modest city with a population of over 23,000, in the early 900s it was a bustling metropolis that enjoyed royal favor. Vyshhorod is located along the banks of the Dnieper River just a short distance upstream from Kiev. Thus, the name Vyshhgorod is a good …

Culture

Traditional Ukrainian wedding customs are made up of various ceremonial stages sealing the union of the groom and bride. Younger generations are in some cases following Western wedding customs, however, those from more traditional families or couples in villages still observe the wedding customs of Ukraine. A wedding in Ukraine is a solemn occasion involving important religious rituals, but …

Religious Sites

The St. Volodymyrs Cathedral lies in the centre of Kiev, which is the main city of Ukraine. It is also considered as the mother cathedral to the ‘Ukrainian Orthodox Church Kiev Patriarchy’, thus making it one of two very important Ukrainian Orthodox churches. Like most churches it has a variety of names that it is commonly referred to, such as: Volodymyrsky Cathedral, St. Vladimirs …

Sumy Oblast

The Ukrainian town of Hlukhiv, with an approximate population of 35,000, has been inhabited from the 5th century. Archaeologists have confirmed this, but the town was only mentioned in documents from the year 1152. In 1644, the town of Hlukhiv, received its Magdeburg Rights. Peter the Great then went on to transform the town, located in the Sumy Oblast, into the capital for the Hetman. …

Regions

The Khmelnytskyi Oblast is located in western Ukraine, with its administrative center, the city of Khmelnytskyi, lying on the banks of the Southern Buh River, around 340 kilometers from Ukraine’s capital city, Kiev. It is a beautiful part of the country with at least 120 rivers and tributaries running through it, and an estimated 1,858 ponds, lakes and reservoirs scattered over the landscape.

Zhytomyr Oblast

The city of Berdychiv is a quaint city in the Zhytomyr Oblast that has an extremely interesting past. The exact date as to when the city was founded is mere speculation, and how its name came about can only be guessed. In all honesty, Berdychiv’s establishment is shrouded in mystery, and scientists and historians have been able to piece some of this fascinating puzzle together.

Religious Sites

The Kiev Pechersk Lavra Monastery is a complex that is made up from various fascinating buildings and sights. These diverse memories of the past all carry the strong architectural signature of the Ukrainian Baroque construction style and form a network of beautiful and spectacular structures. The monastery and surrounding complex is also known as the Calvin Cave Monastery.

Art Galleries

The building that houses the ARTEast Gallery on Reytarska Street in Kiev is as famous and well-known as the gallery itself. It was once home to Yuriy Davydovs Ballet Studio which doubled as an Opera Studio and became the blue print for ballet studios all over the world. It was the first studio to offer subjects such as languages and grammar together with lessons given by Illya Chestyakov. …

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Ukrainian language – Wikipedia

Ukrainian (listen) ( ukrajinka mova) is an East Slavic language. It is the official state language of Ukraine and first of two principal languages of Ukrainians; it is one of the three official languages in the unrecognized state of Transnistria, the other two being Romanian and Russian. Written Ukrainian uses a variant of the Cyrillic script (see Ukrainian alphabet).

Historical linguists trace the origin of the Ukrainian language to the Old East Slavic of the early medieval state of Kievan Rus’. After the fall of the Kievan Rus’ as well as the Kingdom of GaliciaVolhynia, the language developed into a form called the Ruthenian language. The Modern Ukrainian language has been in common use since the late 17th century, associated with the establishment of the Cossack Hetmanate. From 1804 until the Russian Revolution, the Ukrainian language was banned from schools in the Russian Empire, of which the biggest part of Ukraine (Central, Eastern and Southern) was a part at the time.[7] It has always maintained a sufficient base in Western Ukraine, where the language was never banned,[8] in its folklore songs, itinerant musicians, and prominent authors.[8][9]

The standard Ukrainian language is regulated by the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (NANU), particularly by its Institute for the Ukrainian Language, Ukrainian language-information fund, and Potebnya Institute of Language Studies. The Ukrainian language retains a degree of mutual intelligibility with Belarusian and Russian.[10]

The first theory of the origin of Ukrainian language was suggested in Imperial Russia in the middle of the 18th century by Mikhail Lomonosov. This theory posits the existence of a common language spoken by all East Slavic people in the time of the Rus’. According to Lomonosov, the differences that subsequently developed between Great Russian and Ukrainian (which he referred to as Little Russian) could be explained by the influence of the Polish and Slovak languages on Ukrainian and the influence of Uralic languages on Russian from the 13th to the 17th centuries.[full citation needed]

Another point of view developed during the 19th and 20th centuries by linguists of Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union. Like Lomonosov, they assumed the existence of a common language spoken by East Slavs in the past. But unlike Lomonosov’s hypothesis, this theory does not view “Polonization” or any other external influence as the main driving force that led to the formation of three different languages (Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian) from the common Old East Slavic language. This general point of view is the most accepted amongst academics worldwide,[11] particularly outside Ukraine. The supporters of this theory disagree, however, about the time when the different languages were formed.

Soviet scholars set the divergence between Ukrainian and Russian only at later time periods (14th through 16th centuries). According to this view, Old East Slavic diverged into Belarusian and Ukrainian to the west (collectively, the Ruthenian language of the 15th to 18th centuries), and Old Russian to the north-east, after the political boundaries of the Kievan Rus’ were redrawn in the 14th century. During the time of the incorporation of Ruthenia (Ukraine and Belarus) into the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth, Ukrainian and Belarusian diverged into identifiably separate languages.[citation needed]

Some scholars[who?] see a divergence between the language of Galicia-Volhynia and the language of Novgorod-Suzdal by the 12th century, assuming that before the 12th century, the two languages were practically indistinguishable. This point of view is, however, at variance with some historical data. In fact, several East Slavic tribes, such as Polans, Drevlyans, Severians, Dulebes (that later likely became Volhynians and Buzhans), White Croats, Tiverians and Ulichs lived on the territory of today’s Ukraine long before the 12th century. Notably, some Ukrainian features[which?] were recognizable in the southern dialects of Old East Slavic as far back as the language can be documented.[12]

Some researchers, while admitting the differences between the dialects spoken by East Slavic tribes in the 10th and 11th centuries, still consider them as “regional manifestations of a common language” (see, for instance, the article by Vasyl Nimchuk).[13] In contrast, Ahatanhel Krymsky and Alexei Shakhmatov assumed the existence of the common spoken language of Eastern Slavs only in prehistoric times.[14] According to their point of view, the diversification of the Old East Slavic language took place in the 8th or early 9th century.

Ukrainian linguist Stepan Smal-Stotsky went even further, denying the existence of a common Old East Slavic language at any time in the past.[15] Similar points of view were shared by Yevhen Tymchenko, Vsevolod Hantsov, Olena Kurylo, Ivan Ohienko and others. According to this theory, the dialects of East Slavic tribes evolved gradually from the common Proto-Slavic language without any intermediate stages during the 6th through 9th centuries. The Ukrainian language was formed by convergence of tribal dialects, mostly due to an intensive migration of the population within the territory of today’s Ukraine in later historical periods. This point of view was also supported by George Shevelov’s phonological studies.[12]

As the result of close Slavic contacts with the remnants of the Scythian and Sarmatian population north of the Black Sea, lasting into the early Middle Ages, the appearance of voiced fricative (h) in modern Ukrainian and some southern Russian dialects is explained, that initially emerged in Scythian and the related eastern Iranian dialects from earlier common Proto-Indo-European *g and *g.[16][17][18]

During the 13th century, when German settlers were invited to Ukraine by the princes of Galicia-Vollhynia, German words began to appear in the language spoken in Ukraine. Their influence would continue under Poland not only through German colonists but also through the Yiddish-speaking Jews. Often such words involve trade or handicrafts. Examples of words of German or Yiddish origin spoken in Ukraine include dakh (roof), rura (pipe), rynok (market), kushnir (furrier), and majster (master or craftsman).[19]

In the 13th century, eastern parts of Rus’ (including Moscow) came under Tatar yoke until their unification under the Tsardom of Muscovy, whereas the south-western areas (including Kiev) were incorporated into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. For the following four centuries, the language of the two regions evolved in relative isolation from each other. Direct written evidence of the existence of the Ukrainian language dates to the late 16th century.[20] By the 16th century, a peculiar official language was formed: a mixture of Old Church Slavonic, Ruthenian and Polish, with the influence of the last of these three gradually increasing. Documents soon took on many Polish characteristics superimposed on Ruthenian phonetics.[21] Polish rule and education also involved significant exposure to the Latin language. Much of the influence of Poland on the development of the Ukrainian language has been attributed to this period and is reflected in multiple words and constructions used in everyday Ukrainian speech that were taken from Polish or Latin. Examples of Polish words adopted from this period include zavzhdy (always; taken from old Polish word zawdy) and obitsiaty (to promise; taken from Polish obieca) and from Latin (via Polish) raptom (suddenly) and meta (aim or goal).[19]

Significant contact with Tatars and Turks resulted in many Turkic words, particularly those involving military matters and steppe industry, being adopted into the Ukrainian language. Examples include torba (bag) and tyutyun (tobacco).[19]

Due to heavy borrowings from Polish, German, Czech and Latin, early modern vernacular Ukrainian (prosta mova, “simple speech”) had more lexical similarity with West Slavic languages than with Russian or Church Slavonic.[22] By the mid-17th century, the linguistic divergence between the Ukrainian and Russian languages was so acute that there was a need for translators during negotiations for the Treaty of Pereyaslav, between Bohdan Khmelnytsky, head of the Zaporozhian Host, and the Russian state.[23]

During the Khazar period, the territory of Ukraine, settled at that time by Iranian (post-Scythian), Turkic (post-Hunnic, proto-Bulgarian), and Uralic (proto-Hungarian) tribes, was progressively Slavicized by several waves of migration from the Slavic north. Finally, the Varangian ruler of Novgorod, called Oleg, seized Kiev (Kyiv) and established the political entity of Rus’. Some theorists see an early Ukrainian stage in language development here; others term this era Old East Slavic or Old Ruthenian/Rus’ian. Russian theorists tend to amalgamate Rus’ to the modern nation of Russia, and call this linguistic era Old Russian. Some hold that linguistic unity over Rus’ was not present, but tribal diversity in language was.

The era of Rus’ is the subject of some linguistic controversy, as the language of much of the literature was purely or heavily Old Slavonic. At the same time, most legal documents throughout Rus’ were written in a purely Old East Slavic language (supposed to be based on the Kiev dialect of that epoch). Scholarly controversies over earlier development aside, literary records from Rus’ testify to substantial divergence between Russian and Ruthenian/Rusyn forms of the Ukrainian language as early as the era of Rus’. One vehicle of this divergence (or widening divergence) was the large scale appropriation of the Old Slavonic language in the northern reaches of Rus’ and of the Polish language at the territory of modern Ukraine. As evidenced by the contemporary chronicles, the ruling princes of Galich (modern Halych) and Kiev called themselves “People of Rus'” (with the exact Cyrillic spelling of the adjective from of Rus’ varying among sources), which contrasts sharply with the lack of ethnic self-appellation for the area until the mid-19th century.[citation needed]

After the fall of GaliciaVolhynia, Ukrainians mainly fell under the rule of Lithuania and then Poland. Local autonomy of both rule and language was a marked feature of Lithuanian rule. In the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Old Slavic became the language of the chancellery and gradually evolved into the Ruthenian language. Polish rule, which came later, was accompanied by a more assimilationist policy. By the 1569 Union of Lublin that formed the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth, a significant part of Ukrainian territory was moved from Lithuanian rule to Polish administration, resulting in cultural Polonization and visible attempts to colonize Ukraine by the Polish nobility. Many Ukrainian nobles learned the Polish language and adopted Catholicism during that period.[24] Lower classes were less affected because literacy was common only in the upper class and clergy. The latter were also under significant Polish pressure after the Union with the Catholic Church. Most of the educational system was gradually Polonized. In Ruthenia, the language of administrative documents gradually shifted towards Polish.

The Polish language has had heavy influences on Ukrainian (particularly in Western Ukraine). The southwestern Ukrainian dialects are transitional to Polish.[25] As the Ukrainian language developed further, some borrowings from Tatar and Turkish occurred. Ukrainian culture and language flourished in the sixteenth and first half of the 17th century, when Ukraine was part of the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth. Among many schools established in that time, the Kiev-Mogila Collegium (the predecessor of modern Kyiv-Mohyla Academy), founded by the Orthodox Metropolitan Peter Mogila (Petro Mohyla), was the most important. At that time languages were associated more with religions: Catholics spoke Polish, and members of the Orthodox church spoke Ruthenian.

After the Treaty of Pereyaslav, Ukrainian high culture went into a long period of steady decline. In the aftermath, the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy was taken over by the Russian Empire and closed down later in the 19th century. Most of the remaining Ukrainian schools also switched to Polish or Russian in the territories controlled by these respective countries, which was followed by a new wave of Polonization and Russification of the native nobility. Gradually the official language of Ukrainian provinces under Poland was changed to Polish, while the upper classes in the Russian part of Ukraine used Russian.

During the 19th century, a revival of Ukrainian self-identification manifested in the literary classes of both Russian-Empire Dnieper Ukraine and Austrian Galicia. The Brotherhood of Sts Cyril and Methodius in Kiev applied an old word for the Cossack motherland, Ukrajina, as a self-appellation for the nation of Ukrainians, and Ukrajins’ka mova for the language. Many writers published works in the Romantic tradition of Europe demonstrating that Ukrainian was not merely a language of the village but suitable for literary pursuits.

However, in the Russian Empire expressions of Ukrainian culture and especially language were repeatedly persecuted for fear that a self-aware Ukrainian nation would threaten the unity of the empire. In 1804 Ukrainian as a subject and language of instruction was banned from schools.[7] In 1811 by the Order of the Russian government, the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy was closed. The Academy had been open since 1632 and was the first university in Eastern Europe. In 1847 the Brotherhood of Sts Cyril and Methodius was terminated. The same year Taras Shevchenko was arrested, exiled for ten years, and banned for political reasons from writing and painting. In 1862 Pavlo Chubynsky was exiled for seven years to Arkhangelsk. The Ukrainian magazine Osnova was discontinued. In 1863, the tsarist interior minister Pyotr Valuyev proclaimed in his decree that “there never has been, is not, and never can be a separate Little Russian language”.[26] A following ban on Ukrainian books led to Alexander II’s secret Ems Ukaz, which prohibited publication and importation of most Ukrainian-language books, public performances and lectures, and even banned the printing of Ukrainian texts accompanying musical scores.[27] A period of leniency after 1905 was followed by another strict ban in 1914, which also affected Russian-occupied Galicia.

For much of the 19th century the Austrian authorities demonstrated some preference for Polish culture, but the Ukrainians were relatively free to partake in their own cultural pursuits in Halychyna and Bukovyna, where Ukrainian was widely used in education and official documents.[29] The suppression by Russia retarded the literary development of the Ukrainian language in Dnipro Ukraine, but there was a constant exchange with Halychyna, and many works were published under Austria and smuggled to the east.

By the time of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the collapse of Austro-Hungary in 1918, the former ‘Ruthenians’ or ‘Little Russians’ were ready to openly develop a body of national literature, institute a Ukrainian-language educational system, and form an independent state named Ukraine (the Ukrainian People’s Republic, shortly joined by the West Ukrainian People’s Republic). During this brief independent statehood the stature and use of Ukrainian greatly improved.[9]

In the Russian Empire Census of 1897 the following picture emerged, with Ukrainian being the second most spoken language of the Russian Empire. According to the Imperial census’s terminology, the Russian language () was subdivided into Ukrainian (, ‘Little Russian’), what we know as Russian today (, ‘Great Russian’), and Belarusian (, ‘White Russian’).

The following table shows the distribution of settlement by native language (” “) in 1897 in Russian Empire governorates (guberniyas) that had more than 100,000 Ukrainian speakers.[30]

Although in the rural regions of the Ukraine provinces, 80% of the inhabitants said that Ukrainian was their native language in the Census of 1897 (for which the results are given above), in the urban regions only 32.5% of the population claimed Ukrainian as their native language. For example, in Odessa (then part of the Russian Empire), at the time the largest city in the territory of current Ukraine, only 5.6% of the population said Ukrainian was their native language.[31] Until the 1920s the urban population in Ukraine grew faster than the number of Ukrainian speakers. This implies that there was a (relative) decline in the use of Ukrainian language. For example, in Kiev, the number of people stating that Ukrainian was their native language declined from 30.3% in 1874 to 16.6% in 1917.[31]

During the seven-decade-long Soviet era, the Ukrainian language held the formal position of the principal local language in the Ukrainian SSR.[32] However, practice was often a different story:[32] Ukrainian always had to compete with Russian, and the attitudes of the Soviet leadership towards Ukrainian varied from encouragement and tolerance to discouragement.

Officially, there was no state language in the Soviet Union until the very end when it was proclaimed in 1990 that Russian language was the all-Union state language and that the constituent republics had rights to declare additional state languages within their jurisdictions.[33] Still it was implicitly understood in the hopes of minority nations that Ukrainian would be used in the Ukrainian SSR, Uzbek would be used in the Uzbek SSR, and so on. However, Russian was used in all parts of the Soviet Union and a special term, “a language of inter-ethnic communication”, was coined to denote its status.

Soviet language policy in Ukraine may be divided into the following policy periods:

Following the Russian Revolution, the Russian Empire was broken up. In different parts of the former empire, several nations, including Ukrainians, developed a renewed sense of national identity. In the chaotic post-revolutionary years the Ukrainian language gained some usage in government affairs. Initially, this trend continued under the Bolshevik government of the Soviet Union, which in a political struggle to retain its grip over the territory had to encourage the national movements of the former Russian Empire. While trying to ascertain and consolidate its power, the Bolshevik government was by far more concerned about many political oppositions connected to the pre-revolutionary order than about the national movements inside the former empire, where it could always find allies.

The widening use of Ukrainian further developed in the first years of Bolshevik rule into a policy called korenizatsiya. The government pursued a policy of Ukrainianization by lifting a ban on the Ukrainian language. That led to the introduction of an impressive education program which allowed Ukrainian-taught classes and raised the literacy of the Ukrainophone population. This policy was led by Education Commissar Mykola Skrypnyk and was directed to approximate the language to Russian. Newly generated academic efforts from the period of independence were co-opted by the Bolshevik government. The party and government apparatus was mostly Russian-speaking but were encouraged to learn the Ukrainian language. Simultaneously, the newly literate ethnic Ukrainians migrated to the cities, which became rapidly largely Ukrainianized in both population and in education.

The policy even reached those regions of southern Russian SFSR where the ethnic Ukrainian population was significant, particularly the areas by the Don River and especially Kuban in the North Caucasus. Ukrainian language teachers, just graduated from expanded institutions of higher education in Soviet Ukraine, were dispatched to these regions to staff newly opened Ukrainian schools or to teach Ukrainian as a second language in Russian schools. A string of local Ukrainian-language publications were started and departments of Ukrainian studies were opened in colleges. Overall, these policies were implemented in thirty-five raions (administrative districts) in southern Russia.

Soviet policy towards the Ukrainian language changed abruptly in late 1932 and early 1933, with the termination of the policy of Ukrainianization. In December 1932, the regional party cells received a telegram signed by V. Molotov and Stalin with an order to immediately reverse the Ukrainianization policies. The telegram condemned Ukrainianization as ill-considered and harmful and demanded to “immediately halt Ukrainianization in raions (districts), switch all Ukrainianized newspapers, books and publications into Russian and prepare by autumn of 1933 for the switching of schools and instruction into Russian”.[citation needed]

The following years were characterized by massive repression and discrimination for the Ukrainophones. Western and most contemporary Ukrainian historians emphasize that the cultural repression was applied earlier and more fiercely in Ukraine than in other parts of the Soviet Union, and were therefore anti-Ukrainian; others assert that Stalin’s goal was the generic crushing of any dissent, rather than targeting the Ukrainians in particular.

Stalinist policies shifted to define Russian as the language of (inter-ethnic) communication. Although Ukrainian continued to be used (in print, education, radio and later television programs), it lost its primary place in advanced learning and republic-wide media. Ukrainian was demoted to a language of secondary importance, often associated with the rise in Ukrainian self-awareness and nationalism and often branded “politically incorrect”. The new Soviet Constitution adopted in 1936, however, stipulated that teaching in schools should be conducted in native languages.

Major repression started in 192930, when a large group of Ukrainian intelligentsia was arrested and most were executed. In Ukrainian history, this group is often referred to as “Executed Renaissance” (Ukrainian: ). “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism” was declared to be the primary problem in Ukraine.[34] The terror peaked in 1933, four to five years before the Soviet-wide “Great Purge”, which, for Ukraine, was a second blow. The vast majority of leading scholars and cultural leaders of Ukraine were liquidated, as were the “Ukrainianized” and “Ukrainianizing” portions of the Communist party. Soviet Ukraine’s autonomy was completely destroyed by the late 1930s.[citation needed] In its place, the glorification of Russia as the first nation to throw off the capitalist yoke had begun, accompanied by the migration of Russian workers into parts of Ukraine which were undergoing industrialization and mandatory instruction of classic Russian language and literature. Ideologists warned of over-glorifying Ukraine’s Cossack past, and supported the closing of Ukrainian cultural institutions and literary publications. The systematic assault upon Ukrainian identity in culture and education, combined with effects of an artificial famine (Holodomor) upon the peasantrythe backbone of the nationdealt Ukrainian language and identity a crippling blow.[citation needed]

This sequence of policy change was repeated in Western Ukraine when it was incorporated into Soviet Ukraine. In 1939, and again in the late 1940s, a policy of Ukrainianization was implemented. By the early 1950s, Ukrainian was persecuted and a campaign of Russification began.

After the death of Stalin (1953), a general policy of relaxing the language policies of the past was implemented (1958 to 1963). The Nikita Khrushchev era which followed saw a policy of relatively lenient concessions to development of the languages at the local and republic level, though its results in Ukraine did not go nearly as far as those of the Soviet policy of Ukrainianization in the 1920s. Journals and encyclopedic publications advanced in the Ukrainian language during the Khrushchev era, as well as transfer of Crimea under Ukrainian SSR jurisdiction.

Yet, the 1958 school reform that allowed parents to choose the language of primary instruction for their children, unpopular among the circles of the national intelligentsia in parts of the USSR, meant that non-Russian languages would slowly give way to Russian in light of the pressures of survival and advancement. The gains of the past, already largely reversed by the Stalin era, were offset by the liberal attitude towards the requirement to study the local languages (the requirement to study Russian remained). Parents were usually free to choose the language of study of their children (except in few areas where attending the Ukrainian school might have required a long daily commute) and they often chose Russian, which reinforced the resulting Russification. In this sense, some analysts argue that it was not the “oppression” or “persecution”, but rather the lack of protection against the expansion of Russian language that contributed to the relative decline of Ukrainian in the 1970s and 1980s. According to this view, it was inevitable that successful careers required a good command of Russian, while knowledge of Ukrainian was not vital, so it was common for Ukrainian parents to send their children to Russian-language schools, even though Ukrainian-language schools were usually available. While in the Russian-language schools within the republic, Ukrainian was supposed to be learned as a second language at comparable level, the instruction of other subjects was in Russian and, as a result, students had a greater command of Russian than Ukrainian on graduation. Additionally, in some areas of the republic, the attitude towards teaching and learning of Ukrainian in schools was relaxed and it was, sometimes, considered a subject of secondary importance and even a waiver from studying it was sometimes given under various, ever expanding, circumstances.

The complete suppression of all expressions of separatism or Ukrainian nationalism also contributed to lessening interest in Ukrainian. Some people who persistently used Ukrainian on a daily basis were often perceived as though they were expressing sympathy towards, or even being members of, the political opposition. This, combined with advantages given by Russian fluency and usage, made Russian the primary language of choice for many Ukrainians, while Ukrainian was more of a hobby. In any event, the mild liberalization in Ukraine and elsewhere was stifled by new suppression of freedoms at the end of the Khrushchev era (1963) when a policy of gradually creeping suppression of Ukrainian was re-instituted.

The next part of the Soviet Ukrainian language policy divides into two eras: first, the Shelest period (early 1960s to early 1970s), which was relatively liberal towards the development of the Ukrainian language. The second era, the policy of Shcherbytsky (early 1970s to early 1990s), was one of gradual suppression of the Ukrainian language.

The Communist Party leader from 1963 to 1972, Petro Shelest, pursued a policy of defending Ukraine’s interests within the Soviet Union. He proudly promoted the beauty of the Ukrainian language and developed plans to expand the role of Ukrainian in higher education. He was removed, however, after only a brief tenure, for being too lenient on Ukrainian nationalism.

The new party boss from 1972 to 1989, Volodymyr Shcherbytsky, purged the local party, was fierce in suppressing dissent, and insisted Russian be spoken at all official functions, even at local levels. His policy of Russification was lessened only slightly after 1985.

The management of dissent by the local Ukrainian Communist Party was more fierce and thorough than in other parts of the Soviet Union. As a result, at the start of the Mikhail Gorbachev reforms perebudova and hlasnist (Ukrainian for perestroika and glasnost), Ukraine under Shcherbytsky was slower to liberalize than Russia itself.

Although Ukrainian still remained the native language for the majority in the nation on the eve of Ukrainian independence, a significant share of ethnic Ukrainians were russified. In Donetsk there were no Ukrainian language schools and in Kiev only a quarter of children went to Ukrainian language schools.[35]

The Russian language was the dominant vehicle, not just of government function, but of the media, commerce, and modernity itself. This was substantially less the case for western Ukraine, which escaped the artificial famine, Great Purge, and most of Stalinism. And this region became the center of a hearty, if only partial, renaissance of the Ukrainian language during independence.

Since 1991, Ukrainian has been the official state language in Ukraine, and the state administration implemented government policies to broaden the use of Ukrainian. The educational system in Ukraine has been transformed over the first decade of independence from a system that is partly Ukrainian to one that is overwhelmingly so. The government has also mandated a progressively increased role for Ukrainian in the media and commerce. In some cases the abrupt changing of the language of instruction in institutions of secondary and higher education led to the charges of Ukrainianization, raised mostly by the Russian-speaking population. This transition, however, lacked most of the controversies that arose during the de-russification of the other former Soviet Republics.

With time, most residents, including ethnic Russians, people of mixed origin, and Russian-speaking Ukrainians, started to self-identify as Ukrainian nationals, even those who remained Russophone. The Russian language, however, still dominates the print media in most of Ukraine and private radio and TV broadcasting in the eastern, southern, and, to a lesser degree, central regions. The state-controlled broadcast media have become exclusively Ukrainian. There are few obstacles to the usage of Russian in commerce and it is still occasionally used in government affairs.

Late 20th century Russian politicians like Alexander Lebed and Mikhail Yur’ev still claimed that Ukrainian is a Russian dialect.[36]

In the 2001 census, 67.5% of the country population named Ukrainian as their native language (a 2.8% increase from 1989), while 29.6% named Russian (a 3.2% decrease). It should be noted, though, that for many Ukrainians (of various ethnic descent), the term native language may not necessarily associate with the language they use more frequently. The overwhelming majority of ethnic Ukrainians consider the Ukrainian language native, including those who often speak Russian. According to the official 2001 census data[37] approximately 75% of Kiev’s population responded “Ukrainian” to the native language (ridna mova) census question, and roughly 25% responded “Russian”. On the other hand, when the question “What language do you use in everyday life?” was asked in the sociological survey, the Kievans’ answers were distributed as follows:[38] “mostly Russian”: 52%, “both Russian and Ukrainian in equal measure”: 32%, “mostly Ukrainian”: 14%, “exclusively Ukrainian”: 4.3%.

Ethnic minorities, such as Romanians, Tatars and Jews usually use Russian as their lingua franca. But there are tendencies within these minority groups to use Ukrainian. The Jewish writer Olexander Beyderman from the mainly Russian-speaking city of Odessa is now writing most of his dramas in Ukrainian. The emotional relationship regarding Ukrainian is changing in southern and eastern areas.

Opposition to expansion of Ukrainian-language teaching is a matter of contention in eastern regions closer to Russia in May 2008, the Donetsk city council prohibited the creation of any new Ukrainian schools in the city in which 80% of them are Russian-language schools.[39]

The literary Ukrainian language, which was preceded by Old East Slavic literature, may be subdivided into three stages: old Ukrainian (12th to 14th centuries), middle Ukrainian (14th to 18th centuries), and modern Ukrainian (end of the 18th century to the present). Much literature was written in the periods of the old and middle Ukrainian language, including legal acts, polemical articles, science treatises and fiction of all sorts.

Influential literary figures in the development of modern Ukrainian literature include the philosopher Hryhorii Skovoroda, Ivan Kotlyarevsky, Mykola Kostomarov, Mykhailo Kotsiubynsky, Taras Shevchenko, Ivan Franko, and Lesia Ukrainka. The earliest literary work in the modern Ukrainian language was recorded in 1798 when Ivan Kotlyarevsky, a playwright from Poltava in southeastern Ukraine, published his epic poem, Eneyida, a burlesque in Ukrainian, based on Virgil’s Aeneid. His book was published in vernacular Ukrainian in a satirical way to avoid being censored, and is the earliest known Ukrainian published book to survive through Imperial and, later, Soviet policies on the Ukrainian language.

Kotlyarevsky’s work and that of another early writer using the Ukrainian vernacular language, Petro Artemovsky, used the southeastern dialect spoken in the Poltava, Kharkiv and southern Kieven regions of the Russian Empire. This dialect would serve as the basis of the Ukrainian literary language when it was developed by Taras Shevchenko and Panteleimon Kulish in the mid 19th century. In order to raise its status from that of a dialect to that of a language, various elements from folklore and traditional styles were added to it.[40]

The Ukrainian literary language developed further when the Russian state banned the use of the Ukrainian language, prompting many of its writers to move to the western Ukrainian region of Galicia which was under more liberal Austrian rule; after the 1860s the majority of Ukrainian literary works were published in Austrian Galicia. During this period Galician influences were adopted in the Ukrainian literary language, particularly with respect to vocabulary involving law, government, technology, science, and administration.[40]

The use of the Ukrainian language is increasing after a long period of decline. Although there are almost fifty million ethnic Ukrainians worldwide, including 37.5 million in Ukraine (77.8% of the total population), the Ukrainian language is prevalent only in western and central Ukraine. In Kiev, both Ukrainian and Russian are spoken, a notable shift from the recent past when the city was primarily Russian-speaking. The shift is believed to be caused, largely, by an influx of the rural population and migrants from the western regions of Ukraine but also by some Kievans’ turning to use the language they speak at home more widely in everyday matters. Public signs and announcements in Kiev are in Ukrainian. In southern and eastern Ukraine, Russian is the prevalent language of the urban population. According to the Ukrainian Census of 2001, 87.8% people living in Ukraine communicate in Ukrainian.[41]

Use of the Ukrainian language in Ukraine can be expected to increase, as the rural population migrates into the cities. In eastern and southern Ukraine, the rural Ukrainophones continue to prefer Russian. Interest in Ukrainian literature is growing rapidly, compensating for the periods when its development was hindered by either policies of direct suppression or lack of state support.

Ukrainian has become popular in other countries through movies and songs performed in the Ukrainian language. The most popular Ukrainian rock bands, such as Okean Elzy, Vopli Vidopliassova, BoomBox, and others perform regularly in tours across Europe, Israel, North America and especially Russia. In countries with significant Ukrainian populations, bands singing in the Ukrainian language sometimes reach top places in the charts, such as Enej from Poland. Other notable Ukrainian-language bands are The Ukrainians from the United Kingdom, Klooch from Canada, Ukrainian Village Band from the United States, and the Kuban Cossack Choir from the Kuban region in Russia.

This section needs to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. Last update: 17 November 2013 (April 2017)

The 2010s saw a revival of Ukrainian cinema.[42] Top Ukrainian-language films by IMDb rating:[43]

Oleksa Horbach’s 1951 study of argots analyzed sources (argots of professionals, thugs, prisoners, homeless, school children, etc.) with special attention to an etymological analysis of argots, ways of word formation and borrowing depending on the source-language (Church Slavonic, Russian, Czech, Polish, Romani, Greek, Romanian, Hungarian, German).[44]

Northern group

South-eastern group

South-western group

Several modern dialects of Ukrainian exist[45][46]

All the countries neighbouring Ukraine (except for Hungary) historically have regions with a sizable Ukrainian population and therefore Ukrainian language speakers. Ukrainian is an official minority language in some of them.[which?]

Ukrainian is also spoken by a large migr population, particularly in Canada (see Canadian Ukrainian), United States, and several countries of South America like Brazil, Argentina, and Paraguay. The founders of this population primarily emigrated from Galicia, which used to be part of Austro-Hungary before World War I, and belonged to Poland between the World Wars. The language spoken by most of them is the Galician dialect of Ukrainian from the first half of the 20th century. Compared with modern Ukrainian, the vocabulary of Ukrainians outside Ukraine reflects less influence of Russian, but often contains many loanwords from the local language.

Most of the countries where it is spoken are ex-USSR, where many Ukrainians have migrated. Canada and the United States are also home to a large Ukrainian population. Broken up by country (to the nearest thousand):[60]

Ukrainian is one of three official languages of the breakaway Moldovan republic of Transnistria.[65]

Ukrainian is widely spoken within the 400,000-strong (in 1994) Ukrainian community in Brazil.[66]

Ukrainian is a fusional, nominative-accusative, satellite framed language. It exhibits T-V distinction, and is null-subject. The canonical word order of Ukrainian is SVO.[67] Other word orders are usual due to the free word order created by Ukrainian’s inflectional system.

Nouns decline for 7 cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, instrumental, locative, vocative; 3 genders: masculine, feminine, neuter; and 2 numbers: singular, plural. Adjectives agree with nouns in case, gender, and number.

Verbs conjugate for 3 tenses: past, present, future; 2 voices: active, mediopassive, 3 persons: first, second, third; and 2 numbers, singular, and plural. Ukrainian verbs come in aspect pairs: perfective, and imperfective. Pairs are usually formed by a prepositional prefix and occasionally a root change. The past tense agrees with its subject in number and gender, having developed from the perfect participle.

The Old East Slavic and Russian o in syllables ending in a consonant, often corresponds to a Ukrainian i, as in pod > pid (, ‘under’). Thus, in the declension of nouns, the o can re-appear as it is no longer located in a closed syllable, such as rik (, ‘year’) (nom): rotsi (loc) (). Similarly, some words can have in some declensions when most of the declension have o, for example (nominative singular), (nominative plural) but i (genitive plural).

Ukrainian case endings are somewhat different from Old East Slavic, and the vocabulary includes a large overlay of Polish terminology. Russian na pervom etae ‘on the first floor’ is in the locative (prepositional) case. The Ukrainian corresponding expression is na peromu poversi ( ). -omu is the standard locative (prepositional) ending, but variants in -im are common in dialect and poetry, and allowed by the standards bodies. The kh of Ukrainian poverkh () has mutated into s under the influence of the soft vowel i (k is similarly mutable into c in final positions).

The Ukrainian language has six vowels, /i, u, , , , a/.

A number of the consonants come in three forms: hard, soft (palatalized) and long, for example, /l/, /l/, and /l/ or /n/, /n/, and /n/.

The letter represents voiced glottal fricative //, often transliterated as Latin h. It is the voiced equivalent of English /h/. Russian speakers from Ukraine often use the soft Ukrainian // in place of Russian //, which comes from northern dialects of Old East Slavic. The Ukrainian alphabet has the additional letter for //, which appears in a few native words such as gryndoly ‘sleigh’ and gudzyk ‘button’. However, // appears almost exclusively in loan words, and is usually simply written . For example, loanwords from English on public signs usually use for both English g and h.

Another phonetic divergence between the Ukrainian and Russian languages is the pronunciation of Cyrillic v/w. While in standard Russian it represents /v/, in many Ukrainian dialects it denotes /w/ (following a vowel and preceding a consonant (cluster), either within a word or at a word boundary, it denotes the allophone [u], and like the off-glide in the English words “flow” and “cow”, it forms a diphthong with the preceding vowel). Native Russian speakers will pronounce the Ukrainian as [v], which is one way to tell the two groups apart. As with above, Ukrainians use to render both English v and w; Russians occasionally use for w instead.

Unlike Russian and most other modern Slavic languages, Ukrainian does not have final devoicing.

Ukrainian is written in a version of Cyrillic, consisting of 33 letters, representing 38 phonemes; an apostrophe is also used. Ukrainian orthography is based on the phonemic principle, with one letter generally corresponding to one phoneme, although there are a number of exceptions. The orthography also has cases where the semantic, historical, and morphological principles are applied.

The modern Ukrainian alphabet is the result of a number of proposed alphabetic reforms from the 19th and early 20th centuries, in Ukraine under the Russian Empire, in Austrian Galicia, and later in Soviet Ukraine. A unified Ukrainian alphabet (the Skrypnykivka, after Mykola Skrypnyk) was officially established at a 1927 international Orthographic Conference in Kharkiv, during the period of Ukrainization in Soviet Ukraine. But the policy was reversed in the 1930s, and the Soviet Ukrainian orthography diverged from that used by the diaspora. The Ukrainian letter ge was banned in the Soviet Union from 1933 until the period of Glasnost in 1990.[68]

The letter represents two consonants [t]. The combination of [j] with some of the vowels is also represented by a single letter ([ja] = , [je] = , [ji] or [j] = , [ju] = ), while [j] = and the rare regional [j] = are written using two letters. These iotated vowel letters and a special soft sign change a preceding consonant from hard to soft. An apostrophe is used to indicate the hardness of the sound in the cases when normally the vowel would change the consonant to soft; in other words, it functions like the yer in the Russian alphabet.

A consonant letter is doubled to indicate that the sound is doubled, or long.

The phonemes [dz] and [d] do not have dedicated letters in the alphabet and are rendered with the digraphs and , respectively. [dz] is equivalent to English ds in pods, [d] is equivalent to j in jump.

The Dictionary of Ukrainian Language in 11 volumes contains 135,000 entries.[citation needed] Lexical card catalog of the Ukrainian Institute of Language Studies has 6 million cards.[69] The same Institute is going to publish the new Dictionary of Ukrainian Language in 13 volumes.[citation needed] As mentioned at the top of the article, Ukrainian is most closely related lexically to Belarusian, and is also closer to Polish than to Russian (for example, , mozhlyvist’, “possibility”, and Polish moliwo, but Russian , vozmozhnost’).

Ukrainian has varying degrees of mutual intelligibility with other Slavic languages and is considered to be most closely related to Belarusian.[70]

In the 19th century, the question of whether Ukrainian, Belarusian and Russian languages are dialects of a single language or three separate languages was actively discussed, with the debate affected by linguistic and political factors.[10] The political situation (Ukraine and Belarus being mainly part of the Russian Empire at the time) and the historical existence of the medieval state of Kievan Rus’, which occupied large parts of these three nations, led to the creation of the common classification known later as the East Slavic languages. The underlying theory of the grouping is their descent from a common ancestor. In modern times, Ukrainian, Russian, and Belarusian are usually listed by linguists as separate languages.[71][72]

Until the 17th and 18th centuries (the time of national and language revival of Ukraine) the Ukrainians were predominantly peasants and petits bourgeois; as a result, the Ukrainian language was mostly vernacular and few earlier literary works from the period can be found. In the cities, Ukrainian coexisted with Church Slavonic a literary language of religion that evolved from the Old Slavonic and later Polish and Russian, both languages which were more often used in formal writing and communication during that time.

The Ukrainian language has the following similarities and differences with other Slavic languages:

Unlike all other Slavic languages, Ukrainian has a synthetic future (also termed inflectional future) tense which developed through the erosion and cliticization of the verb ‘to have’ (or possibly ‘to take’): pysa-ty-mu (infinitive-future-1st sg.) I will write.[74] Although the inflectional future (based on the verb ‘to have’) is characteristic of Romance languages, Ukrainian linguist A. Danylenko argues that Ukrainian differs from Romance in the choice of auxiliary, which should be interpreted as ‘to take’ and not ‘to have.’ He states that Late Common Slavic (LCS) had three verbs with the same root *em-:

The three verbs became conflated in East Slavic due to morphological overlap, in particular of imti to have and jati to take as exemplified in the Middle Ukrainian homonymic imut from both imti ( future is found in Chinese and Hungarian.[75]

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NAACP Pennsylvania State Conference

Small Diverse Businesses ProgramThe PA State NAACP has joined with the PA Department of General Services to provide SMALL DIVERSE BUSINESS opportunities and information to your Small Business.The Bureau of Diversity, Inclusion & Small Business Opportunities (BDISBO) verifies self-certified Small Businesses that wish to participate as Minority, Woman, Veteran, Service Disabled Veteran, LGBT, and Disability-Owned Business Enterprises through the Small Diverse Businesses program. Eligible Small Business must hold certifications as diverse businesses with one of the Departments approved third-party certification entities.Click here to Follow the step-by-step process>>

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NAACP | Milwaukee NAACP | Milwaukee Branch

Beyond Sherman Park Join the conversation and interact with community leaders, government officials, and local journalists. Parklawn Assembly of God Church 3725 N. Sherman Blvd Free and open to the public RSVP at milwaukeepbs.org ticket holders get priority seating July 27th | Event begins 6:30pm discussion starts at 7:00pm Hosts include: Milwaukee PBSs []

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Yvette Felarca Useful Stooges

Yvette Felarca

In April, we spent most of a week here discussing Yvette Felarca, a leader of The Coalition to Defend Affirmative Action, Integration & Immigrant Rights, and Fight for Equality By Any Means Necessary, known, for short, as By Any Means Necessary, and, for shorter, as BAMN. Its a California group, founded in 1995, that has spent the last two decades holding protests, bringing lawsuits, and committing acts of violence or, to use a word that both the FBI and the Defense Department have used to describe its activities, terrorism.

Felarca, who is also a middle-school humanities teacher in Berkeley, has participated fully in BAMNs storm-trooper-type brutality beating, rock-throwing, setting fires, breaking store windows, and so on which she excuses as a legitimate means of defending America against the words of Nazis and fascists.

In June of last year, she was arrested at a demonstration in Sacramento; at her arraignment, which didnt take place until August of this year, she was charged with felony assault by means of force likely to inflict great bodily injury and two misdemeanor counts of inciting and participating in a riot. (Reportedly, she had punched a man in the abdomen and told him to get the fuck out of our streets.)

This past February, Felarca was in the center of the action when vioent BAMN members managed to keep journalist Milo Yiannopoulos from speaking at UC Berkeley. Appearing on Fox News afterwards, Felarca charged Yiannopoulos with leading a movement of genocide.

Felarca experienced no professional blowback for her arrest in Sacramento or for her participation in the violence in Berkeley. At the latter event, the Berkeley police stood down. The mayor of Berkeley, asked for a comment, echoed Felarcas absurd claim that Yiannopoulos was a white supremacist. Despite calls for Felarcas firing, the Berkeley Unified School District (BUSD) kept her on. So things stood when we last looked in on Yvette.

Heres an update. On September 26, members of Patriot Prayer a conservative Christian group based in Portland, Oregon held a small, peaceful rally at the corner of Telegraph Avenue and Bancroft Way in Berkeley. The speakers were quicklydrowned out by protesters from BAMN and another group, Refuse Fascism. (The latter is a campaign run by the Revolutionary Communist Party; BAMN itself is an RCF spinoff.) The Patriot Prayer contingent then marched down Telegraph Avenue to Peoples Park, only to be trailed by the leftists; arriving at Peoples Park, the conservatives began holding speeches, in response to which the BAMN and Refuse Fascism members heckled them. And worse.

By the end of the day, Felarca who at the time was out on bail was in cuffs, arrested on suspicion of rioting, obstruction, and battery. Along with two fellow BAMN members, both male, she was held at Santa Rita Jail. Her bail was set at $20,000. (The bail for her BAMN colleagues, who had apparently wreaked less havoc, was set at $10,000 for one and $5,000 for the other.) That evening, a spokesman for the school district replied to a query about Felarca by saying that it was monitoring developments and that, [s]hould an occasion arise for the District to take action, we will respond in an appropriate manner, in keeping with federal law, the California Education Code and the BUSD collective bargaining agreement with our teachers.

In other words, when a Berkeley schoolteacher is arrested at multiple public events for committing acts of violence, that, in itself, isnt enough reason for school authorities to take action. One wonders what BUSDs response wouldve been if Felarca had been on the other side.

Felarca will be arraigned on November 8. In the meantime, presumably, shes still spending her weekdays in front of a Berkeley classroom. One can only imagine what she is cramming into her pupils heads in the guise of humanities.

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Rockwell, George Lincoln

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About this Item: Revisionist Books, United States, 2016. Paperback. Condition: New. Language: English. Brand new Book. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America’s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce’s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter’s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America’s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce’s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter’s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. There are claims that Lincoln Rockwell wrote three other essays, which have been given titles such as “How to Get out and Stay out of the Insane Asylum,” “The Bible on Sharp Jewish Methods” and “Nightmare.” All three of these pieces are not independent essays but in fact extracts from Rockwell’s two books, This Time the World and White Power. As such, they are not included in this collection. Seller Inventory # LIE9781684183265

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About this Item: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform, United States, 2011. Paperback. Condition: New. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****. Rare and hard to find essay s, poems and articles by the founder of the American Nazi Party (ANP) Commander George Lincoln Rockwell. Some never before published! With an inspiring biography and Eulogy for the assasinated leader of the ANP titled A National Socialist Life by Dr. William Pierce the author of The Turner Diaries. Seller Inventory # APC9781460989128

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About this Item: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform, United States, 2011. Paperback. Condition: New. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****.Rare and hard to find essay s, poems and articles by the founder of the American Nazi Party (ANP) Commander George Lincoln Rockwell. Some never before published! With an inspiring biography and Eulogy for the assasinated leader of the ANP titled A National Socialist Life by Dr. William Pierce the author of The Turner Diaries. Seller Inventory # APC9781460989128

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About this Item: Revisionist Books, 2016. Paperback. Condition: New. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. There are claims that Lincoln Rockwell wrote three other essays, which have been given titles such as How to Get out and Stay out of the Insane Asylum, The Bible on Sharp Jewish Methods and Nightmare. All three of these pieces are not independent essays but in fact extracts from Rockwell s two books, This Time the World and White Power. As such, they are not included in this collection. Seller Inventory # AAV9781684183265

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About this Item: Revisionist Books, 2016. Paperback. Condition: New. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****.The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. There are claims that Lincoln Rockwell wrote three other essays, which have been given titles such as How to Get out and Stay out of the Insane Asylum, The Bible on Sharp Jewish Methods and Nightmare. All three of these pieces are not independent essays but in fact extracts from Rockwell s two books, This Time the World and White Power. As such, they are not included in this collection. Seller Inventory # AAV9781684183265

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George Lincoln Rockwell

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About this Item: Revisionist Books. Paperback. Condition: New. Dimensions: 9.0in. x 6.0in. x 0.3in.The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of Americas most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierces tribute to Rockwell, written after the latters death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of Americas most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierces tribute to Rockwell, written after the latters death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. There are claims that Lincoln Rockwell wrote three other essays, which have been given titles such as How to Get out and Stay out of the Insane Asylum, The Bible on Sharp Jewish Methods and Nightmare. All three of these pieces are not independent essays but in fact extracts from Rockwells two books, This Time the World and White Power. As such, they are not included in this collection. This item ships from multiple locations. Your book may arrive from Roseburg,OR, La Vergne,TN. Paperback. Seller Inventory # 9781684183265

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Myths & Facts – Human Rights in Israel and the Territories

Israel discriminates against its Arab citizens.Israel discriminates against Israeli Arabs by barring them from buying land.Israeli Arabs are discriminated against in employment.Arabs held in Israeli jails are tortured, beaten and killed.Israel uses administrative detention to imprison peaceful Arabs without trial.Israel has long sought to deny residents of the West Bank and Gaza their political rights.Israel is stealing water from Arabs in the territories. Israel allows Jews to drill wells, but prevents Arabs from doing so.Israel’s use of deportations violates the Fourth Geneva Convention.Israel’s treatment of Palestinians is similar to the treatment of blacks in apartheid South Africa.Black African nations cut relations with Israel because of its racist policies toward Palestinians.Israel is pursuing a policy of genocide toward the Palestinians that is comparable to the Nazis’ treatment of the Jews.Israels policies in the territories have caused a humanitarian crisis for the Palestinians.Israels complaints about Palestinian terrorists hiding among civilians are just an effort to justify their murder of innocent people.Israel demolishes homes in the Rafah refugee camp as part of its campaign to oppress the Palestinians.Yasser Arafat is directing the Palestinian Authoritys resources to the health and welfare of the Palestinian people.Israel is a theocracy and should not be a Jewish State.Israeli textbooks are just as bad as those in the Palestinian Authority, filled with stereotypes, historical inaccuracies, and a failure to acknowledge alternative political views.Israel poisoned Yasser Arafat.Israel is persecuting Christians.Israel is killing Palestinians with radiation spy machines.Palestinians living under occupation have the lowest standard of living in the Middle East.Israeli checkpoints are unnecessarily preventing Palestinians from receiving medical attention.The Palestinian Authority protects Jewish holy sites.

MYTH

“Israel discriminates against its Arab citizens.”

FACT

Israel is one of the most open societies in the world. Out of a population of 6.7 million, about 1.3 million ? 20 percent of the population ? are non-Jews (approximately 1.1 million Muslims, 130,000 Christians and 100,000 Druze).1

Arabs in Israel have equal voting rights; in fact, it is one of the few places in the Middle East where Arab women may vote. Arabs currently hold 8 seats in the 120-seat Knesset. Israeli Arabs have also held various government posts, including one who served as Israel’s ambassador to Finland and the current deputy mayor of Tel Aviv. Oscar Abu Razaq was appointed Director General of the Ministry of Interior, the first Arab citizen to become chief executive of a key government ministry. Ariel Sharon’s original cabinet included the first Arab minister, Salah Tarif, a Druze who served as a minister without portfolio. An Arab is also a Supreme Court justice.

Arabic, like Hebrew, is an official language in Israel. More than 300,000 Arab children attend Israeli schools. At the time of Israel’s founding, there was one Arab high school in the country. Today, there are hundreds of Arab schools.2

In 2002, the Israeli Supreme Court also ruled that the government cannot allocate land based on religion or ethnicity, and may not prevent Arab citizens from living wherever they choose.2a

The sole legal distinction between Jewish and Arab citizens of Israel is that the latter are not required to serve in the Israeli army. This is to spare Arab citizens the need to take up arms against their brethren. Nevertheless, Bedouins have served in paratroop units and other Arabs have volunteered for military duty. Compulsory military service is applied to the Druze and Circassian communities at their own request.

Some economic and social gaps between Israeli Jews and Arabs result from the latter not serving in the military. Veterans qualify for many benefits not available to non-veterans. Moreover, the army aids in the socialization process.

On the other hand, Arabs do have an advantage in obtaining some jobs during the years Israelis are in the military. In addition, industries like construction and trucking have come to be dominated by Israeli Arabs.

Although Israeli Arabs have occasionally been involved in terrorist activities, they have generally behaved as loyal citizens. During the 1967, 1973 and 1982 wars, none engaged in any acts of sabotage or disloyalty. Sometimes, in fact, Arabs volunteered to take over civilian functions for reservists. During the outbreak of violence in the territories that began in September 2000, Israeli Arabs for the first time engaged in widespread protests with some violence.

The United States has been independent for almost 230 years and still has not integrated all of its diverse communities. Even today, 60 years after civil rights legislation was adopted, discrimination has not been eradicated. It should not be surprising that Israel has not solved all of its social problems in only 57 years.

MYTH

“Israel discriminates against Israeli Arabs by barring them from buying land.”

FACT

In the early part of the century, the Jewish National Fund was established by the World Zionist Congress to purchase land in Palestine for Jewish settlement. This land, and that acquired after Israel’s War of Independence, was taken over by the government. Of the total area of Israel, 92 percent belongs to the State and is managed by the Land Management Authority. It is not for sale to anyone, Jew or Arab. The remaining 8 percent of the territory is privately owned. The Arab Waqf (the Muslim charitable endowment), for example, owns land that is for the express use and benefit of Muslim Arabs. Government land can be leased by anyone, regardless of race, religion or sex. All Arab citizens of Israel are eligible to lease government land.

MYTH

“Israeli Arabs are discriminated against in employment.”

FACT

Israeli law prohibits discrimination in employment. According to the State Department, all Israeli workers “may join and establish labor organizations freely.” Most unions are part of the Histadrut or the smaller Histadrut Haovdim Haleumit (National Federation of Labor), both of which are independent of the Government.

MYTH

“Arabs held in Israeli jails are tortured, beaten and killed.”

FACT

Prison is not a pleasant place for anyone and complaints about the treatment of prisoners in American institutions abound. Israel’s prisons are probably among the most closely scrutinized in the world. One reason is the government has allowed representatives of the Red Cross and other groups to inspect them regularly.

Israeli law prohibits arbitrary arrest of citizens, defendants are considered innocent until proven guilty and have the right to writs of habeas corpus and other procedural safeguards. Israel holds no political prisoners and maintains an independent judiciary.

Some prisoners, particularly Arabs suspected of involvement in terrorism, were interrogated using severe methods that have been criticized as excessive. Israel’s Supreme Court issued a landmark ruling in 1999 prohibiting the use of a variety of abusive practices.

The death penalty has been applied just once, in the case of Adolf Eichmann, the man largely responsible for the “Final Solution.” No Arab has ever been given the death penalty, even after the most heinous acts of terrorism.

MYTH

“Israel uses administrative detention to imprison peaceful Arabs without trial.”

FACT

Israel inherited and continued certain laws adopted by the British. One is the use of administrative detention, which is permitted under certain circumstances in security cases. The detainee is entitled to be represented by counsel, and may appeal to the Israeli Supreme Court. The burden is on the prosecution to justify holding closed proceedings. Often, officials believe presenting evidence in open court would compromise its methods of gathering intelligence and endanger the lives of individuals who have provided information about planned terrorist activities.

Administrative detention is not necessary in much of the Arab world because the authorities frequently arrest people and throw them in jail without due process. No lawyers, human rights organizations or independent media can protest. Even in the United States, with its exceptionally liberal bail policy, people may be held for extended periods awaiting trial, and special legal standards have .been applied to allow the prolonged incarceration of Taliban and al-Qaida members captured in Afghanistan.

One does not judge a democracy by the way its soldiers immediately react, young men and women under tremendous provocation. One judges a democracy by the way its courts react, in the dispassionate cool of judicial chambers. And the Israeli Supreme Court and other courts have reacted magnificently. For the first time in Mideast history, there is an independent judiciary willing to listen to grievances of Arabs that judiciary is called the Israeli Supreme Court.

? Alan Dershowitz3

MYTH

“Israel has long sought to deny residents of the West Bank and Gaza Strip their political rights.”

FACT

While defending its existence against hostile Arab forces, Israel took control of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Facing a violent insurrection, Israel has been forced to restrict some activities of Palestinians. Israel cannot concede to Palestinians all the rights Americans take for granted in a nation that is not at war, while Arab states maintain a state of belligerency with Israel, and Palestinians engage in terrorism against Israelis.

Given the constraints of Israel’s security requirements, efforts were made from the outset to allow Palestinians the greatest possible freedom. After the Six-Day War, the traditional pro-Jordanian leadership continued to hold many civil service positions and was paid by Jordan. Municipal elections were held in 1972 and 1976. For the first time, women and non-landowners were allowed to vote.

The 1976 election brought Arab mayors to power who represented various PLO factions. Muhammad Milhem of Halhoul, Fahd Kawasmeh of Hebron, and Bassam Shaka of Nablus were affiliated with Fatah. Karim Khalaf of Ramallah represented the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and Ibrahim Tawil of El-Bireh was associated with the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine.4

In 1978, these mayors and other radicals formed the National Guidance Committee, which vigorously opposed any accommodation with Israel, attempted to stir up broad allegiance to the PLO on the West Bank and incited rejection of the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty. In 1981, Israel expelled Milhem and Kawasmeh. They were allowed to return to appeal the expulsion order, but it was upheld by the Israeli Supreme Court.

Two weeks after his expulsion, Milhem said: “There is no room for the existence of the Zionists under a situation of true peace. They are only capable of existing in a situation of tension and war…and that goes for all the parties…[they are] neither doves nor hawks, only pigs.”5

Kawasmeh was appointed to the PLO Executive Committee in 1984. Later that year, he was assassinated by Palestinian radicals in Amman.

As part of the Camp David negotiations, Israel proposed an autonomy plan to grant the Palestinians greater control over their affairs. The Palestinians rejected autonomy as an option, however, holding out hope for the creation of a Palestinian state.

For the rest of the decade, Israel, nevertheless, attempted to shift increasing responsibilities from the military to civilian administrators and to Palestinians. Efforts to give Palestinians greater responsibility for their affairs were undermined by the intifada. During the uprising, Palestinian Arabs who wished to cooperate with Israel came under attack and were silenced either through intimidation or murder. Israeli government officials sought to maintain a dialogue with many Palestinians, but those whose identities were discovered became targets.

In secret negotiations in Oslo, Norway, in 1993, Israeli and Palestinian negotiators agreed to a plan that would give the latter limited self-government. Subsequent negotiations have resulted in Israeli withdrawal from nearly half the West Bank and most of the Gaza Strip, and increasing Palestinian control over their own affairs. The Palestinian Authority now governs virtually all civil affairs for approximately 98 percent of the Palestinians in the territories. The expectation is that a final political settlement will result in the creation of a Palestinian state in most of the areas once controlled by Israel.

MYTH

“Israel is stealing water from Arabs in the territories. Israel allows Jews to drill wells, but prevents Arabs from doing so.”

FACT

In the years immediately following the 1967 war, water resources for the West Bank improved considerably. The water system in the southern Hebron region, for instance, was expanded. New wells were drilled near Jenin, Nablus and Tulkarm. More than 60 towns in the West Bank were given new water supply systems, or had antiquated ones upgraded by the Israeli administration in the territories.

In the late 1970’s and early 1980’s, however, the Middle East suffered from one of the worst droughts in modern history. Water in the Jordan River and Sea of Galilee dropped to critical levels. The situation deteriorated further at the beginning of the 1990’s and has continued to be a problem in the new millennium.

Under these conditions, the Israeli government restricted the drilling of new wells on the West Bank. It had little choice because the West Bank and Israel share the same water table, and the drawing off of fresh water resources could promote saline water seepage.

Arab farmers on the West Bank are served by approximately 100 springs and 300 wells ? many dug decades ago and now overutilized. Restrictions on over-exploitation of shallow wells were meant to prevent seepage or total depletion of saline water. Some wells were dug so that Jewish villages could tap new, deep aquifers never before used. These water pools as a rule do not draw from the shallower Arab sources.

At the end of 1991, a conference was scheduled in Turkey to discuss regional water problems. The meeting was torpedoed by Syria. The Syrians, Jordanians and Palestinians all boycotted the multilateral talks in Moscow in January 1992, which included a working group on water issues.

Following the Oslo agreements, Palestinians were more interested in cooperating on water issues. At the meeting of the multilateral working group in Oman in April 1994, an Israeli proposal to rehabilitate and make more efficient water systems in medium-sized communities (in the West Bank/Gaza, Israel and elsewhere in the region) was endorsed. About the same time, a Palestinian Water Authority was created as called for in the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles.

In November 1994, the working group met in Greece and the Israelis, Jordanians, and Palestinians agreed to begin discussion on principles or guidelines for cooperation on water issues. Further progress was made on a variety of issues during the 1995 meeting in Amman and the 1996 meeting in Tunisia. The working groups have not met since.

Israel has not cut the amount of water allocated to the Palestinian Authority (PA) and is planning to examine the possibility of increasing it despite the cut in water allocations within Israel and the requirement of supplying considerable amounts of water to Jordan as mandated by the peace treaty.

In contrast to claims by the Palestinian side, Israel did not even determine the amount of water to be supplied to the territories. The amount was specified in negotiations between the two sides, with the Americans participating. By the consent of both parties, the amount of water was increased relative to the situation prior to the Interim Agreement. Similarly, a formula was decided upon for increasing the water allocation gradually over the interim period.

The negotiations also led to agreements defining the number of wells that Israel is obligated to dig, and the number the PA and international bodies are obligated to dig. Cooperation on issues of sewage and environment were also defined. It was further decided that jurisdiction over water would be transferred to the Palestinians in the framework of the transfer of civil powers, and that the water situation would be supervised by joint monitoring teams

Israel has fulfilled all of her obligations under the Interim Agreement. The water quota agreed upon, and more, is being supplied. Jurisdiction over water was transferred completely and on time, and Israel approved the additional digging of wells. Israel and the PA carry out joint patrols to locate cases of water theft and other water-related problems.

The water issue for the Palestinians actually has little to do with Israel. According to the U.S. Agency for International Development, The West Bank and Gaza suffer from a chronic water shortage, preventing sustained economic growth and negatively impacting the environment and health of Palestinians. The little water available is inefficiently used. The analysis adds that Palestinian ground water supplies have increasingly become polluted as a result of inadequate sewage treatment and over-pumping of wells. Untreated sewage is dumped in valleys and the Mediterranean Sea, decreasing the quality of the already inadequate groundwater supply, and polluting the soil, sea, and coastline.5a

MYTH

“Israel’s use of deportations violates the Fourth Geneva Convention.”

FACT

The purpose of the Geneva Convention, approved in 1949, was to prevent a repetition of the Nazis’ policy of mass deportations of innocent civilians to slave labor and concentration camps. Israel, of course, does no such thing. What it does, on occasion, is expel a select few individuals who are instigating violence against Jew and Arab alike.

The Geneva Convention itself allows an occupying power to “undertake total or partial evacuation of a given area if the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand.” The Israeli Supreme Court has interpreted this to mean that Israel may expel instigators of violence if necessary to maintain public order or to protect the population from future violence. All deportees have the right to appeal expulsion orders to the Israeli courts, but many Palestinians prefer not to do so.

The Israeli regime is not apartheid. It is a unique case of democracy.

? South African Interior Minister Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi5b

MYTH

“Israel’s treatment of Palestinians is similar to the treatment of blacks in apartheid South Africa.”

FACT

Even before the State of Israel was established, Jewish leaders consciously sought to avoid the situation that prevailed in South Africa. As David Ben-Gurion told Palestinian nationalist Musa Alami in 1934:

We do not want to create a situation like that which exists in South Africa, where the whites are the owners and rulers, and the blacks are the workers. If we do not do all kinds of work, easy and hard, skilled and unskilled, if we become merely landlords, then this will not be our homeland.6

Today, within Israel, Jews are a majority, but the Arab minority are full citizens who enjoy equal rights. Arabs are represented in the Knesset, and have served in the Cabinet, high-level foreign ministry posts (e.g., Ambassador to Finland) and on the Supreme Court. Under apartheid, black South Africans could not vote and were not citizens of the country in which they formed the overwhelming majority of the population. Laws dictated where they could live, work and travel. And, in South Africa, the government killed blacks who protested against its policies. By contrast, Israel allows freedom of movement, assembly and speech. Some of the government’s harshest critics are Israeli Arabs who are members of the Knesset.

The situation of Palestinians in the territories is different. The security requirements of the nation, and a violent insurrection in the territories, forced Israel to impose restrictions on Arab residents of the West Bank and Gaza Strip that are not necessary inside Israel’s pre-1967 borders. The Palestinians in the territories, typically, dispute Israel’s right to exist whereas blacks did not seek the destruction of South Africa, only the apartheid regime.

If Israel were to give Palestinians full citizenship, it would mean the territories had been annexed. No Israeli government has been prepared to take that step. Instead, through negotiations, Israel agreed to give the Palestinians increasing authority over their own affairs. It is likely that a final settlement will allow most Palestinians to become citizens of their own state. The principal impediment to Palestinian independence is not Israeli policy, it is the unwillingness of the Palestinian leadership to give up terrorism and agree to live in peace beside the State of Israel.

Despite all their criticism, when asked what governments they admire most, more than 80 percent of Palestinians consistently choose Israel because they can see up close the thriving democracy in Israel, and the rights the Arab citizens enjoy there. By contrast, Palstinians place Arab regimes far down the list, and their own Palestinian Authority at the bottom with only 20 percent saying they admire the corrupt Arafat regime in 2003.6a

There is still one other question arising out of the disaster of nations which remains unsolved to this day, and whose profound tragedy, only a Jew can comprehend. This is the African question. Just call to mind all those terrible episodes of the slave trade, of human beings who, merely because they were black, were stolen like cattle, taken prisoner, captured and sold. Their children grew up in strange lands, the objects of contempt and hostility because their complexions were different. I am not ashamed to say, though I may expose myself to ridicule for saying so, that once I have witnessed the redemption of the Jews, my people, I wish also to assist in the redemption of the Africans.

? Theodor Herzl7

MYTH

“Black African nations cut relations with Israel because of its racist policies toward Palestinians.”

FACT

Black African nations did not break relations with Israel because of any concerns about racism; most severed ties with the Jewish State in 1973 because of pressure from the Arab oil-producing nations. Full diplomatic ties were continued only by Malawi, Lesotho and Swaziland, while a few other countries maintained their links through Israeli interest offices at foreign embassies. Commercial ties were also not entirely disrupted, many black African students continued to train in Israel and Israeli experts remained active in Africa.

Israel has had a long history of friendly relations with black African countries. From 1957 to 1973, Israel trained thousands of Africans in all aspects of life including agriculture, health care and economics. Thousands of Africans went to Israel for training, while similar numbers of Israelis were sent to Africa to teach.8

Golda Meir, the architect of Israel’s Africa policy, believed the lessons learned by Israelis could be passed on to Africans who, particularly during the 1950s, were engaged in the same process of nation building. Like them, she said, we had shaken off foreign rule; like them, we had to learn for ourselves how to reclaim the land, how to increase the yields of our crops, how to irrigate, how to raise poultry, how to live together, and how to defend ourselves. Israel could provide a better model for the newly independent African states, Meir believed, because Israelis had been forced to find solutions to the kinds of problems that large, wealthy, powerful states had never encountered.9

Once the coercive power of the Arab oil-producers eroded, African countries began to reestablish relations with Israel and to seek new cooperative projects. This trend gained momentum with the ongoing peace negotiations between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Today, 40 African countries maintain diplomatic ties with Israel, and reciprocal visits by heads of state and government ministers take place frequently. In May 1994, Israel’s President Ezer Weizman attended the historic inauguration of Nelson Mandela as the first black African president of South Africa.

MYTH

“Israel is pursuing a policy of genocide toward the Palestinians that is comparable to the Nazis’ treatment of the Jews.”

FACT

This is perhaps the most odious claim made by Israel’s detractors. The Nazis’ objective was the systematic extermination of every Jew in Europe. Israel is seeking peace with its Palestinian neighbors. More than one million Arabs live as free and equal citizens in Israel. Of the Palestinians in the territories, 98 percent live under the civil administration of the Palestinian Authority. While Israel sometimes employs harsh measures against Palestinians in the territories to protect Israeli citizens Jews and non-Jews from the incessant campaign of terror waged by the PA and Islamic radicals, there is no plan to persecute, exterminate, or expel the Palestinian people.

In response to one such comparison, by a poet who referred to the “Zionist SS,” The New Republic’s literary editor Leon Wieseltier observed:

The view that Zionism is Nazism there is no other way to understand the phrase Zionist SS is not different in kind from the view that the moon is cheese. It is not only spectacularly wrong, it is also spectacularly unintelligent. I will not offend myself (that would be self-hate speech!) by patiently explaining why the State of Israel is unlike the Third Reich, except to say that nothing that has befallen the Palestinians under Israel’s control may responsibly be compared to what befell the Jews under Germany’s control, and that a considerable number of the people who have toiled diligently to find peace and justice for the Palestinians, and a solution to this savage conflict, have been Israeli, some of them even Israeli prime ministers. There is no support for the Palestinian cause this side of decency that can justify the locution Zionist SS.10

The absurdity of the charge is also clear from the demography of the disputed territories. While detractors make outrageous claims about Israel committing genocide or ethnic cleansing, the Palestinian population has continued to explode. In Gaza, for example, the population increased from 731,000 in July 1994 to 1,324,991 in 2004, an increase of 81 percent. The growth rate was 3.8 percent, one of the highest in the world. According to the UN, the total Palestinian population in all the disputed territories (they include Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem) was 1,006,000 in 1950, and rose to 1,094,000 in 1970, and exploded to 2,152,000 in 1990. Anthony Cordesman notes the increase was the result of improvements in income and health services made by Israel. The Palestinian population has continued to grow exponentially and was estimated in 2004 at more than 3.6 million.11

MYTH

Israels policies in the territories have caused a humanitarian crisis for the Palestinians.

FACT

It is important to remember that Israel offered to withdraw from 97 percent of the West Bank and 100 percent of Gaza, and it is the rejection of that proposal, coupled with incessant Palestinian terrorism, that has forced Israeli troops to carry out operations in the territories. Though these actions have caused hardship for the Palestinian population, the IDF has continued to ensure that humanitarian assistance is provided to Palestinians in need. For example, during just one 48-hour period (January 5-6, 2003), the IDF:

Even at the height of military action, such as the operation to clean out the terrorist nest in the Jenin refugee camp, Israeli forces have gone out of their way to assist Palestinian non-combatants. In the case of the Jenin operation, for example, the hospital there was kept running with a generator delivered under fire by an Israeli officer.12

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Myths & Facts – Human Rights in Israel and the Territories

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October 14, 2018  Tags:   Posted in: Israel Apartheid  Comments Closed

Curricula | Define Curricula at Dictionary.com

[kuh-rik-yuh-luhm] ExamplesWord Origin Dictionary.com UnabridgedBased on the Random House Unabridged Dictionary, Random House, Inc. 2018 C19: from Latin: course, from currere to run Collins English Dictionary – Complete & Unabridged 2012 Digital Edition William Collins Sons & Co. Ltd. 1979, 1986 HarperCollins Publishers 1998, 2000, 2003, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2009, 2012 1824, from Modern Latin transferred use of classical Latin curriculum “a running, course, career” (also “a fast chariot, racing car”), from currere (see current (adj.)). Used in English as a Latin word since 1630s at Scottish universities. Online Etymology Dictionary, 2010 Douglas Harper

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The New York Times – Search

EU Leaders to Seek Cyber Sanctions, Press Asia for Action: Draft Statements The European Union should agree a sanctions law to target computer hackers by early next year, the bloc’s leaders are set to say on Thursday and will also seek a pledge from Russia and China to help stop cyber attacks, internal EU documents show.

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Ukraine Travel: Your Ukrainian Guide for Things to Do, Hotels …

Kiev Oblast There are few cities in Ukraine which enjoy such a well documented ancient past as Vyshhorod. While today Vyshhorod in Ukraine is a modest city with a population of over 23,000, in the early 900s it was a bustling metropolis that enjoyed royal favor. Vyshhorod is located along the banks of the Dnieper River just a short distance upstream from Kiev. Thus, the name Vyshhgorod is a good … Culture Traditional Ukrainian wedding customs are made up of various ceremonial stages sealing the union of the groom and bride. Younger generations are in some cases following Western wedding customs, however, those from more traditional families or couples in villages still observe the wedding customs of Ukraine. A wedding in Ukraine is a solemn occasion involving important religious rituals, but … Religious Sites The St. Volodymyrs Cathedral lies in the centre of Kiev, which is the main city of Ukraine. It is also considered as the mother cathedral to the ‘Ukrainian Orthodox Church Kiev Patriarchy’, thus making it one of two very important Ukrainian Orthodox churches. Like most churches it has a variety of names that it is commonly referred to, such as: Volodymyrsky Cathedral, St. Vladimirs … Sumy Oblast The Ukrainian town of Hlukhiv, with an approximate population of 35,000, has been inhabited from the 5th century. Archaeologists have confirmed this, but the town was only mentioned in documents from the year 1152. In 1644, the town of Hlukhiv, received its Magdeburg Rights. Peter the Great then went on to transform the town, located in the Sumy Oblast, into the capital for the Hetman. … Regions The Khmelnytskyi Oblast is located in western Ukraine, with its administrative center, the city of Khmelnytskyi, lying on the banks of the Southern Buh River, around 340 kilometers from Ukraine’s capital city, Kiev. It is a beautiful part of the country with at least 120 rivers and tributaries running through it, and an estimated 1,858 ponds, lakes and reservoirs scattered over the landscape. Zhytomyr Oblast The city of Berdychiv is a quaint city in the Zhytomyr Oblast that has an extremely interesting past. The exact date as to when the city was founded is mere speculation, and how its name came about can only be guessed. In all honesty, Berdychiv’s establishment is shrouded in mystery, and scientists and historians have been able to piece some of this fascinating puzzle together. Religious Sites The Kiev Pechersk Lavra Monastery is a complex that is made up from various fascinating buildings and sights. These diverse memories of the past all carry the strong architectural signature of the Ukrainian Baroque construction style and form a network of beautiful and spectacular structures. The monastery and surrounding complex is also known as the Calvin Cave Monastery. Art Galleries The building that houses the ARTEast Gallery on Reytarska Street in Kiev is as famous and well-known as the gallery itself. It was once home to Yuriy Davydovs Ballet Studio which doubled as an Opera Studio and became the blue print for ballet studios all over the world. It was the first studio to offer subjects such as languages and grammar together with lessons given by Illya Chestyakov. …

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Ukrainian language – Wikipedia

Ukrainian (listen) ( ukrajinka mova) is an East Slavic language. It is the official state language of Ukraine and first of two principal languages of Ukrainians; it is one of the three official languages in the unrecognized state of Transnistria, the other two being Romanian and Russian. Written Ukrainian uses a variant of the Cyrillic script (see Ukrainian alphabet). Historical linguists trace the origin of the Ukrainian language to the Old East Slavic of the early medieval state of Kievan Rus’. After the fall of the Kievan Rus’ as well as the Kingdom of GaliciaVolhynia, the language developed into a form called the Ruthenian language. The Modern Ukrainian language has been in common use since the late 17th century, associated with the establishment of the Cossack Hetmanate. From 1804 until the Russian Revolution, the Ukrainian language was banned from schools in the Russian Empire, of which the biggest part of Ukraine (Central, Eastern and Southern) was a part at the time.[7] It has always maintained a sufficient base in Western Ukraine, where the language was never banned,[8] in its folklore songs, itinerant musicians, and prominent authors.[8][9] The standard Ukrainian language is regulated by the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (NANU), particularly by its Institute for the Ukrainian Language, Ukrainian language-information fund, and Potebnya Institute of Language Studies. The Ukrainian language retains a degree of mutual intelligibility with Belarusian and Russian.[10] The first theory of the origin of Ukrainian language was suggested in Imperial Russia in the middle of the 18th century by Mikhail Lomonosov. This theory posits the existence of a common language spoken by all East Slavic people in the time of the Rus’. According to Lomonosov, the differences that subsequently developed between Great Russian and Ukrainian (which he referred to as Little Russian) could be explained by the influence of the Polish and Slovak languages on Ukrainian and the influence of Uralic languages on Russian from the 13th to the 17th centuries.[full citation needed] Another point of view developed during the 19th and 20th centuries by linguists of Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union. Like Lomonosov, they assumed the existence of a common language spoken by East Slavs in the past. But unlike Lomonosov’s hypothesis, this theory does not view “Polonization” or any other external influence as the main driving force that led to the formation of three different languages (Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian) from the common Old East Slavic language. This general point of view is the most accepted amongst academics worldwide,[11] particularly outside Ukraine. The supporters of this theory disagree, however, about the time when the different languages were formed. Soviet scholars set the divergence between Ukrainian and Russian only at later time periods (14th through 16th centuries). According to this view, Old East Slavic diverged into Belarusian and Ukrainian to the west (collectively, the Ruthenian language of the 15th to 18th centuries), and Old Russian to the north-east, after the political boundaries of the Kievan Rus’ were redrawn in the 14th century. During the time of the incorporation of Ruthenia (Ukraine and Belarus) into the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth, Ukrainian and Belarusian diverged into identifiably separate languages.[citation needed] Some scholars[who?] see a divergence between the language of Galicia-Volhynia and the language of Novgorod-Suzdal by the 12th century, assuming that before the 12th century, the two languages were practically indistinguishable. This point of view is, however, at variance with some historical data. In fact, several East Slavic tribes, such as Polans, Drevlyans, Severians, Dulebes (that later likely became Volhynians and Buzhans), White Croats, Tiverians and Ulichs lived on the territory of today’s Ukraine long before the 12th century. Notably, some Ukrainian features[which?] were recognizable in the southern dialects of Old East Slavic as far back as the language can be documented.[12] Some researchers, while admitting the differences between the dialects spoken by East Slavic tribes in the 10th and 11th centuries, still consider them as “regional manifestations of a common language” (see, for instance, the article by Vasyl Nimchuk).[13] In contrast, Ahatanhel Krymsky and Alexei Shakhmatov assumed the existence of the common spoken language of Eastern Slavs only in prehistoric times.[14] According to their point of view, the diversification of the Old East Slavic language took place in the 8th or early 9th century. Ukrainian linguist Stepan Smal-Stotsky went even further, denying the existence of a common Old East Slavic language at any time in the past.[15] Similar points of view were shared by Yevhen Tymchenko, Vsevolod Hantsov, Olena Kurylo, Ivan Ohienko and others. According to this theory, the dialects of East Slavic tribes evolved gradually from the common Proto-Slavic language without any intermediate stages during the 6th through 9th centuries. The Ukrainian language was formed by convergence of tribal dialects, mostly due to an intensive migration of the population within the territory of today’s Ukraine in later historical periods. This point of view was also supported by George Shevelov’s phonological studies.[12] As the result of close Slavic contacts with the remnants of the Scythian and Sarmatian population north of the Black Sea, lasting into the early Middle Ages, the appearance of voiced fricative (h) in modern Ukrainian and some southern Russian dialects is explained, that initially emerged in Scythian and the related eastern Iranian dialects from earlier common Proto-Indo-European *g and *g.[16][17][18] During the 13th century, when German settlers were invited to Ukraine by the princes of Galicia-Vollhynia, German words began to appear in the language spoken in Ukraine. Their influence would continue under Poland not only through German colonists but also through the Yiddish-speaking Jews. Often such words involve trade or handicrafts. Examples of words of German or Yiddish origin spoken in Ukraine include dakh (roof), rura (pipe), rynok (market), kushnir (furrier), and majster (master or craftsman).[19] In the 13th century, eastern parts of Rus’ (including Moscow) came under Tatar yoke until their unification under the Tsardom of Muscovy, whereas the south-western areas (including Kiev) were incorporated into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. For the following four centuries, the language of the two regions evolved in relative isolation from each other. Direct written evidence of the existence of the Ukrainian language dates to the late 16th century.[20] By the 16th century, a peculiar official language was formed: a mixture of Old Church Slavonic, Ruthenian and Polish, with the influence of the last of these three gradually increasing. Documents soon took on many Polish characteristics superimposed on Ruthenian phonetics.[21] Polish rule and education also involved significant exposure to the Latin language. Much of the influence of Poland on the development of the Ukrainian language has been attributed to this period and is reflected in multiple words and constructions used in everyday Ukrainian speech that were taken from Polish or Latin. Examples of Polish words adopted from this period include zavzhdy (always; taken from old Polish word zawdy) and obitsiaty (to promise; taken from Polish obieca) and from Latin (via Polish) raptom (suddenly) and meta (aim or goal).[19] Significant contact with Tatars and Turks resulted in many Turkic words, particularly those involving military matters and steppe industry, being adopted into the Ukrainian language. Examples include torba (bag) and tyutyun (tobacco).[19] Due to heavy borrowings from Polish, German, Czech and Latin, early modern vernacular Ukrainian (prosta mova, “simple speech”) had more lexical similarity with West Slavic languages than with Russian or Church Slavonic.[22] By the mid-17th century, the linguistic divergence between the Ukrainian and Russian languages was so acute that there was a need for translators during negotiations for the Treaty of Pereyaslav, between Bohdan Khmelnytsky, head of the Zaporozhian Host, and the Russian state.[23] During the Khazar period, the territory of Ukraine, settled at that time by Iranian (post-Scythian), Turkic (post-Hunnic, proto-Bulgarian), and Uralic (proto-Hungarian) tribes, was progressively Slavicized by several waves of migration from the Slavic north. Finally, the Varangian ruler of Novgorod, called Oleg, seized Kiev (Kyiv) and established the political entity of Rus’. Some theorists see an early Ukrainian stage in language development here; others term this era Old East Slavic or Old Ruthenian/Rus’ian. Russian theorists tend to amalgamate Rus’ to the modern nation of Russia, and call this linguistic era Old Russian. Some hold that linguistic unity over Rus’ was not present, but tribal diversity in language was. The era of Rus’ is the subject of some linguistic controversy, as the language of much of the literature was purely or heavily Old Slavonic. At the same time, most legal documents throughout Rus’ were written in a purely Old East Slavic language (supposed to be based on the Kiev dialect of that epoch). Scholarly controversies over earlier development aside, literary records from Rus’ testify to substantial divergence between Russian and Ruthenian/Rusyn forms of the Ukrainian language as early as the era of Rus’. One vehicle of this divergence (or widening divergence) was the large scale appropriation of the Old Slavonic language in the northern reaches of Rus’ and of the Polish language at the territory of modern Ukraine. As evidenced by the contemporary chronicles, the ruling princes of Galich (modern Halych) and Kiev called themselves “People of Rus'” (with the exact Cyrillic spelling of the adjective from of Rus’ varying among sources), which contrasts sharply with the lack of ethnic self-appellation for the area until the mid-19th century.[citation needed] After the fall of GaliciaVolhynia, Ukrainians mainly fell under the rule of Lithuania and then Poland. Local autonomy of both rule and language was a marked feature of Lithuanian rule. In the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Old Slavic became the language of the chancellery and gradually evolved into the Ruthenian language. Polish rule, which came later, was accompanied by a more assimilationist policy. By the 1569 Union of Lublin that formed the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth, a significant part of Ukrainian territory was moved from Lithuanian rule to Polish administration, resulting in cultural Polonization and visible attempts to colonize Ukraine by the Polish nobility. Many Ukrainian nobles learned the Polish language and adopted Catholicism during that period.[24] Lower classes were less affected because literacy was common only in the upper class and clergy. The latter were also under significant Polish pressure after the Union with the Catholic Church. Most of the educational system was gradually Polonized. In Ruthenia, the language of administrative documents gradually shifted towards Polish. The Polish language has had heavy influences on Ukrainian (particularly in Western Ukraine). The southwestern Ukrainian dialects are transitional to Polish.[25] As the Ukrainian language developed further, some borrowings from Tatar and Turkish occurred. Ukrainian culture and language flourished in the sixteenth and first half of the 17th century, when Ukraine was part of the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth. Among many schools established in that time, the Kiev-Mogila Collegium (the predecessor of modern Kyiv-Mohyla Academy), founded by the Orthodox Metropolitan Peter Mogila (Petro Mohyla), was the most important. At that time languages were associated more with religions: Catholics spoke Polish, and members of the Orthodox church spoke Ruthenian. After the Treaty of Pereyaslav, Ukrainian high culture went into a long period of steady decline. In the aftermath, the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy was taken over by the Russian Empire and closed down later in the 19th century. Most of the remaining Ukrainian schools also switched to Polish or Russian in the territories controlled by these respective countries, which was followed by a new wave of Polonization and Russification of the native nobility. Gradually the official language of Ukrainian provinces under Poland was changed to Polish, while the upper classes in the Russian part of Ukraine used Russian. During the 19th century, a revival of Ukrainian self-identification manifested in the literary classes of both Russian-Empire Dnieper Ukraine and Austrian Galicia. The Brotherhood of Sts Cyril and Methodius in Kiev applied an old word for the Cossack motherland, Ukrajina, as a self-appellation for the nation of Ukrainians, and Ukrajins’ka mova for the language. Many writers published works in the Romantic tradition of Europe demonstrating that Ukrainian was not merely a language of the village but suitable for literary pursuits. However, in the Russian Empire expressions of Ukrainian culture and especially language were repeatedly persecuted for fear that a self-aware Ukrainian nation would threaten the unity of the empire. In 1804 Ukrainian as a subject and language of instruction was banned from schools.[7] In 1811 by the Order of the Russian government, the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy was closed. The Academy had been open since 1632 and was the first university in Eastern Europe. In 1847 the Brotherhood of Sts Cyril and Methodius was terminated. The same year Taras Shevchenko was arrested, exiled for ten years, and banned for political reasons from writing and painting. In 1862 Pavlo Chubynsky was exiled for seven years to Arkhangelsk. The Ukrainian magazine Osnova was discontinued. In 1863, the tsarist interior minister Pyotr Valuyev proclaimed in his decree that “there never has been, is not, and never can be a separate Little Russian language”.[26] A following ban on Ukrainian books led to Alexander II’s secret Ems Ukaz, which prohibited publication and importation of most Ukrainian-language books, public performances and lectures, and even banned the printing of Ukrainian texts accompanying musical scores.[27] A period of leniency after 1905 was followed by another strict ban in 1914, which also affected Russian-occupied Galicia. For much of the 19th century the Austrian authorities demonstrated some preference for Polish culture, but the Ukrainians were relatively free to partake in their own cultural pursuits in Halychyna and Bukovyna, where Ukrainian was widely used in education and official documents.[29] The suppression by Russia retarded the literary development of the Ukrainian language in Dnipro Ukraine, but there was a constant exchange with Halychyna, and many works were published under Austria and smuggled to the east. By the time of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the collapse of Austro-Hungary in 1918, the former ‘Ruthenians’ or ‘Little Russians’ were ready to openly develop a body of national literature, institute a Ukrainian-language educational system, and form an independent state named Ukraine (the Ukrainian People’s Republic, shortly joined by the West Ukrainian People’s Republic). During this brief independent statehood the stature and use of Ukrainian greatly improved.[9] In the Russian Empire Census of 1897 the following picture emerged, with Ukrainian being the second most spoken language of the Russian Empire. According to the Imperial census’s terminology, the Russian language () was subdivided into Ukrainian (, ‘Little Russian’), what we know as Russian today (, ‘Great Russian’), and Belarusian (, ‘White Russian’). The following table shows the distribution of settlement by native language (” “) in 1897 in Russian Empire governorates (guberniyas) that had more than 100,000 Ukrainian speakers.[30] Although in the rural regions of the Ukraine provinces, 80% of the inhabitants said that Ukrainian was their native language in the Census of 1897 (for which the results are given above), in the urban regions only 32.5% of the population claimed Ukrainian as their native language. For example, in Odessa (then part of the Russian Empire), at the time the largest city in the territory of current Ukraine, only 5.6% of the population said Ukrainian was their native language.[31] Until the 1920s the urban population in Ukraine grew faster than the number of Ukrainian speakers. This implies that there was a (relative) decline in the use of Ukrainian language. For example, in Kiev, the number of people stating that Ukrainian was their native language declined from 30.3% in 1874 to 16.6% in 1917.[31] During the seven-decade-long Soviet era, the Ukrainian language held the formal position of the principal local language in the Ukrainian SSR.[32] However, practice was often a different story:[32] Ukrainian always had to compete with Russian, and the attitudes of the Soviet leadership towards Ukrainian varied from encouragement and tolerance to discouragement. Officially, there was no state language in the Soviet Union until the very end when it was proclaimed in 1990 that Russian language was the all-Union state language and that the constituent republics had rights to declare additional state languages within their jurisdictions.[33] Still it was implicitly understood in the hopes of minority nations that Ukrainian would be used in the Ukrainian SSR, Uzbek would be used in the Uzbek SSR, and so on. However, Russian was used in all parts of the Soviet Union and a special term, “a language of inter-ethnic communication”, was coined to denote its status. Soviet language policy in Ukraine may be divided into the following policy periods: Following the Russian Revolution, the Russian Empire was broken up. In different parts of the former empire, several nations, including Ukrainians, developed a renewed sense of national identity. In the chaotic post-revolutionary years the Ukrainian language gained some usage in government affairs. Initially, this trend continued under the Bolshevik government of the Soviet Union, which in a political struggle to retain its grip over the territory had to encourage the national movements of the former Russian Empire. While trying to ascertain and consolidate its power, the Bolshevik government was by far more concerned about many political oppositions connected to the pre-revolutionary order than about the national movements inside the former empire, where it could always find allies. The widening use of Ukrainian further developed in the first years of Bolshevik rule into a policy called korenizatsiya. The government pursued a policy of Ukrainianization by lifting a ban on the Ukrainian language. That led to the introduction of an impressive education program which allowed Ukrainian-taught classes and raised the literacy of the Ukrainophone population. This policy was led by Education Commissar Mykola Skrypnyk and was directed to approximate the language to Russian. Newly generated academic efforts from the period of independence were co-opted by the Bolshevik government. The party and government apparatus was mostly Russian-speaking but were encouraged to learn the Ukrainian language. Simultaneously, the newly literate ethnic Ukrainians migrated to the cities, which became rapidly largely Ukrainianized in both population and in education. The policy even reached those regions of southern Russian SFSR where the ethnic Ukrainian population was significant, particularly the areas by the Don River and especially Kuban in the North Caucasus. Ukrainian language teachers, just graduated from expanded institutions of higher education in Soviet Ukraine, were dispatched to these regions to staff newly opened Ukrainian schools or to teach Ukrainian as a second language in Russian schools. A string of local Ukrainian-language publications were started and departments of Ukrainian studies were opened in colleges. Overall, these policies were implemented in thirty-five raions (administrative districts) in southern Russia. Soviet policy towards the Ukrainian language changed abruptly in late 1932 and early 1933, with the termination of the policy of Ukrainianization. In December 1932, the regional party cells received a telegram signed by V. Molotov and Stalin with an order to immediately reverse the Ukrainianization policies. The telegram condemned Ukrainianization as ill-considered and harmful and demanded to “immediately halt Ukrainianization in raions (districts), switch all Ukrainianized newspapers, books and publications into Russian and prepare by autumn of 1933 for the switching of schools and instruction into Russian”.[citation needed] The following years were characterized by massive repression and discrimination for the Ukrainophones. Western and most contemporary Ukrainian historians emphasize that the cultural repression was applied earlier and more fiercely in Ukraine than in other parts of the Soviet Union, and were therefore anti-Ukrainian; others assert that Stalin’s goal was the generic crushing of any dissent, rather than targeting the Ukrainians in particular. Stalinist policies shifted to define Russian as the language of (inter-ethnic) communication. Although Ukrainian continued to be used (in print, education, radio and later television programs), it lost its primary place in advanced learning and republic-wide media. Ukrainian was demoted to a language of secondary importance, often associated with the rise in Ukrainian self-awareness and nationalism and often branded “politically incorrect”. The new Soviet Constitution adopted in 1936, however, stipulated that teaching in schools should be conducted in native languages. Major repression started in 192930, when a large group of Ukrainian intelligentsia was arrested and most were executed. In Ukrainian history, this group is often referred to as “Executed Renaissance” (Ukrainian: ). “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism” was declared to be the primary problem in Ukraine.[34] The terror peaked in 1933, four to five years before the Soviet-wide “Great Purge”, which, for Ukraine, was a second blow. The vast majority of leading scholars and cultural leaders of Ukraine were liquidated, as were the “Ukrainianized” and “Ukrainianizing” portions of the Communist party. Soviet Ukraine’s autonomy was completely destroyed by the late 1930s.[citation needed] In its place, the glorification of Russia as the first nation to throw off the capitalist yoke had begun, accompanied by the migration of Russian workers into parts of Ukraine which were undergoing industrialization and mandatory instruction of classic Russian language and literature. Ideologists warned of over-glorifying Ukraine’s Cossack past, and supported the closing of Ukrainian cultural institutions and literary publications. The systematic assault upon Ukrainian identity in culture and education, combined with effects of an artificial famine (Holodomor) upon the peasantrythe backbone of the nationdealt Ukrainian language and identity a crippling blow.[citation needed] This sequence of policy change was repeated in Western Ukraine when it was incorporated into Soviet Ukraine. In 1939, and again in the late 1940s, a policy of Ukrainianization was implemented. By the early 1950s, Ukrainian was persecuted and a campaign of Russification began. After the death of Stalin (1953), a general policy of relaxing the language policies of the past was implemented (1958 to 1963). The Nikita Khrushchev era which followed saw a policy of relatively lenient concessions to development of the languages at the local and republic level, though its results in Ukraine did not go nearly as far as those of the Soviet policy of Ukrainianization in the 1920s. Journals and encyclopedic publications advanced in the Ukrainian language during the Khrushchev era, as well as transfer of Crimea under Ukrainian SSR jurisdiction. Yet, the 1958 school reform that allowed parents to choose the language of primary instruction for their children, unpopular among the circles of the national intelligentsia in parts of the USSR, meant that non-Russian languages would slowly give way to Russian in light of the pressures of survival and advancement. The gains of the past, already largely reversed by the Stalin era, were offset by the liberal attitude towards the requirement to study the local languages (the requirement to study Russian remained). Parents were usually free to choose the language of study of their children (except in few areas where attending the Ukrainian school might have required a long daily commute) and they often chose Russian, which reinforced the resulting Russification. In this sense, some analysts argue that it was not the “oppression” or “persecution”, but rather the lack of protection against the expansion of Russian language that contributed to the relative decline of Ukrainian in the 1970s and 1980s. According to this view, it was inevitable that successful careers required a good command of Russian, while knowledge of Ukrainian was not vital, so it was common for Ukrainian parents to send their children to Russian-language schools, even though Ukrainian-language schools were usually available. While in the Russian-language schools within the republic, Ukrainian was supposed to be learned as a second language at comparable level, the instruction of other subjects was in Russian and, as a result, students had a greater command of Russian than Ukrainian on graduation. Additionally, in some areas of the republic, the attitude towards teaching and learning of Ukrainian in schools was relaxed and it was, sometimes, considered a subject of secondary importance and even a waiver from studying it was sometimes given under various, ever expanding, circumstances. The complete suppression of all expressions of separatism or Ukrainian nationalism also contributed to lessening interest in Ukrainian. Some people who persistently used Ukrainian on a daily basis were often perceived as though they were expressing sympathy towards, or even being members of, the political opposition. This, combined with advantages given by Russian fluency and usage, made Russian the primary language of choice for many Ukrainians, while Ukrainian was more of a hobby. In any event, the mild liberalization in Ukraine and elsewhere was stifled by new suppression of freedoms at the end of the Khrushchev era (1963) when a policy of gradually creeping suppression of Ukrainian was re-instituted. The next part of the Soviet Ukrainian language policy divides into two eras: first, the Shelest period (early 1960s to early 1970s), which was relatively liberal towards the development of the Ukrainian language. The second era, the policy of Shcherbytsky (early 1970s to early 1990s), was one of gradual suppression of the Ukrainian language. The Communist Party leader from 1963 to 1972, Petro Shelest, pursued a policy of defending Ukraine’s interests within the Soviet Union. He proudly promoted the beauty of the Ukrainian language and developed plans to expand the role of Ukrainian in higher education. He was removed, however, after only a brief tenure, for being too lenient on Ukrainian nationalism. The new party boss from 1972 to 1989, Volodymyr Shcherbytsky, purged the local party, was fierce in suppressing dissent, and insisted Russian be spoken at all official functions, even at local levels. His policy of Russification was lessened only slightly after 1985. The management of dissent by the local Ukrainian Communist Party was more fierce and thorough than in other parts of the Soviet Union. As a result, at the start of the Mikhail Gorbachev reforms perebudova and hlasnist (Ukrainian for perestroika and glasnost), Ukraine under Shcherbytsky was slower to liberalize than Russia itself. Although Ukrainian still remained the native language for the majority in the nation on the eve of Ukrainian independence, a significant share of ethnic Ukrainians were russified. In Donetsk there were no Ukrainian language schools and in Kiev only a quarter of children went to Ukrainian language schools.[35] The Russian language was the dominant vehicle, not just of government function, but of the media, commerce, and modernity itself. This was substantially less the case for western Ukraine, which escaped the artificial famine, Great Purge, and most of Stalinism. And this region became the center of a hearty, if only partial, renaissance of the Ukrainian language during independence. Since 1991, Ukrainian has been the official state language in Ukraine, and the state administration implemented government policies to broaden the use of Ukrainian. The educational system in Ukraine has been transformed over the first decade of independence from a system that is partly Ukrainian to one that is overwhelmingly so. The government has also mandated a progressively increased role for Ukrainian in the media and commerce. In some cases the abrupt changing of the language of instruction in institutions of secondary and higher education led to the charges of Ukrainianization, raised mostly by the Russian-speaking population. This transition, however, lacked most of the controversies that arose during the de-russification of the other former Soviet Republics. With time, most residents, including ethnic Russians, people of mixed origin, and Russian-speaking Ukrainians, started to self-identify as Ukrainian nationals, even those who remained Russophone. The Russian language, however, still dominates the print media in most of Ukraine and private radio and TV broadcasting in the eastern, southern, and, to a lesser degree, central regions. The state-controlled broadcast media have become exclusively Ukrainian. There are few obstacles to the usage of Russian in commerce and it is still occasionally used in government affairs. Late 20th century Russian politicians like Alexander Lebed and Mikhail Yur’ev still claimed that Ukrainian is a Russian dialect.[36] In the 2001 census, 67.5% of the country population named Ukrainian as their native language (a 2.8% increase from 1989), while 29.6% named Russian (a 3.2% decrease). It should be noted, though, that for many Ukrainians (of various ethnic descent), the term native language may not necessarily associate with the language they use more frequently. The overwhelming majority of ethnic Ukrainians consider the Ukrainian language native, including those who often speak Russian. According to the official 2001 census data[37] approximately 75% of Kiev’s population responded “Ukrainian” to the native language (ridna mova) census question, and roughly 25% responded “Russian”. On the other hand, when the question “What language do you use in everyday life?” was asked in the sociological survey, the Kievans’ answers were distributed as follows:[38] “mostly Russian”: 52%, “both Russian and Ukrainian in equal measure”: 32%, “mostly Ukrainian”: 14%, “exclusively Ukrainian”: 4.3%. Ethnic minorities, such as Romanians, Tatars and Jews usually use Russian as their lingua franca. But there are tendencies within these minority groups to use Ukrainian. The Jewish writer Olexander Beyderman from the mainly Russian-speaking city of Odessa is now writing most of his dramas in Ukrainian. The emotional relationship regarding Ukrainian is changing in southern and eastern areas. Opposition to expansion of Ukrainian-language teaching is a matter of contention in eastern regions closer to Russia in May 2008, the Donetsk city council prohibited the creation of any new Ukrainian schools in the city in which 80% of them are Russian-language schools.[39] The literary Ukrainian language, which was preceded by Old East Slavic literature, may be subdivided into three stages: old Ukrainian (12th to 14th centuries), middle Ukrainian (14th to 18th centuries), and modern Ukrainian (end of the 18th century to the present). Much literature was written in the periods of the old and middle Ukrainian language, including legal acts, polemical articles, science treatises and fiction of all sorts. Influential literary figures in the development of modern Ukrainian literature include the philosopher Hryhorii Skovoroda, Ivan Kotlyarevsky, Mykola Kostomarov, Mykhailo Kotsiubynsky, Taras Shevchenko, Ivan Franko, and Lesia Ukrainka. The earliest literary work in the modern Ukrainian language was recorded in 1798 when Ivan Kotlyarevsky, a playwright from Poltava in southeastern Ukraine, published his epic poem, Eneyida, a burlesque in Ukrainian, based on Virgil’s Aeneid. His book was published in vernacular Ukrainian in a satirical way to avoid being censored, and is the earliest known Ukrainian published book to survive through Imperial and, later, Soviet policies on the Ukrainian language. Kotlyarevsky’s work and that of another early writer using the Ukrainian vernacular language, Petro Artemovsky, used the southeastern dialect spoken in the Poltava, Kharkiv and southern Kieven regions of the Russian Empire. This dialect would serve as the basis of the Ukrainian literary language when it was developed by Taras Shevchenko and Panteleimon Kulish in the mid 19th century. In order to raise its status from that of a dialect to that of a language, various elements from folklore and traditional styles were added to it.[40] The Ukrainian literary language developed further when the Russian state banned the use of the Ukrainian language, prompting many of its writers to move to the western Ukrainian region of Galicia which was under more liberal Austrian rule; after the 1860s the majority of Ukrainian literary works were published in Austrian Galicia. During this period Galician influences were adopted in the Ukrainian literary language, particularly with respect to vocabulary involving law, government, technology, science, and administration.[40] The use of the Ukrainian language is increasing after a long period of decline. Although there are almost fifty million ethnic Ukrainians worldwide, including 37.5 million in Ukraine (77.8% of the total population), the Ukrainian language is prevalent only in western and central Ukraine. In Kiev, both Ukrainian and Russian are spoken, a notable shift from the recent past when the city was primarily Russian-speaking. The shift is believed to be caused, largely, by an influx of the rural population and migrants from the western regions of Ukraine but also by some Kievans’ turning to use the language they speak at home more widely in everyday matters. Public signs and announcements in Kiev are in Ukrainian. In southern and eastern Ukraine, Russian is the prevalent language of the urban population. According to the Ukrainian Census of 2001, 87.8% people living in Ukraine communicate in Ukrainian.[41] Use of the Ukrainian language in Ukraine can be expected to increase, as the rural population migrates into the cities. In eastern and southern Ukraine, the rural Ukrainophones continue to prefer Russian. Interest in Ukrainian literature is growing rapidly, compensating for the periods when its development was hindered by either policies of direct suppression or lack of state support. Ukrainian has become popular in other countries through movies and songs performed in the Ukrainian language. The most popular Ukrainian rock bands, such as Okean Elzy, Vopli Vidopliassova, BoomBox, and others perform regularly in tours across Europe, Israel, North America and especially Russia. In countries with significant Ukrainian populations, bands singing in the Ukrainian language sometimes reach top places in the charts, such as Enej from Poland. Other notable Ukrainian-language bands are The Ukrainians from the United Kingdom, Klooch from Canada, Ukrainian Village Band from the United States, and the Kuban Cossack Choir from the Kuban region in Russia. This section needs to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. Last update: 17 November 2013 (April 2017) The 2010s saw a revival of Ukrainian cinema.[42] Top Ukrainian-language films by IMDb rating:[43] Oleksa Horbach’s 1951 study of argots analyzed sources (argots of professionals, thugs, prisoners, homeless, school children, etc.) with special attention to an etymological analysis of argots, ways of word formation and borrowing depending on the source-language (Church Slavonic, Russian, Czech, Polish, Romani, Greek, Romanian, Hungarian, German).[44] Northern group South-eastern group South-western group Several modern dialects of Ukrainian exist[45][46] All the countries neighbouring Ukraine (except for Hungary) historically have regions with a sizable Ukrainian population and therefore Ukrainian language speakers. Ukrainian is an official minority language in some of them.[which?] Ukrainian is also spoken by a large migr population, particularly in Canada (see Canadian Ukrainian), United States, and several countries of South America like Brazil, Argentina, and Paraguay. The founders of this population primarily emigrated from Galicia, which used to be part of Austro-Hungary before World War I, and belonged to Poland between the World Wars. The language spoken by most of them is the Galician dialect of Ukrainian from the first half of the 20th century. Compared with modern Ukrainian, the vocabulary of Ukrainians outside Ukraine reflects less influence of Russian, but often contains many loanwords from the local language. Most of the countries where it is spoken are ex-USSR, where many Ukrainians have migrated. Canada and the United States are also home to a large Ukrainian population. Broken up by country (to the nearest thousand):[60] Ukrainian is one of three official languages of the breakaway Moldovan republic of Transnistria.[65] Ukrainian is widely spoken within the 400,000-strong (in 1994) Ukrainian community in Brazil.[66] Ukrainian is a fusional, nominative-accusative, satellite framed language. It exhibits T-V distinction, and is null-subject. The canonical word order of Ukrainian is SVO.[67] Other word orders are usual due to the free word order created by Ukrainian’s inflectional system. Nouns decline for 7 cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, instrumental, locative, vocative; 3 genders: masculine, feminine, neuter; and 2 numbers: singular, plural. Adjectives agree with nouns in case, gender, and number. Verbs conjugate for 3 tenses: past, present, future; 2 voices: active, mediopassive, 3 persons: first, second, third; and 2 numbers, singular, and plural. Ukrainian verbs come in aspect pairs: perfective, and imperfective. Pairs are usually formed by a prepositional prefix and occasionally a root change. The past tense agrees with its subject in number and gender, having developed from the perfect participle. The Old East Slavic and Russian o in syllables ending in a consonant, often corresponds to a Ukrainian i, as in pod > pid (, ‘under’). Thus, in the declension of nouns, the o can re-appear as it is no longer located in a closed syllable, such as rik (, ‘year’) (nom): rotsi (loc) (). Similarly, some words can have in some declensions when most of the declension have o, for example (nominative singular), (nominative plural) but i (genitive plural). Ukrainian case endings are somewhat different from Old East Slavic, and the vocabulary includes a large overlay of Polish terminology. Russian na pervom etae ‘on the first floor’ is in the locative (prepositional) case. The Ukrainian corresponding expression is na peromu poversi ( ). -omu is the standard locative (prepositional) ending, but variants in -im are common in dialect and poetry, and allowed by the standards bodies. The kh of Ukrainian poverkh () has mutated into s under the influence of the soft vowel i (k is similarly mutable into c in final positions). The Ukrainian language has six vowels, /i, u, , , , a/. A number of the consonants come in three forms: hard, soft (palatalized) and long, for example, /l/, /l/, and /l/ or /n/, /n/, and /n/. The letter represents voiced glottal fricative //, often transliterated as Latin h. It is the voiced equivalent of English /h/. Russian speakers from Ukraine often use the soft Ukrainian // in place of Russian //, which comes from northern dialects of Old East Slavic. The Ukrainian alphabet has the additional letter for //, which appears in a few native words such as gryndoly ‘sleigh’ and gudzyk ‘button’. However, // appears almost exclusively in loan words, and is usually simply written . For example, loanwords from English on public signs usually use for both English g and h. Another phonetic divergence between the Ukrainian and Russian languages is the pronunciation of Cyrillic v/w. While in standard Russian it represents /v/, in many Ukrainian dialects it denotes /w/ (following a vowel and preceding a consonant (cluster), either within a word or at a word boundary, it denotes the allophone [u], and like the off-glide in the English words “flow” and “cow”, it forms a diphthong with the preceding vowel). Native Russian speakers will pronounce the Ukrainian as [v], which is one way to tell the two groups apart. As with above, Ukrainians use to render both English v and w; Russians occasionally use for w instead. Unlike Russian and most other modern Slavic languages, Ukrainian does not have final devoicing. Ukrainian is written in a version of Cyrillic, consisting of 33 letters, representing 38 phonemes; an apostrophe is also used. Ukrainian orthography is based on the phonemic principle, with one letter generally corresponding to one phoneme, although there are a number of exceptions. The orthography also has cases where the semantic, historical, and morphological principles are applied. The modern Ukrainian alphabet is the result of a number of proposed alphabetic reforms from the 19th and early 20th centuries, in Ukraine under the Russian Empire, in Austrian Galicia, and later in Soviet Ukraine. A unified Ukrainian alphabet (the Skrypnykivka, after Mykola Skrypnyk) was officially established at a 1927 international Orthographic Conference in Kharkiv, during the period of Ukrainization in Soviet Ukraine. But the policy was reversed in the 1930s, and the Soviet Ukrainian orthography diverged from that used by the diaspora. The Ukrainian letter ge was banned in the Soviet Union from 1933 until the period of Glasnost in 1990.[68] The letter represents two consonants [t]. The combination of [j] with some of the vowels is also represented by a single letter ([ja] = , [je] = , [ji] or [j] = , [ju] = ), while [j] = and the rare regional [j] = are written using two letters. These iotated vowel letters and a special soft sign change a preceding consonant from hard to soft. An apostrophe is used to indicate the hardness of the sound in the cases when normally the vowel would change the consonant to soft; in other words, it functions like the yer in the Russian alphabet. A consonant letter is doubled to indicate that the sound is doubled, or long. The phonemes [dz] and [d] do not have dedicated letters in the alphabet and are rendered with the digraphs and , respectively. [dz] is equivalent to English ds in pods, [d] is equivalent to j in jump. The Dictionary of Ukrainian Language in 11 volumes contains 135,000 entries.[citation needed] Lexical card catalog of the Ukrainian Institute of Language Studies has 6 million cards.[69] The same Institute is going to publish the new Dictionary of Ukrainian Language in 13 volumes.[citation needed] As mentioned at the top of the article, Ukrainian is most closely related lexically to Belarusian, and is also closer to Polish than to Russian (for example, , mozhlyvist’, “possibility”, and Polish moliwo, but Russian , vozmozhnost’). Ukrainian has varying degrees of mutual intelligibility with other Slavic languages and is considered to be most closely related to Belarusian.[70] In the 19th century, the question of whether Ukrainian, Belarusian and Russian languages are dialects of a single language or three separate languages was actively discussed, with the debate affected by linguistic and political factors.[10] The political situation (Ukraine and Belarus being mainly part of the Russian Empire at the time) and the historical existence of the medieval state of Kievan Rus’, which occupied large parts of these three nations, led to the creation of the common classification known later as the East Slavic languages. The underlying theory of the grouping is their descent from a common ancestor. In modern times, Ukrainian, Russian, and Belarusian are usually listed by linguists as separate languages.[71][72] Until the 17th and 18th centuries (the time of national and language revival of Ukraine) the Ukrainians were predominantly peasants and petits bourgeois; as a result, the Ukrainian language was mostly vernacular and few earlier literary works from the period can be found. In the cities, Ukrainian coexisted with Church Slavonic a literary language of religion that evolved from the Old Slavonic and later Polish and Russian, both languages which were more often used in formal writing and communication during that time. The Ukrainian language has the following similarities and differences with other Slavic languages: Unlike all other Slavic languages, Ukrainian has a synthetic future (also termed inflectional future) tense which developed through the erosion and cliticization of the verb ‘to have’ (or possibly ‘to take’): pysa-ty-mu (infinitive-future-1st sg.) I will write.[74] Although the inflectional future (based on the verb ‘to have’) is characteristic of Romance languages, Ukrainian linguist A. Danylenko argues that Ukrainian differs from Romance in the choice of auxiliary, which should be interpreted as ‘to take’ and not ‘to have.’ He states that Late Common Slavic (LCS) had three verbs with the same root *em-: The three verbs became conflated in East Slavic due to morphological overlap, in particular of imti to have and jati to take as exemplified in the Middle Ukrainian homonymic imut from both imti ( future is found in Chinese and Hungarian.[75] Links to related articles

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NAACP Pennsylvania State Conference

Small Diverse Businesses ProgramThe PA State NAACP has joined with the PA Department of General Services to provide SMALL DIVERSE BUSINESS opportunities and information to your Small Business.The Bureau of Diversity, Inclusion & Small Business Opportunities (BDISBO) verifies self-certified Small Businesses that wish to participate as Minority, Woman, Veteran, Service Disabled Veteran, LGBT, and Disability-Owned Business Enterprises through the Small Diverse Businesses program. Eligible Small Business must hold certifications as diverse businesses with one of the Departments approved third-party certification entities.Click here to Follow the step-by-step process> >

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NAACP | Milwaukee NAACP | Milwaukee Branch

Beyond Sherman Park Join the conversation and interact with community leaders, government officials, and local journalists. Parklawn Assembly of God Church 3725 N. Sherman Blvd Free and open to the public RSVP at milwaukeepbs.org ticket holders get priority seating July 27th | Event begins 6:30pm discussion starts at 7:00pm Hosts include: Milwaukee PBSs []

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Yvette Felarca Useful Stooges

Yvette Felarca In April, we spent most of a week here discussing Yvette Felarca, a leader of The Coalition to Defend Affirmative Action, Integration & Immigrant Rights, and Fight for Equality By Any Means Necessary, known, for short, as By Any Means Necessary, and, for shorter, as BAMN. Its a California group, founded in 1995, that has spent the last two decades holding protests, bringing lawsuits, and committing acts of violence or, to use a word that both the FBI and the Defense Department have used to describe its activities, terrorism. Felarca, who is also a middle-school humanities teacher in Berkeley, has participated fully in BAMNs storm-trooper-type brutality beating, rock-throwing, setting fires, breaking store windows, and so on which she excuses as a legitimate means of defending America against the words of Nazis and fascists. In June of last year, she was arrested at a demonstration in Sacramento; at her arraignment, which didnt take place until August of this year, she was charged with felony assault by means of force likely to inflict great bodily injury and two misdemeanor counts of inciting and participating in a riot. (Reportedly, she had punched a man in the abdomen and told him to get the fuck out of our streets.) This past February, Felarca was in the center of the action when vioent BAMN members managed to keep journalist Milo Yiannopoulos from speaking at UC Berkeley. Appearing on Fox News afterwards, Felarca charged Yiannopoulos with leading a movement of genocide. Felarca experienced no professional blowback for her arrest in Sacramento or for her participation in the violence in Berkeley. At the latter event, the Berkeley police stood down. The mayor of Berkeley, asked for a comment, echoed Felarcas absurd claim that Yiannopoulos was a white supremacist. Despite calls for Felarcas firing, the Berkeley Unified School District (BUSD) kept her on. So things stood when we last looked in on Yvette. Heres an update. On September 26, members of Patriot Prayer a conservative Christian group based in Portland, Oregon held a small, peaceful rally at the corner of Telegraph Avenue and Bancroft Way in Berkeley. The speakers were quicklydrowned out by protesters from BAMN and another group, Refuse Fascism. (The latter is a campaign run by the Revolutionary Communist Party; BAMN itself is an RCF spinoff.) The Patriot Prayer contingent then marched down Telegraph Avenue to Peoples Park, only to be trailed by the leftists; arriving at Peoples Park, the conservatives began holding speeches, in response to which the BAMN and Refuse Fascism members heckled them. And worse. By the end of the day, Felarca who at the time was out on bail was in cuffs, arrested on suspicion of rioting, obstruction, and battery. Along with two fellow BAMN members, both male, she was held at Santa Rita Jail. Her bail was set at $20,000. (The bail for her BAMN colleagues, who had apparently wreaked less havoc, was set at $10,000 for one and $5,000 for the other.) That evening, a spokesman for the school district replied to a query about Felarca by saying that it was monitoring developments and that, [s]hould an occasion arise for the District to take action, we will respond in an appropriate manner, in keeping with federal law, the California Education Code and the BUSD collective bargaining agreement with our teachers. In other words, when a Berkeley schoolteacher is arrested at multiple public events for committing acts of violence, that, in itself, isnt enough reason for school authorities to take action. One wonders what BUSDs response wouldve been if Felarca had been on the other side. Felarca will be arraigned on November 8. In the meantime, presumably, shes still spending her weekdays in front of a Berkeley classroom. One can only imagine what she is cramming into her pupils heads in the guise of humanities.

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October 15, 2018  Tags:   Posted in: Yvette Felarca  Comments Closed

George Lincoln Rockwell – AbeBooks

Rockwell, George Lincoln Published by Sons Of Liberty, Arabi, LA Quantity Available: 1 About this Item: Sons Of Liberty, Arabi, LA. Paperback. Condition: Fine. Reprint. Six page stapled booklet. Size: 12mo – over 6″ – 7″ tall. Seller Inventory # 063623 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 1. George Lincoln Rockwell Quantity Available: 10 About this Item: Revisionist Books, United States, 2016. Paperback. Condition: New. Language: English. Brand new Book. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America’s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce’s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter’s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America’s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce’s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter’s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. There are claims that Lincoln Rockwell wrote three other essays, which have been given titles such as “How to Get out and Stay out of the Insane Asylum,” “The Bible on Sharp Jewish Methods” and “Nightmare.” All three of these pieces are not independent essays but in fact extracts from Rockwell’s two books, This Time the World and White Power. As such, they are not included in this collection. Seller Inventory # LIE9781684183265 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 2. Rockwell, George Lincoln Published by New Order, Milwaukee, WI Quantity Available: 1 About this Item: New Order, Milwaukee, WI. Pamphlet. Condition: Fine. Reprint. A one page pamphlet. Size: 12mo – over 6″ – 7″ tall. Seller Inventory # 062965 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 3. Rockwell, George Lincoln Quantity Available: > 20 Print on Demand About this Item: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform, 2011. PAP. Condition: New. New Book. Shipped from US within 10 to 14 business days. THIS BOOK IS PRINTED ON DEMAND. Established seller since 2000. Seller Inventory # IQ-9781460989128 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 4. Rockwell, George Lincoln Quantity Available: > 20 Print on Demand About this Item: CreateSpace Independent Publis, 2018. Paperback. Condition: New. Never used! This item is printed on demand. Seller Inventory # 1460989120 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 5. George Lincoln Rockwell Published by Createspace Independent Publishing Platform, United States (2011) ISBN10: 1460989120 ISBN13: 9781460989128 Quantity Available: 10 Print on Demand About this Item: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform, United States, 2011. Paperback. Condition: New. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****. Rare and hard to find essay s, poems and articles by the founder of the American Nazi Party (ANP) Commander George Lincoln Rockwell. Some never before published! With an inspiring biography and Eulogy for the assasinated leader of the ANP titled A National Socialist Life by Dr. William Pierce the author of The Turner Diaries. Seller Inventory # APC9781460989128 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 6. George Lincoln Rockwell Published by Createspace Independent Publishing Platform, United States (2011) ISBN10: 1460989120 ISBN13: 9781460989128 Quantity Available: 10 Print on Demand About this Item: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform, United States, 2011. Paperback. Condition: New. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****.Rare and hard to find essay s, poems and articles by the founder of the American Nazi Party (ANP) Commander George Lincoln Rockwell. Some never before published! With an inspiring biography and Eulogy for the assasinated leader of the ANP titled A National Socialist Life by Dr. William Pierce the author of The Turner Diaries. Seller Inventory # APC9781460989128 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 7. George Lincoln Rockwell Quantity Available: 10 Print on Demand About this Item: Revisionist Books, 2016. Paperback. Condition: New. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. There are claims that Lincoln Rockwell wrote three other essays, which have been given titles such as How to Get out and Stay out of the Insane Asylum, The Bible on Sharp Jewish Methods and Nightmare. All three of these pieces are not independent essays but in fact extracts from Rockwell s two books, This Time the World and White Power. As such, they are not included in this collection. Seller Inventory # AAV9781684183265 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 8. Rockwell, George Lincoln Quantity Available: 10 Print on Demand About this Item: Revisionist Books, 2018. Paperback. Condition: New. Brand New! This item is printed on demand. Seller Inventory # 168418326X More information about this seller | Contact this seller 9. Rockwell, George Lincoln Quantity Available: 18 Print on Demand About this Item: Revisionist Books, 2018. Paperback. Condition: New. Never used! This item is printed on demand. Seller Inventory # 168418326X More information about this seller | Contact this seller 10. George Lincoln Rockwell Quantity Available: 10 Print on Demand About this Item: Revisionist Books, 2016. Paperback. Condition: New. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****.The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of America s most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierce s tribute to Rockwell, written after the latter s death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. There are claims that Lincoln Rockwell wrote three other essays, which have been given titles such as How to Get out and Stay out of the Insane Asylum, The Bible on Sharp Jewish Methods and Nightmare. All three of these pieces are not independent essays but in fact extracts from Rockwell s two books, This Time the World and White Power. As such, they are not included in this collection. Seller Inventory # AAV9781684183265 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 11. George Lincoln Rockwell Quantity Available: 15 Print on Demand About this Item: Revisionist Books, 2016. Condition: New. This item is printed on demand for shipment within 3 working days. Seller Inventory # LP9781684183265 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 12. Rockwell, George Lincoln Quantity Available: > 20 Print on Demand About this Item: Revisionist Books, 2016. PAP. Condition: New. New Book. Shipped from US within 10 to 14 business days. THIS BOOK IS PRINTED ON DEMAND. Established seller since 2000. Seller Inventory # IQ-9781684183265 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 13. Rockwell, George Lincoln Published by Thule Publications [200-], Portland, OR Manuscript/PaperCollectible Used Softcover Quantity Available: 1 About this Item: Thule Publications [200-], Portland, OR. 26p., staplebound wraps, 5.5×8.5 inches, very good. Text is reprinted from a 1994 edition of the American Nazi Party leader’s 1960 pamphlet. Seller Inventory # 199845 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 14. Rockwell, George Lincoln Quantity Available: 1 Print on Demand About this Item: Revisionist Books, 2016. Paperback. Condition: New. PRINT ON DEMAND Book; New; Publication Year 2016; Not Signed; Fast Shipping from the UK. No. book. Seller Inventory # ria9781684183265_lsuk More information about this seller | Contact this seller 16. Rockwell, George Lincoln; Books, Invictus [Creator] Quantity Available: 10 About this Item: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2011. Paperback. Condition: New. Seller Inventory # INGM9781460989128 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 17. George Lincoln Rockwell Quantity Available: > 20 About this Item: Revisionist Books. Paperback. Condition: New. Dimensions: 9.0in. x 6.0in. x 0.3in.The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of Americas most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierces tribute to Rockwell, written after the latters death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. The essays contained in this book were written and published during the lifetime of George Lincoln Rockwell. Together with his two books, This Time the World and White Power, they accurately represent the worldview of one of Americas most enigmatic postwar political figures–a man who literally leapt into national prominence out of nowhere by being the first American to openly declare himself to be a National Socialist. Some of the essays contained in this collection, such as the Fable of the Ducks and the Hens, were written before Rockwell launched his American Nazi Party in 1958, but all were reproduced once again during his lifetime in party publications or leaflets. This volume also contains the full text of former ANP ideological officer and later leader of the National Alliance, Dr. William Pierces tribute to Rockwell, written after the latters death. Finally, a fully comprehensive timeline of Lincoln Rockwell is included to provide the reader with a chronological sequence of his major life events. There are claims that Lincoln Rockwell wrote three other essays, which have been given titles such as How to Get out and Stay out of the Insane Asylum, The Bible on Sharp Jewish Methods and Nightmare. All three of these pieces are not independent essays but in fact extracts from Rockwells two books, This Time the World and White Power. As such, they are not included in this collection. This item ships from multiple locations. Your book may arrive from Roseburg,OR, La Vergne,TN. Paperback. Seller Inventory # 9781684183265 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 18. Rockwell, George Lincoln Quantity Available: > 20 Print on Demand About this Item: Revisionist Books, 2018. PAP. Condition: New. New Book. Shipped from US within 10 to 14 business days. THIS BOOK IS PRINTED ON DEMAND. Established seller since 2000. Seller Inventory # IQ-9781644403952 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 19. Rockwell, George Lincoln Quantity Available: 1 About this Item: Gresham Publishing, 2013. Soft cover. Condition: Very Good. Minor shelf wear. Otherwise a square, tight, unmarked book. 146 pp. Seller Inventory # 041368 More information about this seller | Contact this seller 21. Rockwell, George Lincoln Quantity Available: > 20

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October 14, 2018  Tags:   Posted in: George Lincoln Rockwell  Comments Closed

Myths & Facts – Human Rights in Israel and the Territories

Israel discriminates against its Arab citizens.Israel discriminates against Israeli Arabs by barring them from buying land.Israeli Arabs are discriminated against in employment.Arabs held in Israeli jails are tortured, beaten and killed.Israel uses administrative detention to imprison peaceful Arabs without trial.Israel has long sought to deny residents of the West Bank and Gaza their political rights.Israel is stealing water from Arabs in the territories. Israel allows Jews to drill wells, but prevents Arabs from doing so.Israel’s use of deportations violates the Fourth Geneva Convention.Israel’s treatment of Palestinians is similar to the treatment of blacks in apartheid South Africa.Black African nations cut relations with Israel because of its racist policies toward Palestinians.Israel is pursuing a policy of genocide toward the Palestinians that is comparable to the Nazis’ treatment of the Jews.Israels policies in the territories have caused a humanitarian crisis for the Palestinians.Israels complaints about Palestinian terrorists hiding among civilians are just an effort to justify their murder of innocent people.Israel demolishes homes in the Rafah refugee camp as part of its campaign to oppress the Palestinians.Yasser Arafat is directing the Palestinian Authoritys resources to the health and welfare of the Palestinian people.Israel is a theocracy and should not be a Jewish State.Israeli textbooks are just as bad as those in the Palestinian Authority, filled with stereotypes, historical inaccuracies, and a failure to acknowledge alternative political views.Israel poisoned Yasser Arafat.Israel is persecuting Christians.Israel is killing Palestinians with radiation spy machines.Palestinians living under occupation have the lowest standard of living in the Middle East.Israeli checkpoints are unnecessarily preventing Palestinians from receiving medical attention.The Palestinian Authority protects Jewish holy sites. MYTH “Israel discriminates against its Arab citizens.” FACT Israel is one of the most open societies in the world. Out of a population of 6.7 million, about 1.3 million ? 20 percent of the population ? are non-Jews (approximately 1.1 million Muslims, 130,000 Christians and 100,000 Druze).1 Arabs in Israel have equal voting rights; in fact, it is one of the few places in the Middle East where Arab women may vote. Arabs currently hold 8 seats in the 120-seat Knesset. Israeli Arabs have also held various government posts, including one who served as Israel’s ambassador to Finland and the current deputy mayor of Tel Aviv. Oscar Abu Razaq was appointed Director General of the Ministry of Interior, the first Arab citizen to become chief executive of a key government ministry. Ariel Sharon’s original cabinet included the first Arab minister, Salah Tarif, a Druze who served as a minister without portfolio. An Arab is also a Supreme Court justice. Arabic, like Hebrew, is an official language in Israel. More than 300,000 Arab children attend Israeli schools. At the time of Israel’s founding, there was one Arab high school in the country. Today, there are hundreds of Arab schools.2 In 2002, the Israeli Supreme Court also ruled that the government cannot allocate land based on religion or ethnicity, and may not prevent Arab citizens from living wherever they choose.2a The sole legal distinction between Jewish and Arab citizens of Israel is that the latter are not required to serve in the Israeli army. This is to spare Arab citizens the need to take up arms against their brethren. Nevertheless, Bedouins have served in paratroop units and other Arabs have volunteered for military duty. Compulsory military service is applied to the Druze and Circassian communities at their own request. Some economic and social gaps between Israeli Jews and Arabs result from the latter not serving in the military. Veterans qualify for many benefits not available to non-veterans. Moreover, the army aids in the socialization process. On the other hand, Arabs do have an advantage in obtaining some jobs during the years Israelis are in the military. In addition, industries like construction and trucking have come to be dominated by Israeli Arabs. Although Israeli Arabs have occasionally been involved in terrorist activities, they have generally behaved as loyal citizens. During the 1967, 1973 and 1982 wars, none engaged in any acts of sabotage or disloyalty. Sometimes, in fact, Arabs volunteered to take over civilian functions for reservists. During the outbreak of violence in the territories that began in September 2000, Israeli Arabs for the first time engaged in widespread protests with some violence. The United States has been independent for almost 230 years and still has not integrated all of its diverse communities. Even today, 60 years after civil rights legislation was adopted, discrimination has not been eradicated. It should not be surprising that Israel has not solved all of its social problems in only 57 years. MYTH “Israel discriminates against Israeli Arabs by barring them from buying land.” FACT In the early part of the century, the Jewish National Fund was established by the World Zionist Congress to purchase land in Palestine for Jewish settlement. This land, and that acquired after Israel’s War of Independence, was taken over by the government. Of the total area of Israel, 92 percent belongs to the State and is managed by the Land Management Authority. It is not for sale to anyone, Jew or Arab. The remaining 8 percent of the territory is privately owned. The Arab Waqf (the Muslim charitable endowment), for example, owns land that is for the express use and benefit of Muslim Arabs. Government land can be leased by anyone, regardless of race, religion or sex. All Arab citizens of Israel are eligible to lease government land. MYTH “Israeli Arabs are discriminated against in employment.” FACT Israeli law prohibits discrimination in employment. According to the State Department, all Israeli workers “may join and establish labor organizations freely.” Most unions are part of the Histadrut or the smaller Histadrut Haovdim Haleumit (National Federation of Labor), both of which are independent of the Government. MYTH “Arabs held in Israeli jails are tortured, beaten and killed.” FACT Prison is not a pleasant place for anyone and complaints about the treatment of prisoners in American institutions abound. Israel’s prisons are probably among the most closely scrutinized in the world. One reason is the government has allowed representatives of the Red Cross and other groups to inspect them regularly. Israeli law prohibits arbitrary arrest of citizens, defendants are considered innocent until proven guilty and have the right to writs of habeas corpus and other procedural safeguards. Israel holds no political prisoners and maintains an independent judiciary. Some prisoners, particularly Arabs suspected of involvement in terrorism, were interrogated using severe methods that have been criticized as excessive. Israel’s Supreme Court issued a landmark ruling in 1999 prohibiting the use of a variety of abusive practices. The death penalty has been applied just once, in the case of Adolf Eichmann, the man largely responsible for the “Final Solution.” No Arab has ever been given the death penalty, even after the most heinous acts of terrorism. MYTH “Israel uses administrative detention to imprison peaceful Arabs without trial.” FACT Israel inherited and continued certain laws adopted by the British. One is the use of administrative detention, which is permitted under certain circumstances in security cases. The detainee is entitled to be represented by counsel, and may appeal to the Israeli Supreme Court. The burden is on the prosecution to justify holding closed proceedings. Often, officials believe presenting evidence in open court would compromise its methods of gathering intelligence and endanger the lives of individuals who have provided information about planned terrorist activities. Administrative detention is not necessary in much of the Arab world because the authorities frequently arrest people and throw them in jail without due process. No lawyers, human rights organizations or independent media can protest. Even in the United States, with its exceptionally liberal bail policy, people may be held for extended periods awaiting trial, and special legal standards have .been applied to allow the prolonged incarceration of Taliban and al-Qaida members captured in Afghanistan. One does not judge a democracy by the way its soldiers immediately react, young men and women under tremendous provocation. One judges a democracy by the way its courts react, in the dispassionate cool of judicial chambers. And the Israeli Supreme Court and other courts have reacted magnificently. For the first time in Mideast history, there is an independent judiciary willing to listen to grievances of Arabs that judiciary is called the Israeli Supreme Court. ? Alan Dershowitz3 MYTH “Israel has long sought to deny residents of the West Bank and Gaza Strip their political rights.” FACT While defending its existence against hostile Arab forces, Israel took control of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Facing a violent insurrection, Israel has been forced to restrict some activities of Palestinians. Israel cannot concede to Palestinians all the rights Americans take for granted in a nation that is not at war, while Arab states maintain a state of belligerency with Israel, and Palestinians engage in terrorism against Israelis. Given the constraints of Israel’s security requirements, efforts were made from the outset to allow Palestinians the greatest possible freedom. After the Six-Day War, the traditional pro-Jordanian leadership continued to hold many civil service positions and was paid by Jordan. Municipal elections were held in 1972 and 1976. For the first time, women and non-landowners were allowed to vote. The 1976 election brought Arab mayors to power who represented various PLO factions. Muhammad Milhem of Halhoul, Fahd Kawasmeh of Hebron, and Bassam Shaka of Nablus were affiliated with Fatah. Karim Khalaf of Ramallah represented the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and Ibrahim Tawil of El-Bireh was associated with the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine.4 In 1978, these mayors and other radicals formed the National Guidance Committee, which vigorously opposed any accommodation with Israel, attempted to stir up broad allegiance to the PLO on the West Bank and incited rejection of the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty. In 1981, Israel expelled Milhem and Kawasmeh. They were allowed to return to appeal the expulsion order, but it was upheld by the Israeli Supreme Court. Two weeks after his expulsion, Milhem said: “There is no room for the existence of the Zionists under a situation of true peace. They are only capable of existing in a situation of tension and war…and that goes for all the parties…[they are] neither doves nor hawks, only pigs.”5 Kawasmeh was appointed to the PLO Executive Committee in 1984. Later that year, he was assassinated by Palestinian radicals in Amman. As part of the Camp David negotiations, Israel proposed an autonomy plan to grant the Palestinians greater control over their affairs. The Palestinians rejected autonomy as an option, however, holding out hope for the creation of a Palestinian state. For the rest of the decade, Israel, nevertheless, attempted to shift increasing responsibilities from the military to civilian administrators and to Palestinians. Efforts to give Palestinians greater responsibility for their affairs were undermined by the intifada. During the uprising, Palestinian Arabs who wished to cooperate with Israel came under attack and were silenced either through intimidation or murder. Israeli government officials sought to maintain a dialogue with many Palestinians, but those whose identities were discovered became targets. In secret negotiations in Oslo, Norway, in 1993, Israeli and Palestinian negotiators agreed to a plan that would give the latter limited self-government. Subsequent negotiations have resulted in Israeli withdrawal from nearly half the West Bank and most of the Gaza Strip, and increasing Palestinian control over their own affairs. The Palestinian Authority now governs virtually all civil affairs for approximately 98 percent of the Palestinians in the territories. The expectation is that a final political settlement will result in the creation of a Palestinian state in most of the areas once controlled by Israel. MYTH “Israel is stealing water from Arabs in the territories. Israel allows Jews to drill wells, but prevents Arabs from doing so.” FACT In the years immediately following the 1967 war, water resources for the West Bank improved considerably. The water system in the southern Hebron region, for instance, was expanded. New wells were drilled near Jenin, Nablus and Tulkarm. More than 60 towns in the West Bank were given new water supply systems, or had antiquated ones upgraded by the Israeli administration in the territories. In the late 1970’s and early 1980’s, however, the Middle East suffered from one of the worst droughts in modern history. Water in the Jordan River and Sea of Galilee dropped to critical levels. The situation deteriorated further at the beginning of the 1990’s and has continued to be a problem in the new millennium. Under these conditions, the Israeli government restricted the drilling of new wells on the West Bank. It had little choice because the West Bank and Israel share the same water table, and the drawing off of fresh water resources could promote saline water seepage. Arab farmers on the West Bank are served by approximately 100 springs and 300 wells ? many dug decades ago and now overutilized. Restrictions on over-exploitation of shallow wells were meant to prevent seepage or total depletion of saline water. Some wells were dug so that Jewish villages could tap new, deep aquifers never before used. These water pools as a rule do not draw from the shallower Arab sources. At the end of 1991, a conference was scheduled in Turkey to discuss regional water problems. The meeting was torpedoed by Syria. The Syrians, Jordanians and Palestinians all boycotted the multilateral talks in Moscow in January 1992, which included a working group on water issues. Following the Oslo agreements, Palestinians were more interested in cooperating on water issues. At the meeting of the multilateral working group in Oman in April 1994, an Israeli proposal to rehabilitate and make more efficient water systems in medium-sized communities (in the West Bank/Gaza, Israel and elsewhere in the region) was endorsed. About the same time, a Palestinian Water Authority was created as called for in the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles. In November 1994, the working group met in Greece and the Israelis, Jordanians, and Palestinians agreed to begin discussion on principles or guidelines for cooperation on water issues. Further progress was made on a variety of issues during the 1995 meeting in Amman and the 1996 meeting in Tunisia. The working groups have not met since. Israel has not cut the amount of water allocated to the Palestinian Authority (PA) and is planning to examine the possibility of increasing it despite the cut in water allocations within Israel and the requirement of supplying considerable amounts of water to Jordan as mandated by the peace treaty. In contrast to claims by the Palestinian side, Israel did not even determine the amount of water to be supplied to the territories. The amount was specified in negotiations between the two sides, with the Americans participating. By the consent of both parties, the amount of water was increased relative to the situation prior to the Interim Agreement. Similarly, a formula was decided upon for increasing the water allocation gradually over the interim period. The negotiations also led to agreements defining the number of wells that Israel is obligated to dig, and the number the PA and international bodies are obligated to dig. Cooperation on issues of sewage and environment were also defined. It was further decided that jurisdiction over water would be transferred to the Palestinians in the framework of the transfer of civil powers, and that the water situation would be supervised by joint monitoring teams Israel has fulfilled all of her obligations under the Interim Agreement. The water quota agreed upon, and more, is being supplied. Jurisdiction over water was transferred completely and on time, and Israel approved the additional digging of wells. Israel and the PA carry out joint patrols to locate cases of water theft and other water-related problems. The water issue for the Palestinians actually has little to do with Israel. According to the U.S. Agency for International Development, The West Bank and Gaza suffer from a chronic water shortage, preventing sustained economic growth and negatively impacting the environment and health of Palestinians. The little water available is inefficiently used. The analysis adds that Palestinian ground water supplies have increasingly become polluted as a result of inadequate sewage treatment and over-pumping of wells. Untreated sewage is dumped in valleys and the Mediterranean Sea, decreasing the quality of the already inadequate groundwater supply, and polluting the soil, sea, and coastline.5a MYTH “Israel’s use of deportations violates the Fourth Geneva Convention.” FACT The purpose of the Geneva Convention, approved in 1949, was to prevent a repetition of the Nazis’ policy of mass deportations of innocent civilians to slave labor and concentration camps. Israel, of course, does no such thing. What it does, on occasion, is expel a select few individuals who are instigating violence against Jew and Arab alike. The Geneva Convention itself allows an occupying power to “undertake total or partial evacuation of a given area if the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand.” The Israeli Supreme Court has interpreted this to mean that Israel may expel instigators of violence if necessary to maintain public order or to protect the population from future violence. All deportees have the right to appeal expulsion orders to the Israeli courts, but many Palestinians prefer not to do so. The Israeli regime is not apartheid. It is a unique case of democracy. ? South African Interior Minister Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi5b MYTH “Israel’s treatment of Palestinians is similar to the treatment of blacks in apartheid South Africa.” FACT Even before the State of Israel was established, Jewish leaders consciously sought to avoid the situation that prevailed in South Africa. As David Ben-Gurion told Palestinian nationalist Musa Alami in 1934: We do not want to create a situation like that which exists in South Africa, where the whites are the owners and rulers, and the blacks are the workers. If we do not do all kinds of work, easy and hard, skilled and unskilled, if we become merely landlords, then this will not be our homeland.6 Today, within Israel, Jews are a majority, but the Arab minority are full citizens who enjoy equal rights. Arabs are represented in the Knesset, and have served in the Cabinet, high-level foreign ministry posts (e.g., Ambassador to Finland) and on the Supreme Court. Under apartheid, black South Africans could not vote and were not citizens of the country in which they formed the overwhelming majority of the population. Laws dictated where they could live, work and travel. And, in South Africa, the government killed blacks who protested against its policies. By contrast, Israel allows freedom of movement, assembly and speech. Some of the government’s harshest critics are Israeli Arabs who are members of the Knesset. The situation of Palestinians in the territories is different. The security requirements of the nation, and a violent insurrection in the territories, forced Israel to impose restrictions on Arab residents of the West Bank and Gaza Strip that are not necessary inside Israel’s pre-1967 borders. The Palestinians in the territories, typically, dispute Israel’s right to exist whereas blacks did not seek the destruction of South Africa, only the apartheid regime. If Israel were to give Palestinians full citizenship, it would mean the territories had been annexed. No Israeli government has been prepared to take that step. Instead, through negotiations, Israel agreed to give the Palestinians increasing authority over their own affairs. It is likely that a final settlement will allow most Palestinians to become citizens of their own state. The principal impediment to Palestinian independence is not Israeli policy, it is the unwillingness of the Palestinian leadership to give up terrorism and agree to live in peace beside the State of Israel. Despite all their criticism, when asked what governments they admire most, more than 80 percent of Palestinians consistently choose Israel because they can see up close the thriving democracy in Israel, and the rights the Arab citizens enjoy there. By contrast, Palstinians place Arab regimes far down the list, and their own Palestinian Authority at the bottom with only 20 percent saying they admire the corrupt Arafat regime in 2003.6a There is still one other question arising out of the disaster of nations which remains unsolved to this day, and whose profound tragedy, only a Jew can comprehend. This is the African question. Just call to mind all those terrible episodes of the slave trade, of human beings who, merely because they were black, were stolen like cattle, taken prisoner, captured and sold. Their children grew up in strange lands, the objects of contempt and hostility because their complexions were different. I am not ashamed to say, though I may expose myself to ridicule for saying so, that once I have witnessed the redemption of the Jews, my people, I wish also to assist in the redemption of the Africans. ? Theodor Herzl7 MYTH “Black African nations cut relations with Israel because of its racist policies toward Palestinians.” FACT Black African nations did not break relations with Israel because of any concerns about racism; most severed ties with the Jewish State in 1973 because of pressure from the Arab oil-producing nations. Full diplomatic ties were continued only by Malawi, Lesotho and Swaziland, while a few other countries maintained their links through Israeli interest offices at foreign embassies. Commercial ties were also not entirely disrupted, many black African students continued to train in Israel and Israeli experts remained active in Africa. Israel has had a long history of friendly relations with black African countries. From 1957 to 1973, Israel trained thousands of Africans in all aspects of life including agriculture, health care and economics. Thousands of Africans went to Israel for training, while similar numbers of Israelis were sent to Africa to teach.8 Golda Meir, the architect of Israel’s Africa policy, believed the lessons learned by Israelis could be passed on to Africans who, particularly during the 1950s, were engaged in the same process of nation building. Like them, she said, we had shaken off foreign rule; like them, we had to learn for ourselves how to reclaim the land, how to increase the yields of our crops, how to irrigate, how to raise poultry, how to live together, and how to defend ourselves. Israel could provide a better model for the newly independent African states, Meir believed, because Israelis had been forced to find solutions to the kinds of problems that large, wealthy, powerful states had never encountered.9 Once the coercive power of the Arab oil-producers eroded, African countries began to reestablish relations with Israel and to seek new cooperative projects. This trend gained momentum with the ongoing peace negotiations between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Today, 40 African countries maintain diplomatic ties with Israel, and reciprocal visits by heads of state and government ministers take place frequently. In May 1994, Israel’s President Ezer Weizman attended the historic inauguration of Nelson Mandela as the first black African president of South Africa. MYTH “Israel is pursuing a policy of genocide toward the Palestinians that is comparable to the Nazis’ treatment of the Jews.” FACT This is perhaps the most odious claim made by Israel’s detractors. The Nazis’ objective was the systematic extermination of every Jew in Europe. Israel is seeking peace with its Palestinian neighbors. More than one million Arabs live as free and equal citizens in Israel. Of the Palestinians in the territories, 98 percent live under the civil administration of the Palestinian Authority. While Israel sometimes employs harsh measures against Palestinians in the territories to protect Israeli citizens Jews and non-Jews from the incessant campaign of terror waged by the PA and Islamic radicals, there is no plan to persecute, exterminate, or expel the Palestinian people. In response to one such comparison, by a poet who referred to the “Zionist SS,” The New Republic’s literary editor Leon Wieseltier observed: The view that Zionism is Nazism there is no other way to understand the phrase Zionist SS is not different in kind from the view that the moon is cheese. It is not only spectacularly wrong, it is also spectacularly unintelligent. I will not offend myself (that would be self-hate speech!) by patiently explaining why the State of Israel is unlike the Third Reich, except to say that nothing that has befallen the Palestinians under Israel’s control may responsibly be compared to what befell the Jews under Germany’s control, and that a considerable number of the people who have toiled diligently to find peace and justice for the Palestinians, and a solution to this savage conflict, have been Israeli, some of them even Israeli prime ministers. There is no support for the Palestinian cause this side of decency that can justify the locution Zionist SS.10 The absurdity of the charge is also clear from the demography of the disputed territories. While detractors make outrageous claims about Israel committing genocide or ethnic cleansing, the Palestinian population has continued to explode. In Gaza, for example, the population increased from 731,000 in July 1994 to 1,324,991 in 2004, an increase of 81 percent. The growth rate was 3.8 percent, one of the highest in the world. According to the UN, the total Palestinian population in all the disputed territories (they include Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem) was 1,006,000 in 1950, and rose to 1,094,000 in 1970, and exploded to 2,152,000 in 1990. Anthony Cordesman notes the increase was the result of improvements in income and health services made by Israel. The Palestinian population has continued to grow exponentially and was estimated in 2004 at more than 3.6 million.11 MYTH Israels policies in the territories have caused a humanitarian crisis for the Palestinians. FACT It is important to remember that Israel offered to withdraw from 97 percent of the West Bank and 100 percent of Gaza, and it is the rejection of that proposal, coupled with incessant Palestinian terrorism, that has forced Israeli troops to carry out operations in the territories. Though these actions have caused hardship for the Palestinian population, the IDF has continued to ensure that humanitarian assistance is provided to Palestinians in need. For example, during just one 48-hour period (January 5-6, 2003), the IDF: Even at the height of military action, such as the operation to clean out the terrorist nest in the Jenin refugee camp, Israeli forces have gone out of their way to assist Palestinian non-combatants. In the case of the Jenin operation, for example, the hospital there was kept running with a generator delivered under fire by an Israeli officer.12

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