Archive for the ‘Black Power’ Category

Black Power movement – Wikipedia

This article is about a social movement. For the slogan, see Black Power.

The Black Power movement emphasized racial pride, economic empowerment, and the creation of political and cultural institutions for black people in the United States.

The movement grew out of the Civil rights movement, as black activists experimented with forms of self-advocacy ranging from political lobbying to armed struggle. The Black Power movement served as a focal point for the view that reformist and pacifist elements of the Civil Rights Moment were not effective in changing race relations.

Motivated by a desire for safety and self-sufficiency that was not available inside redline neighborhoods, Black Power activists founded black-owned bookstores, food cooperatives, farms, media, printing presses, schools, clinics and ambulance services.[1][2][3][4][5][6] The international impact of the movement includes the Black Power Revolution in Trinidad and Tobago.[7]

While black American thinkers such as Robert F. Williams and Malcolm X influenced the early Black Power movement, the Black Panther Party and its views are widely seen as the cornerstone. It was influenced by philosophies such as pan-Africanism, black nationalism and socialism, as well as contemporary events like the Cuban Revolution and the decolonization of Africa.[8]

At the movement’s peak in the early 1970s, some of its more militant leaders were killed during conflicts with police, prompting many activists to abandon the movement.

The first popular use of the term “Black Power” as a social and racial slogan was by Stokely Carmichael (later known as Kwame Ture) and Willie Ricks (later known as Mukasa Dada), both organizers and spokespersons for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. On June 16, 1966, in a speech in Greenwood, Mississippi, during the March Against Fear, Carmichael led the marchers in a chant for black power that was televised nationally.[9]

By the late 1960s, Black Power came to represent the demand for more immediate violent action to counter American white supremacy. Most of these ideas were influenced by Malcolm X’s criticism of Martin Luther King Jr.’s peaceful protest methods. The 1965 assassination of Malcolm X coupled with the urban uprisings of 1964 and 1965 ignited the movement. New organizations that supported Black Power philosophies ranging from socialism to black nationalism, including the Black Panther Party, grew to prominence.[10]

The organization Nation of Islam began as a black nationalist movement in the 1930s, inspiring later groups.[11] Malcolm X is largely credited with the group’s dramatic increase in membership between the early 1950s and early 1960s (from 500 to 25,000 by one estimate; from 1,200 to 50,000 or 75,000 by another).[12][13] In March 1964, Malcolm X left the Nation due to disagreements with Elijah Muhammad; among other things, he cited his interest in working with other civil rights leaders, saying that Muhammad had prevented him from doing so.[14] Later, Malcolm X also said Muhammad had engaged in extramarital affairs with young Nation secretariesa serious violation of the group’s teachings.[15] On February 21, 1965, Malcolm X was shot and killed while speaking at the Audubon Ballroom in Washington Heights, New York.[16] Three Nation members were convicted of assassinating him.[17][18][19]

After the Watts riots in Los Angeles in 1965, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee decided to break its ties with the mainstream civil rights movement. They argued that blacks needed to build power of their own, rather than seek accommodations from the power structure in place. SNCC migrated from a philosophy of nonviolence to one of greater militancy after the mid-1960s.[20] The organization established ties with radical groups such as the Students for a Democratic Society.

In late October 1966, Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale founded the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. In formulating a new politics, they drew on their experiences working with a variety of Black Power organizations.[21]

The Black Panther Party’s Ten-Point Program included point five, “We want education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society. We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present day society.” This sentiment was echoed in many of the other Black Power organizations; the inadequacy of black education had earlier been remarked on by W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, and Carter G. Woodson.

With this backdrop, Stokely Carmichael brought political education into his work with SNCC in the rural South. This included get-out-the-vote campaigns[22] and political literacy. Bobby Seale and Huey Newton used education to address the lack of identity in the black community. Seale had worked with youth in an after-school program before starting the Panthers. Through this new education and identity building, they believed they could empower black Americans to claim their freedom.

The Black Panther Party initially utilized open-carry gun laws to protect party members and local black communities from law enforcement. Party members also recorded incidents of police brutality by distantly following police cars around neighborhoods.[23] Numbers grew slightly starting in February 1967, when the party provided an armed escort at the San Francisco airport for Betty Shabazz, Malcolm X’s widow and keynote speaker at conference held in his honor.[24] By 1967, the SNCC began to fall apart due to policy disputes in its leadership and many members left for the Black Panthers.[25] Throughout 1967 the Panthers staged rallies and disrupted the California State Assembly with armed marchers.[26] In late 1967 the FBI developed COINTELPRO to investigate black nationalist groups and other civil rights leaders.[27] By 1969, the Black Panthers and their allies had become primary COINTELPRO targets, singled out in 233 of the 295 authorized “black nationalist” COINTELPRO actions. In 1968 the Republic of New Afrika was founded, a separatist group seeking a black country in the southern United States, only to dissolve by the early 1970s.

By 1968, many Black Panther leaders had been arrested, including founder Huey Newton for the murder of a police officer (Newton’s proseuction was eventually dismissed), yet membership surged. Black Panthers later engaged the police in a firefight in a Los Angeles gas station. In the same year, Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated, creating nationwide riots, the widest wave of social unrest since the American Civil War.[28] In Cleveland, Ohio, the “Republic of New Libya” engaged the police in the Glenville shootout, which was followed by rioting.[29] The year also marked the start of the White Panther Party, a group of whites dedicated to the cause of the Black Panthers. Founders Pun Plamondon and John Sinclair were arrested, but eventually freed, in connection to the bombing of a Central Intelligence Agency office in Ann Arbor, Michigan that September.[30]

By 1969, the Black Panthers began purging members due to fear of law enforcement infiltration and engaged in multiple gunfights with police, and one with a black nationalist organization. The Panthers continued their “Free Huey” campaign internationally. In the spirit of rising militancy, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers was formed in Detroit, which supported labor rights and black liberation.

In 1970 the Honorary Prime Minister of the Black Panther Party, Stokely Carmichael, traveled to various countries to discuss methods to resist “American imperialism”.[31] In Trinidad, the black power movement had escalated into the Black Power Revolution in which many Afro-Trinidadians forced the government of Trinidad to give into reforms. Later many Panthers visited Algeria to discuss Pan-Africanism and anti-imperialism. In the same year former Black Panthers formed the Black Liberation Army to continue a violent revolution rather than the party’s new reform movements.[32] On October 22, 1970, the Black Liberation Army is believed to have planted a bomb in St. Brendan’s Church in San Francisco while it was full of mourners attending the funeral of San Francisco police officer Harold Hamilton, who had been killed in the line of duty while responding to a bank robbery. The bomb was detonated, but no one in the church suffered serious injuries.[33]

In 1971, several Panther officials fled the U.S. due to police concerns. This was the only active year of the Black Revolutionary Assault Team, a group that bombed the New York South African consular office in protest of apartheid. On September 20 it placed bombs at the UN Missions of Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa) and the Republic of Malawi.[34] In February 1971, ideological splits within the Black Panther Party between leaders Newton and Eldridge Cleaver led to two factions within the party; the conflict turned violent and four people were killed in a series of assassinations.[35] On May 21, 1971, five Black Liberation Army members participated in the shootings of two New York City police officers, Joseph Piagentini and Waverly Jones. Those brought to trial for the shootings include Anthony Bottom (also known as Jalil Muntaqim), Albert Washington, Francisco Torres, Gabriel Torres, and Herman Bell.[citation needed]

During the jail sentence of White Panther John Sinclair a “Free John” concert took place, including John Lennon and Stevie Wonder. Sinclair was released two days later. On August 29, three BLA members murdered San Francisco police sergeant John Victor Young at his police station. Two days later, the San Francisco Chronicle received a letter signed by the BLA claiming responsibility for the attack.[citation needed] Late in the year Huey Newton visited China for meetings on Maoist theory and anti-imperialism.[36] Black Power icon George Jackson attempted to escape from prison in August, killing seven hostage only to be killed himself.[37] Jackson’s death triggered the Attica Prison uprising which was later ended in a bloody siege. On November 3 Officer James R. Greene of the Atlanta Police Department was shot and killed in his patrol van at a gas station by Black Liberation Army members.[38]

1972 was the year Newton shut down many Black Panther chapters and held a party meeting in Oakland, California. On January 27, the Black Liberation Army assassinated police officers Gregory Foster and Rocco Laurie in New York City. After the killings, a note sent to authorities portrayed the murders as a retaliation for the prisoner deaths during 1971 Attica prison riot. To date no arrests have been made.[citation needed] In the same year, MOVE was founded and engaged in demonstrations for environmentalism and black power.[39][self-published source] On July 31, five armed BLA members hijacked Delta Air Lines Flight 841, eventually collecting a ransom of $1 million and diverting the plane, after passengers were released, to Algeria. The authorities there seized the ransom but allowed the group to flee. Four were eventually caught by French authorities in Paris, where they were convicted of various crimes, but one George Wright remained a fugitive until September 26, 2011, when he was captured in Portugal.[40] After being accused of murdering a prostitute in 1974, Huey Newton fled to Cuba. Elaine Brown became party leader and embarked on an election campaign.[41]

In the late 1970s a rebel group named after the killed prisoner formed the George Jackson Brigade. From March 1975 to December 1977, the Brigade robbed at least seven banks and detonated about 20 pipe bombs mainly targeting government buildings, electric power facilities, Safeway stores, and companies accused of racism. In 1977, Newton returned from exile in Cuba. Shortly afterward, Elaine Brown resigned from the party and fled to Los Angeles.[42] The Party fell apart, leaving only a few members.[43]

MOVE became a communal living group. When police raided their house a firefight broke out; one officer was killed, seven other police officers, five firefighters, three MOVE members, and three bystanders were also injured.[44]In another high-profile incident of the Black Liberation Army, Assata Shakur, Zayd Shakur and Sundiata Acoli were said to have opened fire on state troopers in New Jersey after being pulled over for a broken taillight. Zayd Shakur and state trooper Werner Foerster were both killed during the exchange. Following her capture, Assata Shakur was tried in six different criminal trials. According to Shakur, she was beaten and tortured during her incarceration in a number of different federal and state prisons. The charges ranged from kidnapping to assault and battery to bank robbery. Assata Shakur was found guilty of the murder of both Foerster and her companion Zayd Shakur, but escaped prison in 1979 and eventually fled to Cuba and received political asylum. Acoli was convicted of killing Foerster and sentenced to life in prison.

In 1978 a group of Black Liberation Army and Weather Underground members formed named the May 19th Communist Organization, or M19CO. It also included members of the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa.[45][46] In 1979 three M19CO members walked into the visitor’s center at the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women near Clinton, New Jersey. They took two guards hostage and freed Shakur. Several months later M19CO arranged for the escape of William Morales, a member of Puerto Rican separatist group Fuerzas Armadas de Liberacin Nacional Puertorriquea from Bellevue Hospital in New York City, where he was recovering after a bomb he was building exploded in his hands.[45]

Over the 1980s the Black Power movement continued despite a decline in its popularity and organization memberships. The Black Liberation Army was active in the US until at least 1981 when a Brinks truck robbery, conducted with support from former Weather Underground members Kathy Boudin and David Gilbert, left a guard and two police officers dead. Boudin and Gilbert, along with several BLA members, were subsequently arrested.[47] M19CO engaged in a bombing campaign in the 1980s. They targeted a series of government and commercial buildings, including the U.S. Senate. On November 3, 1984, two members of the M19CO, Susan Rosenberg and Timothy Blunk, were arrested at a mini-warehouse they had rented in Cherry Hill, New Jersey. Police recovered more than 100 blasting caps, nearly 200 sticks of dynamite, more than 100 cartridges of gel explosive, and 24 bags of blasting agent from the warehouse. The M19CO alliance’s last bombing was on February 23, 1985, at the Policemen’s Benevolent Association in New York City.

MOVE had relocated to Philadelphia after the earlier shootout. On May 13, 1985, the police, along with city manager Leo Brooks, arrived with arrest warrants and attempted to clear the building and arrest the indicted MOVE members.[48] This led to an armed standoff with police,[49] who lobbed tear gas canisters at the building. MOVE members shot at the police, who returned fire with automatic weapons.[50] The police then bombed the house, causing a large fire.[50][48])[51]

In 1989, well into the waning years of the movement, the New Black Panther Party formed. In the same year on August 22, Huey P. Newton was fatally shot outside by 24-year-old Black Guerilla Family member Tyrone Robinson.[52]

After the 1970s the Black Power movement saw a decline, but not an end. In the year 1998 the Black Radical Congress was founded, with debatable effects. The Black Riders Liberation Party was created by Bloods and Crips gang members as an attempt to recreate the Black Panther Party in 1996. The group has spread, creating chapters in cities across the United States, and frequently staging paramilitary marches.[53] During the 2008 presidential election New Black Panther Party members were accused voter intimidation at a polling station in a predominantly black, Democratic voting district of Philadelphia.[54] After the politically upsetting shooting of Trayvon Martin black power paramilitaries formed, including the Huey P. Newton Gun Club, African American Defense League, and the New Black Liberation Militia, all staging armed marches and military training.[citation needed]

Some have compared the modern movement Black Lives Matter to the Black Power movement, noting its similarities.[55]

Just as Black Power activists focused on community control of schools and politics, the movement took a major interest in creating and controlling its own media institutions. Most famously, the Black Panther Party produced the Black Panther newspaper, which proved to be one of the BPP’s most influential tools for disseminating its message and recruiting new members.

WAFR was launched in September 1971 as the first public, community-based black radio station. The Durham, North Carolina, station broadcast until 1976, but influenced later activist radio stations including WPFW in Washington, D.C. and WRFG in Atlanta.[56]

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Black Power | National Archives

Black Power was a revolutionary movement that occurred in the 1960s and 1970s. It emphasized racial pride, economic empowerment, and the creation of political and cultural institutions. During this era, there was a rise in the demand for black history courses, a greater embrace of African culture, and a spread of raw artistic expression displaying the realities of African Americans.

The origin of the first use of the term Black Power varies. Its roots can be traced to author Richard Wrights non-fiction work Black Power, published in 1954, and in 1965, the Lowndes County [Alabama] Freedom Organization (LCFO) used the slogan Black Power for black people for its political candidates. But, it was not until 1966, when Black Power made it into the mainstream. During the Meredith March against Fear in Mississippi, Student Nonviolent Coordinating (SNCC) Chairman Stokely Carmichael rallied marchers by chanting we want Black Power.

This subject guide highlights records of Federal agencies and collections that related to the Black Power movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The selected records contain information on various organizations, which include the Nation of Islam (NOI), Deacons for Defense and Justice, and the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense (BPP). It also includes records on several individuals, including Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael, Elaine Brown, Angela Davis, Fred Hampton, Amiri Baraka, and Shirley Chisholm. This subject guide is not meant to be exhaustive, but to provide guidance to researchers interested in the Black Power movement and its relation to the Federal government.

The records in this guide were created by Federal agencies, therefore, the topics included had some sort of interaction with the United States Government. This subject guide includes textual and electronic records, photographs, moving images, audio recordings, and artifacts. Records can be found at the National Archives at College Park, as well as various presidential libraries and regional archives throughout the country.

Record descriptions usually consist of the following elements: record group number or collection title; series title with dates and National Archives Identifier (NAID); and related file units or items with NAID.

Each description NAID is linked to a description in the National Archives Catalog. Researchers should use the NAID link to find information on the records: creator(s), type(s) of archival materials, arrangement, scope and content note, access and use restrictions, extent, physical location of records, and contact information.

There is an exception with some of the selected records from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and Department of Justice (DOJ).This guide may only list the case file number due to the number of sections within each case. Please search the Catalog for NAIDs of each section.

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Black Power : The Politics of Liberation: Kwame Ture …

Kwame Ture, formerly known asStokely Carmichael, was among the most fiery and visible leaders of Black militancy in the United States in the 1960s, first as head of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and then as prime minister of the Black Panther Party, where he coined the phrase “Black Power.” In 1969 he cut his ties with American groups over the issue of allying with White radicals, and moved to Guinea. He declared himself a pan-Africanist. In 1978 he changed his name to Kwame Ture, to honor African socialist leaders Kwame Nkrumah and Ahmed Sekoe Toure. He lived in Guinea for 33 years, until his diagnosis with prostate cancer. He died in 1998.

Charles V. Hamiltonis a political scientist, civil rights leader, and the W. S. Sayre Professor Emeritus of Government and Political Science atColumbia University.

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Black power – definition of black power by The Free Dictionary

As a result of the political, cultural, and social gains of Civil Rights and Black Power movement, the Department grew rapidly in the late 1960s and early 1970s.Second, Captive Nation forces readers to rethink and expand their understanding of the enduring and broad Black Freedom struggle as well as the more narrowly defined Civil Rights and Black Power phases within that struggle.In the book, Randolph writes that Kennedy’s feminism emerged out of answering the questions of Black Power and self-determination.Kinchen provides an in-depth study on Black Power at the local level in Memphis through the activism of youth and students, arguably the center of the Black Power movement, with a focus on the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.Most argue that Caribbean Black Power originated in a long tradition of struggle in the Caribbean for black liberation–from slave revolts and conspiracies, to Pan-Africanism, Marcus Garvey’s UNIA, and Rastafarianism in Jamaica.Black Power TV is a study of the emergence of public affairs television by and for African-Americans during the Civil Rights Movement (c.These new and more radical political directives and means reflected the circulation of Black Power ideology internationally.If his rationale for writing Black Power was to document what Africa might mean to the Western world, Wright states that he is also going to understand what Africa means to him, a self-identified but socially constructed person of African descent: “I wanted to see this Africa that was posing such acute questions for me and was conjuring up in my mind notions of the fabulous and remote: heat, jungle, rain, strange place names [.While MacDonald only considers fictional series on network television, including I, Spy, Julia, and Star Trek, Devorah Heitner’s Black Power TV implicitly suggests that the same period was a Golden Age for black public television.Over the past decade and a half there has been an explosion of academic interest on the Black Power movement, producing recuperative and rehabilitative works that have formed what Peniel Joseph in 2001 described as “a new phase of civil rights history that might best be described as Black Power Studies” (p.The first time she heard the song, one of my roommates, a brown-skinned, petite woman with jet-black hair worn in a big, curly afro that blew in the wind, raised her Black Power fist high like she was standing to receive a medal with Tommie Smith and John Carlos in the 1968 Olympics and shouted.I chose to use the black power fist in my designs because we as black transmen in my opinion are the epitome of black power in men.

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How Marvel’s Black Panther Marks a Major Milestone

The RevolutionaryPower of Black Panther

Marvels new movie marks a major milestoneBy JAMIL SMITH

The first movie I remember seeing in a theater had a black hero. Lando Calrissian, played by Billy Dee Williams, didnt have any superpowers, but he ran his own city. That movie, the 1980 Star Wars sequel The Empire Strikes Back, introduced Calrissian as a complicated human being who still did the right thing. Thats one reason I grew up knowing I could be the same.

If you are reading this and you are white, seeing people who look like you in mass media probably isnt something you think about often. Every day, the culture reflects not only you but nearly infinite versions of youexecutives, poets, garbage collectors, soldiers, nurses and so on. The world shows you that your possibilities are boundless. Now, after a brief respite, you again have a President.

Those of us who are not white have considerably more trouble not only finding representation of ourselves in mass media and other arenas of public life, but also finding representation that indicates that our humanity is multifaceted. Relating to characters onscreen is necessary not merely for us to feel seen and understood, but also for others who need to see and understand us. When it doesnt happen, we are all the poorer for it.

This is one of the many reasons Black Panther is significant. What seems like just another entry in an endless parade of superhero movies is actually something much bigger. It hasnt even hit theaters yet and its cultural footprint is already enormous. Its a movie about what it means to be black in both America and Africaand, more broadly, in the world. Rather than dodge complicated themes about race and identity, the film grapples head-on with the issues affecting modern-day black life. It is also incredibly entertaining, filled with timely comedy, sharply choreographed action and gorgeously lit people of all colors. You have superhero films that are gritty dramas or action comedies, director Ryan Coogler tells TIME. But this movie, he says, tackles another important genre: Superhero films that deal with issues of being of African descent.

Black Panther is the 18th movie in the Marvel Cinematic Universe, a franchise that has made $13.5 billion at the global box office over the past 10 years. (Marvel is owned by Disney.) It may be the first megabudget movienot just about superheroes, but about anyoneto have an African-American director and a predominantly black cast. Hollywood has never produced a blockbuster this splendidly black.

The movie, out Feb. 16, comes as the entertainment industry is wrestling with its toxic treatment of women and persons of color. This rapidly expanding reckoningone that reflects the importance of representation in our cultureis long overdue. Black Panther is poised to prove to Hollywood that African-American narratives have the power to generate profits from all audiences. And, more important, that making movies about black lives is part of showing that they matter.

The invitation to the Black Panther premiere read Royal attire requested. Yet no one showed up to the Dolby Theatre on Hollywood Boulevard on Jan. 29 looking like an extra from a British costume drama. On display instead were crowns of a different sortascending head wraps made of various African fabrics. Oscar winner Lupita Nyongo wore her natural hair tightly wrapped above a resplendent bejeweled purple gown. Men, including star Chadwick Boseman and Coogler, wore Afrocentric patterns and clothing, dashikis and boubous. Co-star Daniel Kaluuya, an Oscar nominee for his star turn in Get Out, arrived wearing a kanzu, the formal tunic of his Ugandan ancestry.

After the Obama era, perhaps none of this should feel groundbreaking. But it does. In the midst of a regressive cultural and political moment fueled in part by the white-nativist movement, the very existence of Black Panther feels like resistance. Its themes challenge institutional bias, its characters take unsubtle digs at oppressors, and its narrative includes prismatic perspectives on black life and tradition. The fact that Black Panther is excellent only helps.

Back when the film was announced, in 2014, nobody knew that it would be released into the fraught climate of President Trumps Americawhere a thriving black future seems more difficult to see. Trumps reaction to the Charlottesville chaos last summer equated those protesting racism with violent neo-Nazis defending a statue honoring a Confederate general. Immigrants from Mexico, Central America and predominantly Muslim countries are some of the Presidents most frequent scapegoats. So what does it mean to see this film, a vision of unmitigated black excellence, in a moment when the Commander in Chief reportedly, in a recent meeting, dismissed the 54 nations of Africa as sh-thole countries?

As is typical of the climate were in, Black Panther is already running into its share of trollsincluding a Facebook group that sought, unsuccessfully, to flood the review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes with negative ratings of the film. That Black Panther signifies a threat to some is unsurprising. A fictional African King with the technological war power to destroy youor, worse, the wealth to buy your landmay not please someone who just wants to consume the latest Marvel chapter without deeper political consideration. Black Panther is emblematic of the most productive responses to bigotry: rather than going for hearts and minds of racists, it celebrates what those who choose to prohibit equal representation and rights are ignoring, willfully or not. They are missing out on the full possibility of the world and the very America they seek to make great. They cannot stop this representation of it. When considering the folks who preemptively hate Black Panther and seek to stop it from influencing American culture, I echo the response that the movies hero TChalla is known to give when warned of those who seek to invade his home country: Let them try.

The history of black power and the movement that bore its name can be traced back to the summer of 1966. The activist Stokely Carmichael was searching for something more than mere liberty. To him, integration in a white-dominated America meant assimilation by default. About one year after the assassination of Malcolm X and the Watts riots in Los Angeles, Carmichael took over the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee from John Lewis. Carmichael decided to move the organization away from a philosophy of pacifism and escalate the groups militancy to emphasize armed self-defense, black business ownership and community control.

In June of that year, James Meredith, an activist who four years earlier had become the first black person admitted to Ole Miss, started the March Against Fear, a long walk of protest from Memphis to Mississippi, alone. On the second day of the march, he was wounded by a gunman. Carmichael and tens of thousands of others continued in Merediths absence. Carmichael, who was arrested halfway through the march, was incensed upon his release. The only way we gonna stop them white men from whuppin us is to take over, he declared before a passionate crowd on June 16. We been saying freedom for six years and we aint got nothin. What we gonna start sayin now is Black Power!

Black Panther was born in the civil rights era, and he reflected the politics of that time. The month after Carmichaels Black Power declaration, the character debuted in Marvel Comics Fantastic Four No. 52. Supernatural strength and agility were his main features, but a genius intellect was his best attribute. Black Panther wasnt an alter ego; it was the formal title for TChalla, King of Wakanda, a fictional African nation that, thanks to its exclusive hold on the sound-absorbent metal vibranium, had become the most technologically advanced nation in the world.

It was a vision of black grandeur and, indeed, power in a trying time, when more than 41% of African Americans were at or below the poverty line and comprised nearly a third of the nations poor. Much like the iconic Lieutenant Uhura character, played by Nichelle Nichols, that debuted in Star Trek in September 1966, Black Panther was an expression of Afrofuturisman ethos that fuses African mythologies, technology and science fiction and serves to rebuke conventional depictions of (or, worse, efforts to bring about) a future bereft of black people. His white creators, Stan Lee and Jack Kirby, did not consciously conjure a fantasy-world response to Carmichaels call, but the image still held power. TChalla was not only strong and educated; he was also royalty. He didnt have to take over. He was already in charge.

You might say that this African nation is fantasy, says Boseman, who portrays TChalla in the movie. But to have the opportunity to pull from real ideas, real places and real African concepts, and put it inside of this idea of Wakandathats a great opportunity to develop a sense of what that identity is, especially when youre disconnected from it.

The character emerged at a time when the civil rights movement rightfully began to increase its demands of an America that had promised so much and delivered so little to its black population. Fifty-two years after the introduction of TChalla, those demands have yet to be fully answered. According to the Federal Reserve, the typical African-American family had a median net worth of $17,600 in 2016. In contrast, white households had a median net worth of $171,000. The revolutionary thing about Black Panther is that it envisions a world not devoid of racism but one in which black people have the wealth, technology and military might to level the playing fielda scenario applicable not only to the predominantly white landscape of Hollywood but, more important, to the world at large.

The Black Panther Party, the revolutionary organization founded in Oakland, Calif., a few months after TChallas debut, was depicted in the media as a threatening and radical group with goals that differed dramatically from the more pacifist vision of civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. and Lewis. Marvel even briefly changed the characters name to Black Leopard because of the inevitable association with the Panthers, but soon reverted. For some viewers, Black Panther may have undeservedly sinister connotations, but the 2018 film reclaims the symbol to be celebrated by all as an avatar for change.

The urgency for change is partly what Carmichael was trying to express in the summer of 66, and the powers that be needed to listen. Its still true in 2018.

Moviegoers first encountered Bosemans TChalla in Marvels 2016 ensemble hit Captain America: Civil War, and he instantly cut a striking figure in his sleek vibranium suit. As Black Panther opens, with TChalla grieving the death of his father and coming to grips with his sudden ascension to the Wakandan throne, its clear that our heros royal upbringing has kept him sheltered from the realities of how systemic racism has touched just about every black life across the globe.

The comic, especially in its most recent incarnations as rendered by the writers Ta-Nehisi Coates and Roxane Gay, has worked to expunge Eurocentric misconceptions of Africaand the films imagery and thematic material follow suit. People often ask, What is Black Panther? What is his power? And they have a misconception that he only has power through his suit, says Boseman. The character is existing with power inside power.

Coogler says that Black Panther, like his previous filmsincluding the police-brutality drama Fruitvale Station and his innovative Rocky sequel Creedexplores issues of identity. Thats something Ive always struggled with as a person, says the director. Like the first time that I found out I was black. Hes talking less about an epidermal self-awareness than about learning how white society views his black skin. Not just identity, but names. Who are you? is a question that comes up a lot in this film. TChalla knows exactly who he is. The antagonist in this film has many names.

That villain comes in the form of Erik Killmonger Stevens, a former black-ops soldier with Wakandan ties who seeks to both outwit and beat down TChalla for the crown. As played by a scene-stealing Michael B. Jordan, Killmongers motivations illuminate thorny questions about how black people worldwide should best use their power.

In the movie, Killmonger is, like Coogler, a native of Oakland. By exploring the disparate experiences of Africans and African Americans, Coogler shines a bright light on the psychic scars of slaverys legacy and how black Americans endure the real-life consequences of it in the present day. Killmongers perspective is rendered in full; his rage over how he and other black people across the world have been disenfranchised and disempowered is justifiable.

Coogler, who co-wrote the screenplay with Joe Robert Cole, also includes another important antagonist from the comics: the dastardly and bigoted Ulysses Klaue (Andy Serkis). What I love about this experience is that it could have been the idea of black exploitation: hes gonna fight Klaue, hes gonna go after the white man and thats itthats the enemy, Boseman says. He recognizes that some fans will take issue with a black male villain fighting black protagonists. Killmonger fights not only TChalla, but also warrior women like the spy Nakia (Nyongo), Okoye (Danai Gurira) and the rest of the Dora Milaje, TChallas all-female royal guards. Killmonger and Shuri (Letitia Wright), TChallas quippy tech-genius sister, also face off.

TChalla and Killmonger are mirror images, separated only by the accident of where they were born. What they dont realize, Boseman says, is that the greatest conflict you will ever face will be the conflict with yourself.

Both TChalla and Killmonger had to be compelling in order for the movie to succeed. Obviously, the superhero is who puts you in the seat, Coogler says.

Thats who you want to see come out on top. But Ill be damned if the villains aint cool too. They have to be able to stand up to the hero, and have you saying, Man, I dont know if the heros going to make it out of this.

If you dont have that, Boseman says, you dont have a movie.

This is not just a movie about a black superhero; its very much a black movie. It carries a weight that neither Thor nor Captain America could lift: serving a black audience that has long gone underrepresented. For so long, films that depict a reality where whiteness isnt the default have been ghettoized, marketed largely to audiences of color as niche entertainment, instead of as part of the mainstream. Think of Tyler Perrys Madea movies, Malcolm D. Lees surprise 1999 hit The Best Man or the Barbershop franchise that launched in 2002. But over the past year, the success of films including Get Out and Girls Trip have done even bigger business at the box office, led to commercial acclaim and minted new stars like Kaluuya and Tiffany Haddish. Those two hits have only bolstered an argument that has persisted since well before Spike Lee made his debut: black films with black themes and black stars can and should be marketed like any other. No one talks about Woody Allen and Wes Anderson movies as white movies to be marketed only to that audience.

Black Panther marks the biggest move yet in this wave: its both a black film and the newest entrant in the most bankable movie franchise in history. For a wary and risk-averse film business, led largely by white film executives who have been historically predisposed to greenlight projects featuring characters who look like them, Black Panther will offer proof that a depiction of a reality of something other than whiteness can make a ton of money.

The films positive receptionas of Feb. 6, the day initial reviews surfaced, it had a 100% rating on Rotten Tomatoesbodes well for its commercial prospects. Variety predicted that it could threaten the Presidents Day weekend record of $152 million, set in 2016 by Deadpool.

Some of the films early success can be credited to Nate Moore, an African-American executive producer in Marvels film division who has been vocal about the importance of including black characters in the Marvel universe. But beyond Wakanda, the questions of power and responsibility, it seems, are not only applicable to the characters in Black Panther. Once this film blows the doors off, as expected, Hollywood must do more to reckon with that issue than merely greenlight more black stories. It also needs more Nate Moores.

I know people [in the entertainment industry] are going to see this and aspire to it, Boseman says. But this is also having people inside spacesgatekeeper positions, people who can open doors and take that idea. How can this be done? How can we be represented in a way that is aspirational?

Because Black Panther marks such an unprecedented moment that excitement for the film feels almost kinetic. Black Panther parties are being organized, pre- and post-film soires for fans new and old. A video of young Atlanta students dancing in their classroom once they learned they were going to see the film together went viral in early February. Oscar winner Octavia Spencer announced on her Instagram account that shell be in Mississippi when Black Panther opens and that she plans to buy out a theater in an underserved community there to ensure that all our brown children can see themselves as a superhero.

Many civil rights pioneers and other trailblazing forebears have received lavish cinematic treatments, in films including Malcolm X, Selma and Hidden Figures. Jackie Robinson even portrayed himself onscreen. Fictional celluloid champions have included Virgil Tibbs, John Shaft and Foxy Brown. Lando, too. But Black Panther matters more, because he is our best chance for people of every color to see a black hero. That is its own kind of power.

Jamil Smith is a journalist born and raised in Cleveland, Ohio. He lives in Los Angeles.

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Trick Baby 1972 – Duration: 1 hour, 33 minutes.

The son of a black prostitute and a white client, Johnny “Folks” O’Brien (Kiel Martin) spends his childhood in the ghetto hearing the hateful name “trick baby,” only to realize as an adult just how…

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Black – Wikipedia

Black Color coordinatesHex triplet#000000sRGBB(r,g,b)(0, 0, 0)CMYKH (c, m, y, k)(0, 0, 0, 100)HSV (h, s, v)(, %, 0%)SourceBy definitionB: Normalized to [0255] (byte)H: Normalized to [0100] (hundred)

Black is the darkest color, the result of the absence or complete absorption of visible light. It is an achromatic color, literally a color without hue, like white (its opposite) and gray.[1] It is often used symbolically or figuratively to represent darkness, while white represents light.

Black ink is the most common color used for printing books, newspapers and documents, because it has the highest contrast with white paper and is the easiest to read. For the same reason, black text on a white screen is the most common format used on computer screens.[3] In color printing it is used along with the subtractive primaries cyan, yellow, and magenta, in order to help produce the darkest shades.

Black and white have often been used to describe opposites; particularly truth and ignorance, good and evil, the “Dark Ages” versus Age of Enlightenment. Since the Middle Ages black has been the symbolic color of solemnity and authority, and for this reason is still commonly worn by judges and magistrates.

Black was one of the first colors used by artists in neolithic cave paintings. In the 14th century, it began to be worn by royalty, the clergy, judges and government officials in much of Europe. It became the color worn by English romantic poets, businessmen and statesmen in the 19th century, and a high fashion color in the 20th century.

In the Roman Empire, it became the color of mourning, and over the centuries it was frequently associated with death, evil, witches and magic. According to surveys in Europe and North America, it is the color most commonly associated with mourning, the end, secrets, magic, force, violence, evil, and elegance.[4]

The word black comes from Old English blc (“black, dark”, also, “ink”), from Proto-Germanic *blakkaz (“burned”), from Proto-Indo-European *bhleg- (“to burn, gleam, shine, flash”), from base *bhel- (“to shine”), related to Old Saxon blak (“ink”), Old High German blach (“black”), Old Norse blakkr (“dark”), Dutch blaken (“to burn”), and Swedish blck (“ink”). More distant cognates include Latin flagrare (“to blaze, glow, burn”), and Ancient Greek phlegein (“to burn, scorch”).

The Ancient Greeks sometimes used the same word to name different colors, if they had the same intensity. Kuanos’ could mean both dark blue and black.[5]

The Ancient Romans had two words for black: ater was a flat, dull black, while niger was a brilliant, saturated black. Ater has vanished from the vocabulary, but niger was the source of the country name Nigeria[6] the English word Negro and the word for “black” in most modern Romance languages (French: noir; Spanish and Portuguese: negro; Italian: nero ).

Old High German also had two words for black: swartz for dull black and blach for a luminous black. These are parallelled in Middle English by the terms swart for dull black and blaek for luminous black. Swart still survives as the word swarthy, while blaek became the modern English black.[5]

In heraldry, the word used for the black color is sable,[7] named for the black fur of the sable, an animal.

Black was one of the first colors used in art. The Lascaux Cave in France contains drawings of bulls and other animals drawn by paleolithic artists between 18,000 and 17,000 years ago. They began by using charcoal, and then made more vivid black pigments by burning bones or grinding a powder of manganese oxide.[5]

For the ancient Egyptians, black had positive associations; being the color of fertility and the rich black soil flooded by the Nile. It was the color of Anubis, the god of the underworld, who took the form of a black jackal, and offered protection against evil to the dead.

For the ancient Greeks, black was also the color of the underworld, separated from the world of the living by the river Acheron, whose water was black. Those who had committed the worst sins were sent to Tartarus, the deepest and darkest level. In the center was the palace of Hades, the king of the underworld, where he was seated upon a black ebony throne.

Black was one of the most important colors used by ancient Greek artists. In the 6th century BC, they began making black-figure pottery and later red figure pottery, using a highly original technique. In black-figure pottery, the artist would paint figures with a glossy clay slip on a red clay pot. When the pot was fired, the figures painted with the slip would turn black, against a red background. Later they reversed the process, painting the spaces between the figures with slip. This created magnificent red figures against a glossy black background.[8]

In the social hierarchy of ancient Rome, purple was the color reserved for the Emperor; red was the color worn by soldiers (red cloaks for the officers, red tunics for the soldiers); white the color worn by the priests, and black was worn by craftsmen and artisans. The black they wore was not deep and rich; the vegetable dyes used to make black were not solid or lasting, so the blacks often turned out faded gray or brown.[citation needed]

In Latin, the word for black, ater and to darken, atere, were associated with cruelty, brutality and evil. They were the root of the English words “atrocious” and “atrocity”.[9]

Black was also the Roman color of death and mourning. In the 2nd century BC Roman magistrates began to wear a dark toga, called a toga pulla, to funeral ceremonies. Later, under the Empire, the family of the deceased also wore dark colors for a long period; then, after a banquet to mark the end of mourning, exchanged the black for a white toga. In Roman poetry, death was called the hora nigra, the black hour.[5]

The German and Scandinavian peoples worshipped their own goddess of the night, Ntt, who crossed the sky in a chariot drawn by a black horse. They also feared Hel, the goddess of the kingdom of the dead, whose skin was black on one side and red on the other. They also held sacred the raven. They believed that Odin, the king of the Nordic pantheon, had two black ravens, Huginn and Muninn, who served as his agents, traveling the world for him, watching and listening.[10]

In the early Middle Ages, black was commonly associated with darkness and evil. In Medieval paintings, the devil was usually depicted as having human form, but with wings and black skin or hair.[11]

In fashion, black did not have the prestige of red, the color of the nobility. It was worn by Benedictine monks as a sign of humility and penitence. In the 12th century a famous theological dispute broke out between the Cistercian monks, who wore white, and the Benedictines, who wore black. A Benedictine abbot, Pierre the Venerable, accused the Cistercians of excessive pride in wearing white instead of black. Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, the founder of the Cistercians responded that black was the color of the devil, hell, “of death and sin,” while white represented “purity, innocence and all the virtues”.[12]

Black symbolized both power and secrecy in the medieval world. The emblem of the Holy Roman Empire of Germany was a black eagle. The black knight in the poetry of the Middle Ages was an enigmatic figure, hiding his identity, usually wrapped in secrecy.[13]

Black ink, invented in Ancient China and India, was traditionally used in the Middle Ages for writing, for the simple reason that black was the darkest color and therefore provided the greatest contrast with white paper or parchment, making it the easiest color to read. It became even more important in the 15th century, with the invention of printing. A new kind of ink, printer’s ink, was created out of soot, turpentine and walnut oil. The new ink made it possible to spread ideas to a mass audience through printed books, and to popularize art through black and white engravings and prints. Because of its contrast and clarity, black ink on white paper continued to be the standard for printing books, newspapers and documents; and for the same reason black text on a white background is the most common format used on computer screens.[14]

The 15th-century painting of the Last Judgement by Fra Angelico (13951455) depicted hell with a vivid black devil devouring sinners.

The black knight in a miniature painting of a medieval romance,Le Livre du cur d’amour pris (about 1460)

Gutenberg Bible (14511452). Black ink was used for printing books, because it provided the greatest contrast with the white paper and was the clearest and easiest color to read.

In the early Middle Ages, princes, nobles and the wealthy usually wore bright colors, particularly scarlet cloaks from Italy. Black was rarely part of the wardrobe of a noble family. The one exception was the fur of the sable. This glossy black fur, from an animal of the marten family, was the finest and most expensive fur in Europe. It was imported from Russia and Poland and used to trim the robes and gowns of royalty.

In the 14th century, the status of black began to change. First, high-quality black dyes began to arrive on the market, allowing garments of a deep, rich black. Magistrates and government officials began to wear black robes, as a sign of the importance and seriousness of their positions. A third reason was the passage of sumptuary laws in some parts of Europe which prohibited the wearing of costly clothes and certain colors by anyone except members of the nobility. The famous bright scarlet cloaks from Venice and the peacock blue fabrics from Florence were restricted to the nobility. The wealthy bankers and merchants of northern Italy responded by changing to black robes and gowns, made with the most expensive fabrics.[15]

The change to the more austere but elegant black was quickly picked up by the kings and nobility. It began in northern Italy, where the Duke of Milan and the Count of Savoy and the rulers of Mantua, Ferrara, Rimini and Urbino began to dress in black. It then spread to France, led by Louis I, Duke of Orleans, younger brother of King Charles VI of France. It moved to England at the end of the reign of King Richard II (13771399), where all the court began to wear black. In 141920, black became the color of the powerful Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good. It moved to Spain, where it became the color of the Spanish Habsburgs, of Charles V and of his son, Philip II of Spain (15271598). European rulers saw it as the color of power, dignity, humility and temperance. By the end of the 16th century, it was the color worn by almost all the monarchs of Europe and their courts.[16]

While black was the color worn by the Catholic rulers of Europe, it was also the emblematic color of the Protestant Reformation in Europe and the Puritans in England and America. Jean Calvin, Melanchton and other Protestant theologians denounced the richly colored and decorated interiors of Roman Catholic churches. They saw the color red, worn by the Pope and his Cardinals, as the color of luxury, sin, and human folly.[17] In some northern European cities, mobs attacked churches and cathedrals, smashed the stained glass windows and defaced the statues and decoration. In Protestant doctrine, clothing was required to be sober, simple and discreet. Bright colors were banished and replaced by blacks, browns and grays; women and children were recommended to wear white.[18]

In the Protestant Netherlands, Rembrandt Van Rijn used this sober new palette of blacks and browns to create portraits whose faces emerged from the shadows expressing the deepest human emotions. The Catholic painters of the Counter-Reformation, like Rubens, went in the opposite direction; they filled their paintings with bright and rich colors. The new Baroque churches of the Counter-Reformation were usually shining white inside and filled with statues, frescoes, marble, gold and colorful paintings, to appeal to the public. But European Catholics of all classes, like Protestants, eventually adopted a sober wardrobe that was mostly black, brown and gray.[19]

Swiss theologian John Calvin denounced the bright colors worn by Roman Catholic priests, and colorful decoration of churches.

American Pilgrims in New England going to church (painting by George Henry Boughton, 1867)

In the second part of the 17th century, Europe and America experienced an epidemic of fear of witchcraft. People widely believed that the devil appeared at midnight in a ceremony called a black mass or black sabbath, usually in the form of a black animal, often a goat, a dog, a wolf, a bear, a deer or a rooster, accompanied by their familiar spirits, black cats, serpents and other black creatures. This was the origin of the widespread superstition about black cats and other black animals. In Medieval Flanders, in a ceremony called Kattenstoet, black cats were thrown from the belfry of the Cloth Hall of Ypres to ward off witchcraft.[20]

Witch trials were common in both Europe and America during this period. During the notorious Salem witch trials in New England in 169293, one of those on trial was accused of being able turn into a “black thing with a blue cap,” and others of having familiars in the form of a black dog, a black cat and a black bird.[21] Nineteen women and men were hanged as witches.[22]

In the 18th century, during the European Age of Enlightenment, black receded as a fashion color. Paris became the fashion capital, and pastels, blues, greens, yellow and white became the colors of the nobility and upper classes. But after the French Revolution, black again became the dominant color.

Black was the color of the industrial revolution, largely fueled by coal, and later by oil. Thanks to coal smoke, the buildings of the large cities of Europe and America gradually turned black. By 1846 the industrial area of the West Midlands of England was “commonly called ‘the Black Country’.[23]Charles Dickens and other writers described the dark streets and smoky skies of London, and they were vividly illustrated in the engravings of French artist Gustave Dor.

A different kind of black was an important part of the romantic movement in literature. Black was the color of melancholy, the dominant theme of romanticism. The novels of the period were filled with castles, ruins, dungeons, storms, and meetings at midnight. The leading poets of the movement were usually portrayed dressed in black, usually with a white shirt and open collar, and a scarf carelessly over their shoulder, Percy Bysshe Shelley and Lord Byron helped create the enduring stereotype of the romantic poet.

The invention of new, inexpensive synthetic black dyes and the industrialization of the textile industry meant that good-quality black clothes were available for the first time to the general population. In the 19th century gradually black became the most popular color of business dress of the upper and middle classes in England, the Continent, and America.

Black dominated literature and fashion in the 19th century, and played a large role in painting. James McNeil Whistler made the color the subject of his most famous painting, Arrangement in grey and black number one (1871), better known as Whistler’s Mother.

Some 19th-century French painters had a low opinion of black: “Reject black,” Paul Gauguin said, “and that mix of black and white they call gray. Nothing is black, nothing is gray.”[24] But douard Manet used blacks for their strength and dramatic effect. Manet’s portrait of painter Berthe Morisot was a study in black which perfectly captured her spirit of independence. The black gave the painting power and immediacy; he even changed her eyes, which were green, to black to strengthen the effect.[25]Henri Matisse quoted the French impressionist Pissarro telling him, “Manet is stronger than us all he made light with black.”[26]

Pierre-Auguste Renoir used luminous blacks, especially in his portraits. When someone told him that black was not a color, Renoir replied: “What makes you think that? Black is the queen of colors. I always detested Prussian blue. I tried to replace black with a mixture of red and blue, I tried using cobalt blue or ultramarine, but I always came back to ivory black.”[27]

Vincent van Gogh used black lines to outline many of the objects in his paintings, such as the bed in the famous painting of his bedroom. making them stand apart. His painting of black crows over a cornfield, painted shortly before he died, was particularly agitated and haunting.

In the late 19th century, black also became the color of anarchism. (See the section political movements.)

In the 20th century, black was the color of Italian and German fascism. (See the section political movements.)

In art, black regained some of the territory that it had lost during the 19th century. The Russian painter Kasimir Malevich, a member of the Suprematist movement, created the Black Square in 1915, is widely considered the first purely abstract painting. He wrote, “The painted work is no longer simply the imitation of reality, but is this very reality… It is not a demonstration of ability, but the materialization of an idea.”[28]

Black was also appreciated by Henri Matisse. “When I didn’t know what color to put down, I put down black,” he said in 1945. “Black is a force: I used black as ballast to simplify the construction… Since the impressionists it seems to have made continuous progress, taking a more and more important part in color orchestration, comparable to that of the double bass as a solo instrument.”[29]

In the 1950s, black came to be a symbol of individuality and intellectual and social rebellion, the color of those who didn’t accept established norms and values. In Paris, it was worn by Left-Bank intellectuals and performers such as Juliette Greco, and by some members of the Beat Movement in New York and San Francisco.[30] Black leather jackets were worn by motorcycle gangs such as the Hells Angels and street gangs on the fringes of society in the United States. Black as a color of rebellion was celebrated in such films as The Wild One, with Marlon Brando. By the end of the 20th century, black was the emblematic color of the punk subculture punk fashion, and the goth subculture. Goth fashion, which emerged in England in the 1980s, was inspired by Victorian era mourning dress.

In men’s fashion, black gradually ceded its dominance to navy blue, particularly in business suits. Black evening dress and formal dress in general were worn less and less. In 1960, John F. Kennedy was the last American President to be inaugurated wearing formal dress; President Lyndon Johnson and all his successors were inaugurated wearing business suits.

Women’s fashion was revolutionized and simplified in 1926 by the French designer Coco Chanel, who published a drawing of a simple black dress in Vogue magazine. She famously said, “A woman needs just three things; a black dress, a black sweater, and, on her arm, a man she loves.”[30] Other designers contributed to the trend of the little black dress. The Italian designer Gianni Versace said, “Black is the quintessence of simplicity and elegance,” and French designer Yves Saint Laurent said, “black is the liaison which connects art and fashion.[30] One of the most famous black dresses of the century was designed by Hubert de Givenchy and was worn by Audrey Hepburn in the 1961 film Breakfast at Tiffany’s.

The American Civil Rights Movement in the 1950s was a struggle for the political equality of African Americans. It developed into the Black Power movement in the late 1960s and 1970s, and popularized the slogan “Black is Beautiful”.

In the 1990s, the Black Standard became the banner of several Islamic extremist, jihadist groups. (See the section political movements.)

In the visible spectrum, black is the absorption of all colors.

Black can be defined as the visual impression experienced when no visible light reaches the eye. Pigments or dyes that absorb light rather than reflect it back to the eye “look black”. A black pigment can, however, result from a combination of several pigments that collectively absorb all colors. If appropriate proportions of three primary pigments are mixed, the result reflects so little light as to be called “black”.

This provides two superficially opposite but actually complementary descriptions of black. Black is the absorption of all colors of light, or an exhaustive combination of multiple colors of pigment. See also primary colors.

In physics, a black body is a perfect absorber of light, but, by a thermodynamic rule, it is also the best emitter. Thus, the best radiative cooling, out of sunlight, is by using black paint, though it is important that it be black (a nearly perfect absorber) in the infrared as well.

In elementary science, far ultraviolet light is called “black light” because, while itself unseen, it causes many minerals and other substances to fluoresce.

On January 16, 2008, researchers from Troy, New York’s Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute announced the creation of the then darkest material on the planet. The material, which reflected only 0.045 percent of light, was created from carbon nanotubes stood on end. This is 1/30 of the light reflected by the current standard for blackness, and one third the light reflected by the previous record holder for darkest substance.[31] As of February 2016, the current darkest material known is claimed to be Vantablack.[32][33]

A material is said to be black if most incoming light is absorbed equally in the material. Light (electromagnetic radiation in the visible spectrum) interacts with the atoms and molecules, which causes the energy of the light to be converted into other forms of energy, usually heat. This means that black surfaces can act as thermal collectors, absorbing light and generating heat (see Solar thermal collector).

Absorption of light is contrasted by transmission, reflection and diffusion, where the light is only redirected, causing objects to appear transparent, reflective or white respectively.

The earliest pigments used by Neolithic man were charcoal, red ocher and yellow ocher. The black lines of cave art were drawn with the tips of burnt torches made of a wood with resin.[36]

Different charcoal pigments were made by burning different woods and animal products, each of which produced a different tone. The charcoal would be ground and then mixed with animal fat to make the pigment.

The 15th-century painter Cennino Cennini described how this pigment was made during the Renaissance in his famous handbook for artists: “…there is a black which is made from the tendrils of vines. And these tendrils need to be burned. And when they have been burned, throw some water onto them and put them out and then mull them in the same way as the other black. And this is a lean and black pigment and is one of the perfect pigments that we use.”[37]

Cennini also noted that “There is another black which is made from burnt almond shells or peaches and this is a perfect, fine black.”[37] Similar fine blacks were made by burning the pits of the peach, cherry or apricot. The powdered charcoal was then mixed with gum arabic or the yellow of an egg to make a paint.

Different civilizations burned different plants to produce their charcoal pigments. The Inuit of Alaska used wood charcoal mixed with the blood of seals to paint masks and wooden objects. The Polynesians burned coconuts to produce their pigment.

Good-quality black dyes were not known until the middle of the 14th century. The most common early dyes were made from bark, roots or fruits of different trees; usually the walnut, chestnut, or certain oak trees. The blacks produced were often more gray, brown or bluish. The cloth had to be dyed several times to darken the color. One solution used by dyers was add to the dye some iron filings, rich in iron oxide, which gave a deeper black. Another was to first dye the fabric dark blue, and then to dye it black.

A much richer and deeper black dye was eventually found made from the Oak apple or gall-nut. The gall-nut is a small round tumor which grows on oak and other varieties of trees. They range in size from 25cm, and are caused by chemicals injected by the larva of certain kinds of gall wasp in the family Cynipidae.[38] The dye was very expensive; a great quantity of gall-nuts were needed for a very small amount of dye. The gall-nuts which made the best dye came from Poland, eastern Europe, the near east and North Africa. Beginning in about the 14th century, dye from gall-nuts was used for clothes of the kings and princes of Europe.[39]

Another important source of natural black dyes from the 17th century onwards was the logwood tree, or Haematoxylum campechianum, which also produced reddish and bluish dyes. It is a species of flowering tree in the legume family, Fabaceae, that is native to southern Mexico and northern Central America.[40] The modern nation of Belize grew from 17th century English logwood logging camps.

Since the mid-19th century, synthetic black dyes have largely replaced natural dyes. One of the important synthetic blacks is Nigrosin, a mixture of synthetic black dyes (CI 50415, Solvent black 5) made by heating a mixture of nitrobenzene, aniline and aniline hydrochloride in the presence of a copper or iron catalyst. Its main industrial uses are as a colorant for lacquers and varnishes and in marker-pen inks.[41]

The first known inks were made by the Chinese, and date back to the 23rd century B.C. They used natural plant dyes and minerals such as graphite ground with water and applied with an ink brush. Early Chinese inks similar to the modern inkstick have been found dating to about 256 BC at the end of the Warring States period. They were produced from soot, usually produced by burning pine wood, mixed with animal glue. To make ink from an inkstick, the stick is continuously ground against an inkstone with a small quantity of water to produce a dark liquid which is then applied with an ink brush. Artists and calligraphists could vary the thickness of the resulting ink by reducing or increasing the intensity and time of ink grinding. These inks produced the delicate shading and subtle or dramatic effects of Chinese brush painting.[42]

India ink (or Indian ink in British English) is a black ink once widely used for writing and printing and now more commonly used for drawing, especially when inking comic books and comic strips. The technique of making it probably came from China. India ink has been in use in India since at least the 4th century BC, where it was called masi. In India, the black color of the ink came from bone char, tar, pitch and other substances.[43][44]

The Ancient Romans had a black writing ink they called atramentum librarium.[45] Its name came from the Latin word atrare, which meant to make something black. (This was the same root as the English word atrocious.) It was usually made, like India ink, from soot, although one variety, called atramentum elephantinum, was made by burning the ivory of elephants.[46]

Gall-nuts were also used for making fine black writing ink. Iron gall ink (also known as iron gall nut ink or oak gall ink) was a purple-black or brown-black ink made from iron salts and tannic acids from gall nut. It was the standard writing and drawing ink in Europe, from about the 12th century to the 19th century, and remained in use well into the 20th century.

Sticks of vine charcoal and compressed charcoal. Charcoal, along with red and yellow ochre, was one of the first pigments used by Paleolithic man.

A Chinese inkstick, in the form of lotus flowers and blossoms. Inksticks are used in Chinese calligraphy and brush painting.

Ivory black or bone char, a natural black pigment made by burning animal bones.

The logwood tree from Central America produced dyes beginning in the 17th century. The nation of Belize began as a British colony producing logwood.

The oak apple or gall-nut, a tumor growing on oak trees, was the main source of black dye and black writing ink from the 14th century until the 19th century.

The industrial production of lamp black, made by producing, collecting and refining soot, in 1906.

Image of the NGC 406 galaxy from the Hubble Space Telescope

The night sky seen from Mars, with the two moons of Mars visible, taken by the NASA Spirit Rover.

Outside Earth’s atmosphere, the sky is black day and night.

Simulated view of a black hole in front of the Large Magellanic Cloud.

The fact that outer space is black is sometimes called Olbers’ paradox. In theory, because the universe is full of stars, and is believed to be infinitely large, it would be expected that the light of an infinite number of stars would be enough to brilliantly light the whole universe all the time. However, the background color of outer space is black. This contradiction was first noted in 1823 by German astronomer Heinrich Wilhelm Matthias Olbers, who posed the question of why the night sky was black.

The current accepted answer is that, although the universe is infinitely large, it is not infinitely old. It is thought to be about 13.8 billion years old, so we can only see objects as far away as the distance light can travel in 13.8 billion years. Light from stars farther away has not reached Earth, and cannot contribute to making the sky bright. Furthermore, as the universe is expanding, many stars are moving away from Earth. As they move, the wavelength of their light becomes longer, through the Doppler effect, and shifts toward red, or even becomes invisible. As a result of these two phenomena, there is not enough starlight to make space anything but black.[50]

The daytime sky on Earth is blue because light from the Sun strikes molecules in Earth’s atmosphere scattering light in all directions. Blue light is scattered more than other colors, and reaches the eye in greater quantities, making the daytime sky appear blue. This is known as Rayleigh scattering.

The nighttime sky on Earth is black because the part of Earth experiencing night is facing away from the Sun, the light of the Sun is blocked by Earth itself, and there is no other bright nighttime source of light in the vicinity. Thus, there is not enough light to undergo Rayleigh scattering and make the sky blue. On the Moon, on the other hand, because there is no atmosphere to scatter the light, the sky is black both day and night. This phenomenon also holds true for other locations without an atmosphere.

American black bear (Ursus americanus) near Riding Mountain Park, Manitoba, Canada

The black mamba of Africa is one of the most venomous snakes, as well as the fastest-moving snake in the world. The only black part of the snake is the inside of the mouth, which it exposes in a threat display when alarmed.

The black widow spider, or lactrodectus, The females frequently eat their male partners after mating. The female’s venom is at least three times more potent than that of the males, making a male’s self-defense bite ineffective.

The American crow is one of the most intelligent of all animals.[51]

In China, the color black is associated with water, one of the five fundamental elements believed to compose all things; and with winter, cold, and the direction north, usually symbolized by a black tortoise. It is also associated with disorder, including the positive disorder which leads to change and new life. When the first Emperor of China Qin Shi Huang seized power from the Zhou Dynasty, he changed the Imperial color from red to black, saying that black extinguished red. Only when the Han Dynasty appeared in 206 BC was red restored as the imperial color.[52]

The Chinese and Japanese character for black (kuro in Japanese), can, depending upon the context, also mean dark or evil.

In Japan, black is associated with mystery, the night, the unknown, the supernatural, the invisible and death. Combined with white, it can symbolize intuition.[53]

In Japan in the 10th and 11th century, it was believed that wearing black could bring misfortune. It was worn at court by those who wanted to set themselves apart from the established powers or who had renounced material possessions.[54]

In Japan black can also symbolize experience, as opposed to white, which symbolizes naivet. The black belt in martial arts symbolizes experience, while a white belt is worn by novices.[55] Japanese men traditionally wear a black kimono with some white decoration on their wedding day.

In Indonesia black is associated with depth, the subterranean world, demons, disaster, and the left hand. When black is combined with white, however, it symbolizes harmony and equilibrium.[56]

The first Chinese Emperor, Qin Shi Huang, made black his imperial color, saying that black extinguished red, the old dynastic color.

Japanese men traditionally wear a black kimono with some white decoration on their wedding day

Anarchism is a political philosophy, most popular in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, which holds that governments and capitalism are harmful and undesirable. The symbols of anarchism was usually either a black flag or a black letter A. More recently it is usually represented with a bisected red and black flag, to emphasise the movement’s socialist roots in the First International. Anarchism was most popular in Spain, France, Italy, Ukraine and Argentina. There were also small but influential movements in the United States and Russia. In the latter, the movement initially allied itself with the Bolsheviks.[57]

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Black – Wikipedia

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Rizzo statue defaced with ‘Black Power’ message; suspect in custody – Philly.com

Police arrested one man early Friday in connection with a spray-painted message intended to deface the statue of former Mayor and Police Commissioner Frank Rizzo outside the Municipal Services Building.

The suspect is a 40-year-old man from Germantown, according to a police source. He was expected to be charged with criminal mischief, institutional vandalism, and possession of an instrument of crime. The full identity of the suspect was being withheld Friday morning pending charges.

The statue was defaced late Thursday with the message Black Power spray-painted in white, following calls for its removal. In the aftermath of last weekends debacle in Charlottesville, Va., the Rizzo statue has become the focus of renewed criticism. Meantime, city workers power-washed the message from the statue early Friday.

The vandalism came during an unguarded moment. On Wednesday morning, the statue was eggedand, for much of the time afterward, was guarded by police, including during a “Philly is Charlottesville” demonstration later Wednesday that drew Black Lives Matter activists to the site at 15th Street and John F. Kennedy Boulevard.

At 11:06 p.m. Thursday, officers responded to a radio call for vandalism in progress in front of the Municipal Services Building. In addition to spray-painting the Rizzo statue, someone had written the words The Black community should be their own Police on the steps of the building. The suspect then walked to a parked 2005 Toyota station wagon and entered on the driver’s side before leaving the area, police said.

Video of the defacing of the Rizzo statue was posted on Twitter:

Thousands of people joined the Broad Street march aimed at showing solidarity with victims of the Charlottesville, Va., attack, and a smaller group of protesters remained by the statue Wednesday night.

“The statue is going to come down one way or another,” said Asa Khalif, a member of the Pennsylvaniachapter of theBlack Lives Matter Movement. “It stands for generational hurt, oppression, injustice, homophobia, anti-blackness.”

Khalif posted an image of the defaced Rizzo statue early Friday on Twitter:

Thursday’s vandalism followed days of calls from civil rights activists and others to have the statue removed.

Councilwoman Helen Gym said on Twitter that the statue should go, and Mayor Kenney, a fellow Democrat, said it was time to discuss its future.

In an interview earlier this week, former City Councilman Frank Rizzo Jr., now 74, said his father was an advocate for all law-abiding Philadelphians. Many former police officers contacted him Tuesday, he said, worried that the statue was at risk. The thing about his father was, above all, he loved this city, Rizzo Jr. said. So much so that he died in his campaign office July 16, 1991, running to be elected again as mayor.

Rizzo Jr. said he once encountered an African American woman paying her respects to the statue. The woman had walked into the mayors office seeking help for her son, who was spinning out of control. Rizzo Sr. personally called him on the phone and told him to come to City Hall. He got him a job that day. She said, He helped me out, and saved my sons life.’

This is a developing story. Please check back for updates.

Should Rizzo statue stay or go? Aug 15 – 6:58 PM

That Rizzo statue is history! (No, seriouslyput it in a museum) Aug 17 – 12:07 PM

‘Never again!’ Thousands march on Broad Street for ‘Philly is Charlottesville’ rally Aug 16 – 9:34 PM

Rizzo statue egged, N.J. man arrested Aug 16 – 1:58 PM

Flowers: Do not rip Rizzo’s presence from our public consciousness Aug 15 – 6:54 PM

Spikol: Tear down the Frank Rizzo statue now Aug 15 – 12:57 PM

Published: August 18, 2017 12:43 AM EDT | Updated: August 18, 2017 8:56 AM EDT

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Rizzo statue defaced with ‘Black Power’ message; suspect in custody – Philly.com

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Black Power movement – Wikipedia

This article is about a social movement. For the slogan, see Black Power. The Black Power movement emphasized racial pride, economic empowerment, and the creation of political and cultural institutions for black people in the United States. The movement grew out of the Civil rights movement, as black activists experimented with forms of self-advocacy ranging from political lobbying to armed struggle. The Black Power movement served as a focal point for the view that reformist and pacifist elements of the Civil Rights Moment were not effective in changing race relations. Motivated by a desire for safety and self-sufficiency that was not available inside redline neighborhoods, Black Power activists founded black-owned bookstores, food cooperatives, farms, media, printing presses, schools, clinics and ambulance services.[1][2][3][4][5][6] The international impact of the movement includes the Black Power Revolution in Trinidad and Tobago.[7] While black American thinkers such as Robert F. Williams and Malcolm X influenced the early Black Power movement, the Black Panther Party and its views are widely seen as the cornerstone. It was influenced by philosophies such as pan-Africanism, black nationalism and socialism, as well as contemporary events like the Cuban Revolution and the decolonization of Africa.[8] At the movement’s peak in the early 1970s, some of its more militant leaders were killed during conflicts with police, prompting many activists to abandon the movement. The first popular use of the term “Black Power” as a social and racial slogan was by Stokely Carmichael (later known as Kwame Ture) and Willie Ricks (later known as Mukasa Dada), both organizers and spokespersons for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. On June 16, 1966, in a speech in Greenwood, Mississippi, during the March Against Fear, Carmichael led the marchers in a chant for black power that was televised nationally.[9] By the late 1960s, Black Power came to represent the demand for more immediate violent action to counter American white supremacy. Most of these ideas were influenced by Malcolm X’s criticism of Martin Luther King Jr.’s peaceful protest methods. The 1965 assassination of Malcolm X coupled with the urban uprisings of 1964 and 1965 ignited the movement. New organizations that supported Black Power philosophies ranging from socialism to black nationalism, including the Black Panther Party, grew to prominence.[10] The organization Nation of Islam began as a black nationalist movement in the 1930s, inspiring later groups.[11] Malcolm X is largely credited with the group’s dramatic increase in membership between the early 1950s and early 1960s (from 500 to 25,000 by one estimate; from 1,200 to 50,000 or 75,000 by another).[12][13] In March 1964, Malcolm X left the Nation due to disagreements with Elijah Muhammad; among other things, he cited his interest in working with other civil rights leaders, saying that Muhammad had prevented him from doing so.[14] Later, Malcolm X also said Muhammad had engaged in extramarital affairs with young Nation secretariesa serious violation of the group’s teachings.[15] On February 21, 1965, Malcolm X was shot and killed while speaking at the Audubon Ballroom in Washington Heights, New York.[16] Three Nation members were convicted of assassinating him.[17][18][19] After the Watts riots in Los Angeles in 1965, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee decided to break its ties with the mainstream civil rights movement. They argued that blacks needed to build power of their own, rather than seek accommodations from the power structure in place. SNCC migrated from a philosophy of nonviolence to one of greater militancy after the mid-1960s.[20] The organization established ties with radical groups such as the Students for a Democratic Society. In late October 1966, Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale founded the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense. In formulating a new politics, they drew on their experiences working with a variety of Black Power organizations.[21] The Black Panther Party’s Ten-Point Program included point five, “We want education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent American society. We want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present day society.” This sentiment was echoed in many of the other Black Power organizations; the inadequacy of black education had earlier been remarked on by W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, and Carter G. Woodson. With this backdrop, Stokely Carmichael brought political education into his work with SNCC in the rural South. This included get-out-the-vote campaigns[22] and political literacy. Bobby Seale and Huey Newton used education to address the lack of identity in the black community. Seale had worked with youth in an after-school program before starting the Panthers. Through this new education and identity building, they believed they could empower black Americans to claim their freedom. The Black Panther Party initially utilized open-carry gun laws to protect party members and local black communities from law enforcement. Party members also recorded incidents of police brutality by distantly following police cars around neighborhoods.[23] Numbers grew slightly starting in February 1967, when the party provided an armed escort at the San Francisco airport for Betty Shabazz, Malcolm X’s widow and keynote speaker at conference held in his honor.[24] By 1967, the SNCC began to fall apart due to policy disputes in its leadership and many members left for the Black Panthers.[25] Throughout 1967 the Panthers staged rallies and disrupted the California State Assembly with armed marchers.[26] In late 1967 the FBI developed COINTELPRO to investigate black nationalist groups and other civil rights leaders.[27] By 1969, the Black Panthers and their allies had become primary COINTELPRO targets, singled out in 233 of the 295 authorized “black nationalist” COINTELPRO actions. In 1968 the Republic of New Afrika was founded, a separatist group seeking a black country in the southern United States, only to dissolve by the early 1970s. By 1968, many Black Panther leaders had been arrested, including founder Huey Newton for the murder of a police officer (Newton’s proseuction was eventually dismissed), yet membership surged. Black Panthers later engaged the police in a firefight in a Los Angeles gas station. In the same year, Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated, creating nationwide riots, the widest wave of social unrest since the American Civil War.[28] In Cleveland, Ohio, the “Republic of New Libya” engaged the police in the Glenville shootout, which was followed by rioting.[29] The year also marked the start of the White Panther Party, a group of whites dedicated to the cause of the Black Panthers. Founders Pun Plamondon and John Sinclair were arrested, but eventually freed, in connection to the bombing of a Central Intelligence Agency office in Ann Arbor, Michigan that September.[30] By 1969, the Black Panthers began purging members due to fear of law enforcement infiltration and engaged in multiple gunfights with police, and one with a black nationalist organization. The Panthers continued their “Free Huey” campaign internationally. In the spirit of rising militancy, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers was formed in Detroit, which supported labor rights and black liberation. In 1970 the Honorary Prime Minister of the Black Panther Party, Stokely Carmichael, traveled to various countries to discuss methods to resist “American imperialism”.[31] In Trinidad, the black power movement had escalated into the Black Power Revolution in which many Afro-Trinidadians forced the government of Trinidad to give into reforms. Later many Panthers visited Algeria to discuss Pan-Africanism and anti-imperialism. In the same year former Black Panthers formed the Black Liberation Army to continue a violent revolution rather than the party’s new reform movements.[32] On October 22, 1970, the Black Liberation Army is believed to have planted a bomb in St. Brendan’s Church in San Francisco while it was full of mourners attending the funeral of San Francisco police officer Harold Hamilton, who had been killed in the line of duty while responding to a bank robbery. The bomb was detonated, but no one in the church suffered serious injuries.[33] In 1971, several Panther officials fled the U.S. due to police concerns. This was the only active year of the Black Revolutionary Assault Team, a group that bombed the New York South African consular office in protest of apartheid. On September 20 it placed bombs at the UN Missions of Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa) and the Republic of Malawi.[34] In February 1971, ideological splits within the Black Panther Party between leaders Newton and Eldridge Cleaver led to two factions within the party; the conflict turned violent and four people were killed in a series of assassinations.[35] On May 21, 1971, five Black Liberation Army members participated in the shootings of two New York City police officers, Joseph Piagentini and Waverly Jones. Those brought to trial for the shootings include Anthony Bottom (also known as Jalil Muntaqim), Albert Washington, Francisco Torres, Gabriel Torres, and Herman Bell.[citation needed] During the jail sentence of White Panther John Sinclair a “Free John” concert took place, including John Lennon and Stevie Wonder. Sinclair was released two days later. On August 29, three BLA members murdered San Francisco police sergeant John Victor Young at his police station. Two days later, the San Francisco Chronicle received a letter signed by the BLA claiming responsibility for the attack.[citation needed] Late in the year Huey Newton visited China for meetings on Maoist theory and anti-imperialism.[36] Black Power icon George Jackson attempted to escape from prison in August, killing seven hostage only to be killed himself.[37] Jackson’s death triggered the Attica Prison uprising which was later ended in a bloody siege. On November 3 Officer James R. Greene of the Atlanta Police Department was shot and killed in his patrol van at a gas station by Black Liberation Army members.[38] 1972 was the year Newton shut down many Black Panther chapters and held a party meeting in Oakland, California. On January 27, the Black Liberation Army assassinated police officers Gregory Foster and Rocco Laurie in New York City. After the killings, a note sent to authorities portrayed the murders as a retaliation for the prisoner deaths during 1971 Attica prison riot. To date no arrests have been made.[citation needed] In the same year, MOVE was founded and engaged in demonstrations for environmentalism and black power.[39][self-published source] On July 31, five armed BLA members hijacked Delta Air Lines Flight 841, eventually collecting a ransom of $1 million and diverting the plane, after passengers were released, to Algeria. The authorities there seized the ransom but allowed the group to flee. Four were eventually caught by French authorities in Paris, where they were convicted of various crimes, but one George Wright remained a fugitive until September 26, 2011, when he was captured in Portugal.[40] After being accused of murdering a prostitute in 1974, Huey Newton fled to Cuba. Elaine Brown became party leader and embarked on an election campaign.[41] In the late 1970s a rebel group named after the killed prisoner formed the George Jackson Brigade. From March 1975 to December 1977, the Brigade robbed at least seven banks and detonated about 20 pipe bombs mainly targeting government buildings, electric power facilities, Safeway stores, and companies accused of racism. In 1977, Newton returned from exile in Cuba. Shortly afterward, Elaine Brown resigned from the party and fled to Los Angeles.[42] The Party fell apart, leaving only a few members.[43] MOVE became a communal living group. When police raided their house a firefight broke out; one officer was killed, seven other police officers, five firefighters, three MOVE members, and three bystanders were also injured.[44]In another high-profile incident of the Black Liberation Army, Assata Shakur, Zayd Shakur and Sundiata Acoli were said to have opened fire on state troopers in New Jersey after being pulled over for a broken taillight. Zayd Shakur and state trooper Werner Foerster were both killed during the exchange. Following her capture, Assata Shakur was tried in six different criminal trials. According to Shakur, she was beaten and tortured during her incarceration in a number of different federal and state prisons. The charges ranged from kidnapping to assault and battery to bank robbery. Assata Shakur was found guilty of the murder of both Foerster and her companion Zayd Shakur, but escaped prison in 1979 and eventually fled to Cuba and received political asylum. Acoli was convicted of killing Foerster and sentenced to life in prison. In 1978 a group of Black Liberation Army and Weather Underground members formed named the May 19th Communist Organization, or M19CO. It also included members of the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa.[45][46] In 1979 three M19CO members walked into the visitor’s center at the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women near Clinton, New Jersey. They took two guards hostage and freed Shakur. Several months later M19CO arranged for the escape of William Morales, a member of Puerto Rican separatist group Fuerzas Armadas de Liberacin Nacional Puertorriquea from Bellevue Hospital in New York City, where he was recovering after a bomb he was building exploded in his hands.[45] Over the 1980s the Black Power movement continued despite a decline in its popularity and organization memberships. The Black Liberation Army was active in the US until at least 1981 when a Brinks truck robbery, conducted with support from former Weather Underground members Kathy Boudin and David Gilbert, left a guard and two police officers dead. Boudin and Gilbert, along with several BLA members, were subsequently arrested.[47] M19CO engaged in a bombing campaign in the 1980s. They targeted a series of government and commercial buildings, including the U.S. Senate. On November 3, 1984, two members of the M19CO, Susan Rosenberg and Timothy Blunk, were arrested at a mini-warehouse they had rented in Cherry Hill, New Jersey. Police recovered more than 100 blasting caps, nearly 200 sticks of dynamite, more than 100 cartridges of gel explosive, and 24 bags of blasting agent from the warehouse. The M19CO alliance’s last bombing was on February 23, 1985, at the Policemen’s Benevolent Association in New York City. MOVE had relocated to Philadelphia after the earlier shootout. On May 13, 1985, the police, along with city manager Leo Brooks, arrived with arrest warrants and attempted to clear the building and arrest the indicted MOVE members.[48] This led to an armed standoff with police,[49] who lobbed tear gas canisters at the building. MOVE members shot at the police, who returned fire with automatic weapons.[50] The police then bombed the house, causing a large fire.[50][48])[51] In 1989, well into the waning years of the movement, the New Black Panther Party formed. In the same year on August 22, Huey P. Newton was fatally shot outside by 24-year-old Black Guerilla Family member Tyrone Robinson.[52] After the 1970s the Black Power movement saw a decline, but not an end. In the year 1998 the Black Radical Congress was founded, with debatable effects. The Black Riders Liberation Party was created by Bloods and Crips gang members as an attempt to recreate the Black Panther Party in 1996. The group has spread, creating chapters in cities across the United States, and frequently staging paramilitary marches.[53] During the 2008 presidential election New Black Panther Party members were accused voter intimidation at a polling station in a predominantly black, Democratic voting district of Philadelphia.[54] After the politically upsetting shooting of Trayvon Martin black power paramilitaries formed, including the Huey P. Newton Gun Club, African American Defense League, and the New Black Liberation Militia, all staging armed marches and military training.[citation needed] Some have compared the modern movement Black Lives Matter to the Black Power movement, noting its similarities.[55] Just as Black Power activists focused on community control of schools and politics, the movement took a major interest in creating and controlling its own media institutions. Most famously, the Black Panther Party produced the Black Panther newspaper, which proved to be one of the BPP’s most influential tools for disseminating its message and recruiting new members. WAFR was launched in September 1971 as the first public, community-based black radio station. The Durham, North Carolina, station broadcast until 1976, but influenced later activist radio stations including WPFW in Washington, D.C. and WRFG in Atlanta.[56]

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Black Power | National Archives

Black Power was a revolutionary movement that occurred in the 1960s and 1970s. It emphasized racial pride, economic empowerment, and the creation of political and cultural institutions. During this era, there was a rise in the demand for black history courses, a greater embrace of African culture, and a spread of raw artistic expression displaying the realities of African Americans. The origin of the first use of the term Black Power varies. Its roots can be traced to author Richard Wrights non-fiction work Black Power, published in 1954, and in 1965, the Lowndes County [Alabama] Freedom Organization (LCFO) used the slogan Black Power for black people for its political candidates. But, it was not until 1966, when Black Power made it into the mainstream. During the Meredith March against Fear in Mississippi, Student Nonviolent Coordinating (SNCC) Chairman Stokely Carmichael rallied marchers by chanting we want Black Power. This subject guide highlights records of Federal agencies and collections that related to the Black Power movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The selected records contain information on various organizations, which include the Nation of Islam (NOI), Deacons for Defense and Justice, and the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense (BPP). It also includes records on several individuals, including Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael, Elaine Brown, Angela Davis, Fred Hampton, Amiri Baraka, and Shirley Chisholm. This subject guide is not meant to be exhaustive, but to provide guidance to researchers interested in the Black Power movement and its relation to the Federal government. The records in this guide were created by Federal agencies, therefore, the topics included had some sort of interaction with the United States Government. This subject guide includes textual and electronic records, photographs, moving images, audio recordings, and artifacts. Records can be found at the National Archives at College Park, as well as various presidential libraries and regional archives throughout the country. Record descriptions usually consist of the following elements: record group number or collection title; series title with dates and National Archives Identifier (NAID); and related file units or items with NAID. Each description NAID is linked to a description in the National Archives Catalog. Researchers should use the NAID link to find information on the records: creator(s), type(s) of archival materials, arrangement, scope and content note, access and use restrictions, extent, physical location of records, and contact information. There is an exception with some of the selected records from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and Department of Justice (DOJ).This guide may only list the case file number due to the number of sections within each case. Please search the Catalog for NAIDs of each section.

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Black Power : The Politics of Liberation: Kwame Ture …

Kwame Ture, formerly known asStokely Carmichael, was among the most fiery and visible leaders of Black militancy in the United States in the 1960s, first as head of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and then as prime minister of the Black Panther Party, where he coined the phrase “Black Power.” In 1969 he cut his ties with American groups over the issue of allying with White radicals, and moved to Guinea. He declared himself a pan-Africanist. In 1978 he changed his name to Kwame Ture, to honor African socialist leaders Kwame Nkrumah and Ahmed Sekoe Toure. He lived in Guinea for 33 years, until his diagnosis with prostate cancer. He died in 1998. Charles V. Hamiltonis a political scientist, civil rights leader, and the W. S. Sayre Professor Emeritus of Government and Political Science atColumbia University.

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Black power – definition of black power by The Free Dictionary

As a result of the political, cultural, and social gains of Civil Rights and Black Power movement, the Department grew rapidly in the late 1960s and early 1970s.Second, Captive Nation forces readers to rethink and expand their understanding of the enduring and broad Black Freedom struggle as well as the more narrowly defined Civil Rights and Black Power phases within that struggle.In the book, Randolph writes that Kennedy’s feminism emerged out of answering the questions of Black Power and self-determination.Kinchen provides an in-depth study on Black Power at the local level in Memphis through the activism of youth and students, arguably the center of the Black Power movement, with a focus on the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.Most argue that Caribbean Black Power originated in a long tradition of struggle in the Caribbean for black liberation–from slave revolts and conspiracies, to Pan-Africanism, Marcus Garvey’s UNIA, and Rastafarianism in Jamaica.Black Power TV is a study of the emergence of public affairs television by and for African-Americans during the Civil Rights Movement (c.These new and more radical political directives and means reflected the circulation of Black Power ideology internationally.If his rationale for writing Black Power was to document what Africa might mean to the Western world, Wright states that he is also going to understand what Africa means to him, a self-identified but socially constructed person of African descent: “I wanted to see this Africa that was posing such acute questions for me and was conjuring up in my mind notions of the fabulous and remote: heat, jungle, rain, strange place names [.While MacDonald only considers fictional series on network television, including I, Spy, Julia, and Star Trek, Devorah Heitner’s Black Power TV implicitly suggests that the same period was a Golden Age for black public television.Over the past decade and a half there has been an explosion of academic interest on the Black Power movement, producing recuperative and rehabilitative works that have formed what Peniel Joseph in 2001 described as “a new phase of civil rights history that might best be described as Black Power Studies” (p.The first time she heard the song, one of my roommates, a brown-skinned, petite woman with jet-black hair worn in a big, curly afro that blew in the wind, raised her Black Power fist high like she was standing to receive a medal with Tommie Smith and John Carlos in the 1968 Olympics and shouted.I chose to use the black power fist in my designs because we as black transmen in my opinion are the epitome of black power in men.

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How Marvel’s Black Panther Marks a Major Milestone

The RevolutionaryPower of Black Panther Marvels new movie marks a major milestoneBy JAMIL SMITH The first movie I remember seeing in a theater had a black hero. Lando Calrissian, played by Billy Dee Williams, didnt have any superpowers, but he ran his own city. That movie, the 1980 Star Wars sequel The Empire Strikes Back, introduced Calrissian as a complicated human being who still did the right thing. Thats one reason I grew up knowing I could be the same. If you are reading this and you are white, seeing people who look like you in mass media probably isnt something you think about often. Every day, the culture reflects not only you but nearly infinite versions of youexecutives, poets, garbage collectors, soldiers, nurses and so on. The world shows you that your possibilities are boundless. Now, after a brief respite, you again have a President. Those of us who are not white have considerably more trouble not only finding representation of ourselves in mass media and other arenas of public life, but also finding representation that indicates that our humanity is multifaceted. Relating to characters onscreen is necessary not merely for us to feel seen and understood, but also for others who need to see and understand us. When it doesnt happen, we are all the poorer for it. This is one of the many reasons Black Panther is significant. What seems like just another entry in an endless parade of superhero movies is actually something much bigger. It hasnt even hit theaters yet and its cultural footprint is already enormous. Its a movie about what it means to be black in both America and Africaand, more broadly, in the world. Rather than dodge complicated themes about race and identity, the film grapples head-on with the issues affecting modern-day black life. It is also incredibly entertaining, filled with timely comedy, sharply choreographed action and gorgeously lit people of all colors. You have superhero films that are gritty dramas or action comedies, director Ryan Coogler tells TIME. But this movie, he says, tackles another important genre: Superhero films that deal with issues of being of African descent. Black Panther is the 18th movie in the Marvel Cinematic Universe, a franchise that has made $13.5 billion at the global box office over the past 10 years. (Marvel is owned by Disney.) It may be the first megabudget movienot just about superheroes, but about anyoneto have an African-American director and a predominantly black cast. Hollywood has never produced a blockbuster this splendidly black. The movie, out Feb. 16, comes as the entertainment industry is wrestling with its toxic treatment of women and persons of color. This rapidly expanding reckoningone that reflects the importance of representation in our cultureis long overdue. Black Panther is poised to prove to Hollywood that African-American narratives have the power to generate profits from all audiences. And, more important, that making movies about black lives is part of showing that they matter. The invitation to the Black Panther premiere read Royal attire requested. Yet no one showed up to the Dolby Theatre on Hollywood Boulevard on Jan. 29 looking like an extra from a British costume drama. On display instead were crowns of a different sortascending head wraps made of various African fabrics. Oscar winner Lupita Nyongo wore her natural hair tightly wrapped above a resplendent bejeweled purple gown. Men, including star Chadwick Boseman and Coogler, wore Afrocentric patterns and clothing, dashikis and boubous. Co-star Daniel Kaluuya, an Oscar nominee for his star turn in Get Out, arrived wearing a kanzu, the formal tunic of his Ugandan ancestry. After the Obama era, perhaps none of this should feel groundbreaking. But it does. In the midst of a regressive cultural and political moment fueled in part by the white-nativist movement, the very existence of Black Panther feels like resistance. Its themes challenge institutional bias, its characters take unsubtle digs at oppressors, and its narrative includes prismatic perspectives on black life and tradition. The fact that Black Panther is excellent only helps. Back when the film was announced, in 2014, nobody knew that it would be released into the fraught climate of President Trumps Americawhere a thriving black future seems more difficult to see. Trumps reaction to the Charlottesville chaos last summer equated those protesting racism with violent neo-Nazis defending a statue honoring a Confederate general. Immigrants from Mexico, Central America and predominantly Muslim countries are some of the Presidents most frequent scapegoats. So what does it mean to see this film, a vision of unmitigated black excellence, in a moment when the Commander in Chief reportedly, in a recent meeting, dismissed the 54 nations of Africa as sh-thole countries? As is typical of the climate were in, Black Panther is already running into its share of trollsincluding a Facebook group that sought, unsuccessfully, to flood the review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes with negative ratings of the film. That Black Panther signifies a threat to some is unsurprising. A fictional African King with the technological war power to destroy youor, worse, the wealth to buy your landmay not please someone who just wants to consume the latest Marvel chapter without deeper political consideration. Black Panther is emblematic of the most productive responses to bigotry: rather than going for hearts and minds of racists, it celebrates what those who choose to prohibit equal representation and rights are ignoring, willfully or not. They are missing out on the full possibility of the world and the very America they seek to make great. They cannot stop this representation of it. When considering the folks who preemptively hate Black Panther and seek to stop it from influencing American culture, I echo the response that the movies hero TChalla is known to give when warned of those who seek to invade his home country: Let them try. The history of black power and the movement that bore its name can be traced back to the summer of 1966. The activist Stokely Carmichael was searching for something more than mere liberty. To him, integration in a white-dominated America meant assimilation by default. About one year after the assassination of Malcolm X and the Watts riots in Los Angeles, Carmichael took over the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee from John Lewis. Carmichael decided to move the organization away from a philosophy of pacifism and escalate the groups militancy to emphasize armed self-defense, black business ownership and community control. In June of that year, James Meredith, an activist who four years earlier had become the first black person admitted to Ole Miss, started the March Against Fear, a long walk of protest from Memphis to Mississippi, alone. On the second day of the march, he was wounded by a gunman. Carmichael and tens of thousands of others continued in Merediths absence. Carmichael, who was arrested halfway through the march, was incensed upon his release. The only way we gonna stop them white men from whuppin us is to take over, he declared before a passionate crowd on June 16. We been saying freedom for six years and we aint got nothin. What we gonna start sayin now is Black Power! Black Panther was born in the civil rights era, and he reflected the politics of that time. The month after Carmichaels Black Power declaration, the character debuted in Marvel Comics Fantastic Four No. 52. Supernatural strength and agility were his main features, but a genius intellect was his best attribute. Black Panther wasnt an alter ego; it was the formal title for TChalla, King of Wakanda, a fictional African nation that, thanks to its exclusive hold on the sound-absorbent metal vibranium, had become the most technologically advanced nation in the world. It was a vision of black grandeur and, indeed, power in a trying time, when more than 41% of African Americans were at or below the poverty line and comprised nearly a third of the nations poor. Much like the iconic Lieutenant Uhura character, played by Nichelle Nichols, that debuted in Star Trek in September 1966, Black Panther was an expression of Afrofuturisman ethos that fuses African mythologies, technology and science fiction and serves to rebuke conventional depictions of (or, worse, efforts to bring about) a future bereft of black people. His white creators, Stan Lee and Jack Kirby, did not consciously conjure a fantasy-world response to Carmichaels call, but the image still held power. TChalla was not only strong and educated; he was also royalty. He didnt have to take over. He was already in charge. You might say that this African nation is fantasy, says Boseman, who portrays TChalla in the movie. But to have the opportunity to pull from real ideas, real places and real African concepts, and put it inside of this idea of Wakandathats a great opportunity to develop a sense of what that identity is, especially when youre disconnected from it. The character emerged at a time when the civil rights movement rightfully began to increase its demands of an America that had promised so much and delivered so little to its black population. Fifty-two years after the introduction of TChalla, those demands have yet to be fully answered. According to the Federal Reserve, the typical African-American family had a median net worth of $17,600 in 2016. In contrast, white households had a median net worth of $171,000. The revolutionary thing about Black Panther is that it envisions a world not devoid of racism but one in which black people have the wealth, technology and military might to level the playing fielda scenario applicable not only to the predominantly white landscape of Hollywood but, more important, to the world at large. The Black Panther Party, the revolutionary organization founded in Oakland, Calif., a few months after TChallas debut, was depicted in the media as a threatening and radical group with goals that differed dramatically from the more pacifist vision of civil rights leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. and Lewis. Marvel even briefly changed the characters name to Black Leopard because of the inevitable association with the Panthers, but soon reverted. For some viewers, Black Panther may have undeservedly sinister connotations, but the 2018 film reclaims the symbol to be celebrated by all as an avatar for change. The urgency for change is partly what Carmichael was trying to express in the summer of 66, and the powers that be needed to listen. Its still true in 2018. Moviegoers first encountered Bosemans TChalla in Marvels 2016 ensemble hit Captain America: Civil War, and he instantly cut a striking figure in his sleek vibranium suit. As Black Panther opens, with TChalla grieving the death of his father and coming to grips with his sudden ascension to the Wakandan throne, its clear that our heros royal upbringing has kept him sheltered from the realities of how systemic racism has touched just about every black life across the globe. The comic, especially in its most recent incarnations as rendered by the writers Ta-Nehisi Coates and Roxane Gay, has worked to expunge Eurocentric misconceptions of Africaand the films imagery and thematic material follow suit. People often ask, What is Black Panther? What is his power? And they have a misconception that he only has power through his suit, says Boseman. The character is existing with power inside power. Coogler says that Black Panther, like his previous filmsincluding the police-brutality drama Fruitvale Station and his innovative Rocky sequel Creedexplores issues of identity. Thats something Ive always struggled with as a person, says the director. Like the first time that I found out I was black. Hes talking less about an epidermal self-awareness than about learning how white society views his black skin. Not just identity, but names. Who are you? is a question that comes up a lot in this film. TChalla knows exactly who he is. The antagonist in this film has many names. That villain comes in the form of Erik Killmonger Stevens, a former black-ops soldier with Wakandan ties who seeks to both outwit and beat down TChalla for the crown. As played by a scene-stealing Michael B. Jordan, Killmongers motivations illuminate thorny questions about how black people worldwide should best use their power. In the movie, Killmonger is, like Coogler, a native of Oakland. By exploring the disparate experiences of Africans and African Americans, Coogler shines a bright light on the psychic scars of slaverys legacy and how black Americans endure the real-life consequences of it in the present day. Killmongers perspective is rendered in full; his rage over how he and other black people across the world have been disenfranchised and disempowered is justifiable. Coogler, who co-wrote the screenplay with Joe Robert Cole, also includes another important antagonist from the comics: the dastardly and bigoted Ulysses Klaue (Andy Serkis). What I love about this experience is that it could have been the idea of black exploitation: hes gonna fight Klaue, hes gonna go after the white man and thats itthats the enemy, Boseman says. He recognizes that some fans will take issue with a black male villain fighting black protagonists. Killmonger fights not only TChalla, but also warrior women like the spy Nakia (Nyongo), Okoye (Danai Gurira) and the rest of the Dora Milaje, TChallas all-female royal guards. Killmonger and Shuri (Letitia Wright), TChallas quippy tech-genius sister, also face off. TChalla and Killmonger are mirror images, separated only by the accident of where they were born. What they dont realize, Boseman says, is that the greatest conflict you will ever face will be the conflict with yourself. Both TChalla and Killmonger had to be compelling in order for the movie to succeed. Obviously, the superhero is who puts you in the seat, Coogler says. Thats who you want to see come out on top. But Ill be damned if the villains aint cool too. They have to be able to stand up to the hero, and have you saying, Man, I dont know if the heros going to make it out of this. If you dont have that, Boseman says, you dont have a movie. This is not just a movie about a black superhero; its very much a black movie. It carries a weight that neither Thor nor Captain America could lift: serving a black audience that has long gone underrepresented. For so long, films that depict a reality where whiteness isnt the default have been ghettoized, marketed largely to audiences of color as niche entertainment, instead of as part of the mainstream. Think of Tyler Perrys Madea movies, Malcolm D. Lees surprise 1999 hit The Best Man or the Barbershop franchise that launched in 2002. But over the past year, the success of films including Get Out and Girls Trip have done even bigger business at the box office, led to commercial acclaim and minted new stars like Kaluuya and Tiffany Haddish. Those two hits have only bolstered an argument that has persisted since well before Spike Lee made his debut: black films with black themes and black stars can and should be marketed like any other. No one talks about Woody Allen and Wes Anderson movies as white movies to be marketed only to that audience. Black Panther marks the biggest move yet in this wave: its both a black film and the newest entrant in the most bankable movie franchise in history. For a wary and risk-averse film business, led largely by white film executives who have been historically predisposed to greenlight projects featuring characters who look like them, Black Panther will offer proof that a depiction of a reality of something other than whiteness can make a ton of money. The films positive receptionas of Feb. 6, the day initial reviews surfaced, it had a 100% rating on Rotten Tomatoesbodes well for its commercial prospects. Variety predicted that it could threaten the Presidents Day weekend record of $152 million, set in 2016 by Deadpool. Some of the films early success can be credited to Nate Moore, an African-American executive producer in Marvels film division who has been vocal about the importance of including black characters in the Marvel universe. But beyond Wakanda, the questions of power and responsibility, it seems, are not only applicable to the characters in Black Panther. Once this film blows the doors off, as expected, Hollywood must do more to reckon with that issue than merely greenlight more black stories. It also needs more Nate Moores. I know people [in the entertainment industry] are going to see this and aspire to it, Boseman says. But this is also having people inside spacesgatekeeper positions, people who can open doors and take that idea. How can this be done? How can we be represented in a way that is aspirational? Because Black Panther marks such an unprecedented moment that excitement for the film feels almost kinetic. Black Panther parties are being organized, pre- and post-film soires for fans new and old. A video of young Atlanta students dancing in their classroom once they learned they were going to see the film together went viral in early February. Oscar winner Octavia Spencer announced on her Instagram account that shell be in Mississippi when Black Panther opens and that she plans to buy out a theater in an underserved community there to ensure that all our brown children can see themselves as a superhero. Many civil rights pioneers and other trailblazing forebears have received lavish cinematic treatments, in films including Malcolm X, Selma and Hidden Figures. Jackie Robinson even portrayed himself onscreen. Fictional celluloid champions have included Virgil Tibbs, John Shaft and Foxy Brown. Lando, too. But Black Panther matters more, because he is our best chance for people of every color to see a black hero. That is its own kind of power. Jamil Smith is a journalist born and raised in Cleveland, Ohio. He lives in Los Angeles.

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Black power | Etsy

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Black Power – YouTube

Trick Baby 1972 – Duration: 1 hour, 33 minutes. The son of a black prostitute and a white client, Johnny “Folks” O’Brien (Kiel Martin) spends his childhood in the ghetto hearing the hateful name “trick baby,” only to realize as an adult just how…

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Black – Wikipedia

Black Color coordinatesHex triplet#000000sRGBB(r,g,b)(0, 0, 0)CMYKH (c, m, y, k)(0, 0, 0, 100)HSV (h, s, v)(, %, 0%)SourceBy definitionB: Normalized to [0255] (byte)H: Normalized to [0100] (hundred) Black is the darkest color, the result of the absence or complete absorption of visible light. It is an achromatic color, literally a color without hue, like white (its opposite) and gray.[1] It is often used symbolically or figuratively to represent darkness, while white represents light. Black ink is the most common color used for printing books, newspapers and documents, because it has the highest contrast with white paper and is the easiest to read. For the same reason, black text on a white screen is the most common format used on computer screens.[3] In color printing it is used along with the subtractive primaries cyan, yellow, and magenta, in order to help produce the darkest shades. Black and white have often been used to describe opposites; particularly truth and ignorance, good and evil, the “Dark Ages” versus Age of Enlightenment. Since the Middle Ages black has been the symbolic color of solemnity and authority, and for this reason is still commonly worn by judges and magistrates. Black was one of the first colors used by artists in neolithic cave paintings. In the 14th century, it began to be worn by royalty, the clergy, judges and government officials in much of Europe. It became the color worn by English romantic poets, businessmen and statesmen in the 19th century, and a high fashion color in the 20th century. In the Roman Empire, it became the color of mourning, and over the centuries it was frequently associated with death, evil, witches and magic. According to surveys in Europe and North America, it is the color most commonly associated with mourning, the end, secrets, magic, force, violence, evil, and elegance.[4] The word black comes from Old English blc (“black, dark”, also, “ink”), from Proto-Germanic *blakkaz (“burned”), from Proto-Indo-European *bhleg- (“to burn, gleam, shine, flash”), from base *bhel- (“to shine”), related to Old Saxon blak (“ink”), Old High German blach (“black”), Old Norse blakkr (“dark”), Dutch blaken (“to burn”), and Swedish blck (“ink”). More distant cognates include Latin flagrare (“to blaze, glow, burn”), and Ancient Greek phlegein (“to burn, scorch”). The Ancient Greeks sometimes used the same word to name different colors, if they had the same intensity. Kuanos’ could mean both dark blue and black.[5] The Ancient Romans had two words for black: ater was a flat, dull black, while niger was a brilliant, saturated black. Ater has vanished from the vocabulary, but niger was the source of the country name Nigeria[6] the English word Negro and the word for “black” in most modern Romance languages (French: noir; Spanish and Portuguese: negro; Italian: nero ). Old High German also had two words for black: swartz for dull black and blach for a luminous black. These are parallelled in Middle English by the terms swart for dull black and blaek for luminous black. Swart still survives as the word swarthy, while blaek became the modern English black.[5] In heraldry, the word used for the black color is sable,[7] named for the black fur of the sable, an animal. Black was one of the first colors used in art. The Lascaux Cave in France contains drawings of bulls and other animals drawn by paleolithic artists between 18,000 and 17,000 years ago. They began by using charcoal, and then made more vivid black pigments by burning bones or grinding a powder of manganese oxide.[5] For the ancient Egyptians, black had positive associations; being the color of fertility and the rich black soil flooded by the Nile. It was the color of Anubis, the god of the underworld, who took the form of a black jackal, and offered protection against evil to the dead. For the ancient Greeks, black was also the color of the underworld, separated from the world of the living by the river Acheron, whose water was black. Those who had committed the worst sins were sent to Tartarus, the deepest and darkest level. In the center was the palace of Hades, the king of the underworld, where he was seated upon a black ebony throne. Black was one of the most important colors used by ancient Greek artists. In the 6th century BC, they began making black-figure pottery and later red figure pottery, using a highly original technique. In black-figure pottery, the artist would paint figures with a glossy clay slip on a red clay pot. When the pot was fired, the figures painted with the slip would turn black, against a red background. Later they reversed the process, painting the spaces between the figures with slip. This created magnificent red figures against a glossy black background.[8] In the social hierarchy of ancient Rome, purple was the color reserved for the Emperor; red was the color worn by soldiers (red cloaks for the officers, red tunics for the soldiers); white the color worn by the priests, and black was worn by craftsmen and artisans. The black they wore was not deep and rich; the vegetable dyes used to make black were not solid or lasting, so the blacks often turned out faded gray or brown.[citation needed] In Latin, the word for black, ater and to darken, atere, were associated with cruelty, brutality and evil. They were the root of the English words “atrocious” and “atrocity”.[9] Black was also the Roman color of death and mourning. In the 2nd century BC Roman magistrates began to wear a dark toga, called a toga pulla, to funeral ceremonies. Later, under the Empire, the family of the deceased also wore dark colors for a long period; then, after a banquet to mark the end of mourning, exchanged the black for a white toga. In Roman poetry, death was called the hora nigra, the black hour.[5] The German and Scandinavian peoples worshipped their own goddess of the night, Ntt, who crossed the sky in a chariot drawn by a black horse. They also feared Hel, the goddess of the kingdom of the dead, whose skin was black on one side and red on the other. They also held sacred the raven. They believed that Odin, the king of the Nordic pantheon, had two black ravens, Huginn and Muninn, who served as his agents, traveling the world for him, watching and listening.[10] In the early Middle Ages, black was commonly associated with darkness and evil. In Medieval paintings, the devil was usually depicted as having human form, but with wings and black skin or hair.[11] In fashion, black did not have the prestige of red, the color of the nobility. It was worn by Benedictine monks as a sign of humility and penitence. In the 12th century a famous theological dispute broke out between the Cistercian monks, who wore white, and the Benedictines, who wore black. A Benedictine abbot, Pierre the Venerable, accused the Cistercians of excessive pride in wearing white instead of black. Saint Bernard of Clairvaux, the founder of the Cistercians responded that black was the color of the devil, hell, “of death and sin,” while white represented “purity, innocence and all the virtues”.[12] Black symbolized both power and secrecy in the medieval world. The emblem of the Holy Roman Empire of Germany was a black eagle. The black knight in the poetry of the Middle Ages was an enigmatic figure, hiding his identity, usually wrapped in secrecy.[13] Black ink, invented in Ancient China and India, was traditionally used in the Middle Ages for writing, for the simple reason that black was the darkest color and therefore provided the greatest contrast with white paper or parchment, making it the easiest color to read. It became even more important in the 15th century, with the invention of printing. A new kind of ink, printer’s ink, was created out of soot, turpentine and walnut oil. The new ink made it possible to spread ideas to a mass audience through printed books, and to popularize art through black and white engravings and prints. Because of its contrast and clarity, black ink on white paper continued to be the standard for printing books, newspapers and documents; and for the same reason black text on a white background is the most common format used on computer screens.[14] The 15th-century painting of the Last Judgement by Fra Angelico (13951455) depicted hell with a vivid black devil devouring sinners. The black knight in a miniature painting of a medieval romance,Le Livre du cur d’amour pris (about 1460) Gutenberg Bible (14511452). Black ink was used for printing books, because it provided the greatest contrast with the white paper and was the clearest and easiest color to read. In the early Middle Ages, princes, nobles and the wealthy usually wore bright colors, particularly scarlet cloaks from Italy. Black was rarely part of the wardrobe of a noble family. The one exception was the fur of the sable. This glossy black fur, from an animal of the marten family, was the finest and most expensive fur in Europe. It was imported from Russia and Poland and used to trim the robes and gowns of royalty. In the 14th century, the status of black began to change. First, high-quality black dyes began to arrive on the market, allowing garments of a deep, rich black. Magistrates and government officials began to wear black robes, as a sign of the importance and seriousness of their positions. A third reason was the passage of sumptuary laws in some parts of Europe which prohibited the wearing of costly clothes and certain colors by anyone except members of the nobility. The famous bright scarlet cloaks from Venice and the peacock blue fabrics from Florence were restricted to the nobility. The wealthy bankers and merchants of northern Italy responded by changing to black robes and gowns, made with the most expensive fabrics.[15] The change to the more austere but elegant black was quickly picked up by the kings and nobility. It began in northern Italy, where the Duke of Milan and the Count of Savoy and the rulers of Mantua, Ferrara, Rimini and Urbino began to dress in black. It then spread to France, led by Louis I, Duke of Orleans, younger brother of King Charles VI of France. It moved to England at the end of the reign of King Richard II (13771399), where all the court began to wear black. In 141920, black became the color of the powerful Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good. It moved to Spain, where it became the color of the Spanish Habsburgs, of Charles V and of his son, Philip II of Spain (15271598). European rulers saw it as the color of power, dignity, humility and temperance. By the end of the 16th century, it was the color worn by almost all the monarchs of Europe and their courts.[16] While black was the color worn by the Catholic rulers of Europe, it was also the emblematic color of the Protestant Reformation in Europe and the Puritans in England and America. Jean Calvin, Melanchton and other Protestant theologians denounced the richly colored and decorated interiors of Roman Catholic churches. They saw the color red, worn by the Pope and his Cardinals, as the color of luxury, sin, and human folly.[17] In some northern European cities, mobs attacked churches and cathedrals, smashed the stained glass windows and defaced the statues and decoration. In Protestant doctrine, clothing was required to be sober, simple and discreet. Bright colors were banished and replaced by blacks, browns and grays; women and children were recommended to wear white.[18] In the Protestant Netherlands, Rembrandt Van Rijn used this sober new palette of blacks and browns to create portraits whose faces emerged from the shadows expressing the deepest human emotions. The Catholic painters of the Counter-Reformation, like Rubens, went in the opposite direction; they filled their paintings with bright and rich colors. The new Baroque churches of the Counter-Reformation were usually shining white inside and filled with statues, frescoes, marble, gold and colorful paintings, to appeal to the public. But European Catholics of all classes, like Protestants, eventually adopted a sober wardrobe that was mostly black, brown and gray.[19] Swiss theologian John Calvin denounced the bright colors worn by Roman Catholic priests, and colorful decoration of churches. American Pilgrims in New England going to church (painting by George Henry Boughton, 1867) In the second part of the 17th century, Europe and America experienced an epidemic of fear of witchcraft. People widely believed that the devil appeared at midnight in a ceremony called a black mass or black sabbath, usually in the form of a black animal, often a goat, a dog, a wolf, a bear, a deer or a rooster, accompanied by their familiar spirits, black cats, serpents and other black creatures. This was the origin of the widespread superstition about black cats and other black animals. In Medieval Flanders, in a ceremony called Kattenstoet, black cats were thrown from the belfry of the Cloth Hall of Ypres to ward off witchcraft.[20] Witch trials were common in both Europe and America during this period. During the notorious Salem witch trials in New England in 169293, one of those on trial was accused of being able turn into a “black thing with a blue cap,” and others of having familiars in the form of a black dog, a black cat and a black bird.[21] Nineteen women and men were hanged as witches.[22] In the 18th century, during the European Age of Enlightenment, black receded as a fashion color. Paris became the fashion capital, and pastels, blues, greens, yellow and white became the colors of the nobility and upper classes. But after the French Revolution, black again became the dominant color. Black was the color of the industrial revolution, largely fueled by coal, and later by oil. Thanks to coal smoke, the buildings of the large cities of Europe and America gradually turned black. By 1846 the industrial area of the West Midlands of England was “commonly called ‘the Black Country’.[23]Charles Dickens and other writers described the dark streets and smoky skies of London, and they were vividly illustrated in the engravings of French artist Gustave Dor. A different kind of black was an important part of the romantic movement in literature. Black was the color of melancholy, the dominant theme of romanticism. The novels of the period were filled with castles, ruins, dungeons, storms, and meetings at midnight. The leading poets of the movement were usually portrayed dressed in black, usually with a white shirt and open collar, and a scarf carelessly over their shoulder, Percy Bysshe Shelley and Lord Byron helped create the enduring stereotype of the romantic poet. The invention of new, inexpensive synthetic black dyes and the industrialization of the textile industry meant that good-quality black clothes were available for the first time to the general population. In the 19th century gradually black became the most popular color of business dress of the upper and middle classes in England, the Continent, and America. Black dominated literature and fashion in the 19th century, and played a large role in painting. James McNeil Whistler made the color the subject of his most famous painting, Arrangement in grey and black number one (1871), better known as Whistler’s Mother. Some 19th-century French painters had a low opinion of black: “Reject black,” Paul Gauguin said, “and that mix of black and white they call gray. Nothing is black, nothing is gray.”[24] But douard Manet used blacks for their strength and dramatic effect. Manet’s portrait of painter Berthe Morisot was a study in black which perfectly captured her spirit of independence. The black gave the painting power and immediacy; he even changed her eyes, which were green, to black to strengthen the effect.[25]Henri Matisse quoted the French impressionist Pissarro telling him, “Manet is stronger than us all he made light with black.”[26] Pierre-Auguste Renoir used luminous blacks, especially in his portraits. When someone told him that black was not a color, Renoir replied: “What makes you think that? Black is the queen of colors. I always detested Prussian blue. I tried to replace black with a mixture of red and blue, I tried using cobalt blue or ultramarine, but I always came back to ivory black.”[27] Vincent van Gogh used black lines to outline many of the objects in his paintings, such as the bed in the famous painting of his bedroom. making them stand apart. His painting of black crows over a cornfield, painted shortly before he died, was particularly agitated and haunting. In the late 19th century, black also became the color of anarchism. (See the section political movements.) In the 20th century, black was the color of Italian and German fascism. (See the section political movements.) In art, black regained some of the territory that it had lost during the 19th century. The Russian painter Kasimir Malevich, a member of the Suprematist movement, created the Black Square in 1915, is widely considered the first purely abstract painting. He wrote, “The painted work is no longer simply the imitation of reality, but is this very reality… It is not a demonstration of ability, but the materialization of an idea.”[28] Black was also appreciated by Henri Matisse. “When I didn’t know what color to put down, I put down black,” he said in 1945. “Black is a force: I used black as ballast to simplify the construction… Since the impressionists it seems to have made continuous progress, taking a more and more important part in color orchestration, comparable to that of the double bass as a solo instrument.”[29] In the 1950s, black came to be a symbol of individuality and intellectual and social rebellion, the color of those who didn’t accept established norms and values. In Paris, it was worn by Left-Bank intellectuals and performers such as Juliette Greco, and by some members of the Beat Movement in New York and San Francisco.[30] Black leather jackets were worn by motorcycle gangs such as the Hells Angels and street gangs on the fringes of society in the United States. Black as a color of rebellion was celebrated in such films as The Wild One, with Marlon Brando. By the end of the 20th century, black was the emblematic color of the punk subculture punk fashion, and the goth subculture. Goth fashion, which emerged in England in the 1980s, was inspired by Victorian era mourning dress. In men’s fashion, black gradually ceded its dominance to navy blue, particularly in business suits. Black evening dress and formal dress in general were worn less and less. In 1960, John F. Kennedy was the last American President to be inaugurated wearing formal dress; President Lyndon Johnson and all his successors were inaugurated wearing business suits. Women’s fashion was revolutionized and simplified in 1926 by the French designer Coco Chanel, who published a drawing of a simple black dress in Vogue magazine. She famously said, “A woman needs just three things; a black dress, a black sweater, and, on her arm, a man she loves.”[30] Other designers contributed to the trend of the little black dress. The Italian designer Gianni Versace said, “Black is the quintessence of simplicity and elegance,” and French designer Yves Saint Laurent said, “black is the liaison which connects art and fashion.[30] One of the most famous black dresses of the century was designed by Hubert de Givenchy and was worn by Audrey Hepburn in the 1961 film Breakfast at Tiffany’s. The American Civil Rights Movement in the 1950s was a struggle for the political equality of African Americans. It developed into the Black Power movement in the late 1960s and 1970s, and popularized the slogan “Black is Beautiful”. In the 1990s, the Black Standard became the banner of several Islamic extremist, jihadist groups. (See the section political movements.) In the visible spectrum, black is the absorption of all colors. Black can be defined as the visual impression experienced when no visible light reaches the eye. Pigments or dyes that absorb light rather than reflect it back to the eye “look black”. A black pigment can, however, result from a combination of several pigments that collectively absorb all colors. If appropriate proportions of three primary pigments are mixed, the result reflects so little light as to be called “black”. This provides two superficially opposite but actually complementary descriptions of black. Black is the absorption of all colors of light, or an exhaustive combination of multiple colors of pigment. See also primary colors. In physics, a black body is a perfect absorber of light, but, by a thermodynamic rule, it is also the best emitter. Thus, the best radiative cooling, out of sunlight, is by using black paint, though it is important that it be black (a nearly perfect absorber) in the infrared as well. In elementary science, far ultraviolet light is called “black light” because, while itself unseen, it causes many minerals and other substances to fluoresce. On January 16, 2008, researchers from Troy, New York’s Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute announced the creation of the then darkest material on the planet. The material, which reflected only 0.045 percent of light, was created from carbon nanotubes stood on end. This is 1/30 of the light reflected by the current standard for blackness, and one third the light reflected by the previous record holder for darkest substance.[31] As of February 2016, the current darkest material known is claimed to be Vantablack.[32][33] A material is said to be black if most incoming light is absorbed equally in the material. Light (electromagnetic radiation in the visible spectrum) interacts with the atoms and molecules, which causes the energy of the light to be converted into other forms of energy, usually heat. This means that black surfaces can act as thermal collectors, absorbing light and generating heat (see Solar thermal collector). Absorption of light is contrasted by transmission, reflection and diffusion, where the light is only redirected, causing objects to appear transparent, reflective or white respectively. The earliest pigments used by Neolithic man were charcoal, red ocher and yellow ocher. The black lines of cave art were drawn with the tips of burnt torches made of a wood with resin.[36] Different charcoal pigments were made by burning different woods and animal products, each of which produced a different tone. The charcoal would be ground and then mixed with animal fat to make the pigment. The 15th-century painter Cennino Cennini described how this pigment was made during the Renaissance in his famous handbook for artists: “…there is a black which is made from the tendrils of vines. And these tendrils need to be burned. And when they have been burned, throw some water onto them and put them out and then mull them in the same way as the other black. And this is a lean and black pigment and is one of the perfect pigments that we use.”[37] Cennini also noted that “There is another black which is made from burnt almond shells or peaches and this is a perfect, fine black.”[37] Similar fine blacks were made by burning the pits of the peach, cherry or apricot. The powdered charcoal was then mixed with gum arabic or the yellow of an egg to make a paint. Different civilizations burned different plants to produce their charcoal pigments. The Inuit of Alaska used wood charcoal mixed with the blood of seals to paint masks and wooden objects. The Polynesians burned coconuts to produce their pigment. Good-quality black dyes were not known until the middle of the 14th century. The most common early dyes were made from bark, roots or fruits of different trees; usually the walnut, chestnut, or certain oak trees. The blacks produced were often more gray, brown or bluish. The cloth had to be dyed several times to darken the color. One solution used by dyers was add to the dye some iron filings, rich in iron oxide, which gave a deeper black. Another was to first dye the fabric dark blue, and then to dye it black. A much richer and deeper black dye was eventually found made from the Oak apple or gall-nut. The gall-nut is a small round tumor which grows on oak and other varieties of trees. They range in size from 25cm, and are caused by chemicals injected by the larva of certain kinds of gall wasp in the family Cynipidae.[38] The dye was very expensive; a great quantity of gall-nuts were needed for a very small amount of dye. The gall-nuts which made the best dye came from Poland, eastern Europe, the near east and North Africa. Beginning in about the 14th century, dye from gall-nuts was used for clothes of the kings and princes of Europe.[39] Another important source of natural black dyes from the 17th century onwards was the logwood tree, or Haematoxylum campechianum, which also produced reddish and bluish dyes. It is a species of flowering tree in the legume family, Fabaceae, that is native to southern Mexico and northern Central America.[40] The modern nation of Belize grew from 17th century English logwood logging camps. Since the mid-19th century, synthetic black dyes have largely replaced natural dyes. One of the important synthetic blacks is Nigrosin, a mixture of synthetic black dyes (CI 50415, Solvent black 5) made by heating a mixture of nitrobenzene, aniline and aniline hydrochloride in the presence of a copper or iron catalyst. Its main industrial uses are as a colorant for lacquers and varnishes and in marker-pen inks.[41] The first known inks were made by the Chinese, and date back to the 23rd century B.C. They used natural plant dyes and minerals such as graphite ground with water and applied with an ink brush. Early Chinese inks similar to the modern inkstick have been found dating to about 256 BC at the end of the Warring States period. They were produced from soot, usually produced by burning pine wood, mixed with animal glue. To make ink from an inkstick, the stick is continuously ground against an inkstone with a small quantity of water to produce a dark liquid which is then applied with an ink brush. Artists and calligraphists could vary the thickness of the resulting ink by reducing or increasing the intensity and time of ink grinding. These inks produced the delicate shading and subtle or dramatic effects of Chinese brush painting.[42] India ink (or Indian ink in British English) is a black ink once widely used for writing and printing and now more commonly used for drawing, especially when inking comic books and comic strips. The technique of making it probably came from China. India ink has been in use in India since at least the 4th century BC, where it was called masi. In India, the black color of the ink came from bone char, tar, pitch and other substances.[43][44] The Ancient Romans had a black writing ink they called atramentum librarium.[45] Its name came from the Latin word atrare, which meant to make something black. (This was the same root as the English word atrocious.) It was usually made, like India ink, from soot, although one variety, called atramentum elephantinum, was made by burning the ivory of elephants.[46] Gall-nuts were also used for making fine black writing ink. Iron gall ink (also known as iron gall nut ink or oak gall ink) was a purple-black or brown-black ink made from iron salts and tannic acids from gall nut. It was the standard writing and drawing ink in Europe, from about the 12th century to the 19th century, and remained in use well into the 20th century. Sticks of vine charcoal and compressed charcoal. Charcoal, along with red and yellow ochre, was one of the first pigments used by Paleolithic man. A Chinese inkstick, in the form of lotus flowers and blossoms. Inksticks are used in Chinese calligraphy and brush painting. Ivory black or bone char, a natural black pigment made by burning animal bones. The logwood tree from Central America produced dyes beginning in the 17th century. The nation of Belize began as a British colony producing logwood. The oak apple or gall-nut, a tumor growing on oak trees, was the main source of black dye and black writing ink from the 14th century until the 19th century. The industrial production of lamp black, made by producing, collecting and refining soot, in 1906. Image of the NGC 406 galaxy from the Hubble Space Telescope The night sky seen from Mars, with the two moons of Mars visible, taken by the NASA Spirit Rover. Outside Earth’s atmosphere, the sky is black day and night. Simulated view of a black hole in front of the Large Magellanic Cloud. The fact that outer space is black is sometimes called Olbers’ paradox. In theory, because the universe is full of stars, and is believed to be infinitely large, it would be expected that the light of an infinite number of stars would be enough to brilliantly light the whole universe all the time. However, the background color of outer space is black. This contradiction was first noted in 1823 by German astronomer Heinrich Wilhelm Matthias Olbers, who posed the question of why the night sky was black. The current accepted answer is that, although the universe is infinitely large, it is not infinitely old. It is thought to be about 13.8 billion years old, so we can only see objects as far away as the distance light can travel in 13.8 billion years. Light from stars farther away has not reached Earth, and cannot contribute to making the sky bright. Furthermore, as the universe is expanding, many stars are moving away from Earth. As they move, the wavelength of their light becomes longer, through the Doppler effect, and shifts toward red, or even becomes invisible. As a result of these two phenomena, there is not enough starlight to make space anything but black.[50] The daytime sky on Earth is blue because light from the Sun strikes molecules in Earth’s atmosphere scattering light in all directions. Blue light is scattered more than other colors, and reaches the eye in greater quantities, making the daytime sky appear blue. This is known as Rayleigh scattering. The nighttime sky on Earth is black because the part of Earth experiencing night is facing away from the Sun, the light of the Sun is blocked by Earth itself, and there is no other bright nighttime source of light in the vicinity. Thus, there is not enough light to undergo Rayleigh scattering and make the sky blue. On the Moon, on the other hand, because there is no atmosphere to scatter the light, the sky is black both day and night. This phenomenon also holds true for other locations without an atmosphere. American black bear (Ursus americanus) near Riding Mountain Park, Manitoba, Canada The black mamba of Africa is one of the most venomous snakes, as well as the fastest-moving snake in the world. The only black part of the snake is the inside of the mouth, which it exposes in a threat display when alarmed. The black widow spider, or lactrodectus, The females frequently eat their male partners after mating. The female’s venom is at least three times more potent than that of the males, making a male’s self-defense bite ineffective. The American crow is one of the most intelligent of all animals.[51] In China, the color black is associated with water, one of the five fundamental elements believed to compose all things; and with winter, cold, and the direction north, usually symbolized by a black tortoise. It is also associated with disorder, including the positive disorder which leads to change and new life. When the first Emperor of China Qin Shi Huang seized power from the Zhou Dynasty, he changed the Imperial color from red to black, saying that black extinguished red. Only when the Han Dynasty appeared in 206 BC was red restored as the imperial color.[52] The Chinese and Japanese character for black (kuro in Japanese), can, depending upon the context, also mean dark or evil. In Japan, black is associated with mystery, the night, the unknown, the supernatural, the invisible and death. Combined with white, it can symbolize intuition.[53] In Japan in the 10th and 11th century, it was believed that wearing black could bring misfortune. It was worn at court by those who wanted to set themselves apart from the established powers or who had renounced material possessions.[54] In Japan black can also symbolize experience, as opposed to white, which symbolizes naivet. The black belt in martial arts symbolizes experience, while a white belt is worn by novices.[55] Japanese men traditionally wear a black kimono with some white decoration on their wedding day. In Indonesia black is associated with depth, the subterranean world, demons, disaster, and the left hand. When black is combined with white, however, it symbolizes harmony and equilibrium.[56] The first Chinese Emperor, Qin Shi Huang, made black his imperial color, saying that black extinguished red, the old dynastic color. Japanese men traditionally wear a black kimono with some white decoration on their wedding day Anarchism is a political philosophy, most popular in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, which holds that governments and capitalism are harmful and undesirable. The symbols of anarchism was usually either a black flag or a black letter A. More recently it is usually represented with a bisected red and black flag, to emphasise the movement’s socialist roots in the First International. Anarchism was most popular in Spain, France, Italy, Ukraine and Argentina. There were also small but influential movements in the United States and Russia. In the latter, the movement initially allied itself with the Bolsheviks.[57]

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December 3, 2017   Posted in: Black Power  Comments Closed

Rizzo statue defaced with ‘Black Power’ message; suspect in custody – Philly.com

Police arrested one man early Friday in connection with a spray-painted message intended to deface the statue of former Mayor and Police Commissioner Frank Rizzo outside the Municipal Services Building. The suspect is a 40-year-old man from Germantown, according to a police source. He was expected to be charged with criminal mischief, institutional vandalism, and possession of an instrument of crime. The full identity of the suspect was being withheld Friday morning pending charges. The statue was defaced late Thursday with the message Black Power spray-painted in white, following calls for its removal. In the aftermath of last weekends debacle in Charlottesville, Va., the Rizzo statue has become the focus of renewed criticism. Meantime, city workers power-washed the message from the statue early Friday. The vandalism came during an unguarded moment. On Wednesday morning, the statue was eggedand, for much of the time afterward, was guarded by police, including during a “Philly is Charlottesville” demonstration later Wednesday that drew Black Lives Matter activists to the site at 15th Street and John F. Kennedy Boulevard. At 11:06 p.m. Thursday, officers responded to a radio call for vandalism in progress in front of the Municipal Services Building. In addition to spray-painting the Rizzo statue, someone had written the words The Black community should be their own Police on the steps of the building. The suspect then walked to a parked 2005 Toyota station wagon and entered on the driver’s side before leaving the area, police said. Video of the defacing of the Rizzo statue was posted on Twitter: Thousands of people joined the Broad Street march aimed at showing solidarity with victims of the Charlottesville, Va., attack, and a smaller group of protesters remained by the statue Wednesday night. “The statue is going to come down one way or another,” said Asa Khalif, a member of the Pennsylvaniachapter of theBlack Lives Matter Movement. “It stands for generational hurt, oppression, injustice, homophobia, anti-blackness.” Khalif posted an image of the defaced Rizzo statue early Friday on Twitter: Thursday’s vandalism followed days of calls from civil rights activists and others to have the statue removed. Councilwoman Helen Gym said on Twitter that the statue should go, and Mayor Kenney, a fellow Democrat, said it was time to discuss its future. In an interview earlier this week, former City Councilman Frank Rizzo Jr., now 74, said his father was an advocate for all law-abiding Philadelphians. Many former police officers contacted him Tuesday, he said, worried that the statue was at risk. The thing about his father was, above all, he loved this city, Rizzo Jr. said. So much so that he died in his campaign office July 16, 1991, running to be elected again as mayor. Rizzo Jr. said he once encountered an African American woman paying her respects to the statue. The woman had walked into the mayors office seeking help for her son, who was spinning out of control. Rizzo Sr. personally called him on the phone and told him to come to City Hall. He got him a job that day. She said, He helped me out, and saved my sons life.’ This is a developing story. Please check back for updates. Should Rizzo statue stay or go? Aug 15 – 6:58 PM That Rizzo statue is history! (No, seriouslyput it in a museum) Aug 17 – 12:07 PM ‘Never again!’ Thousands march on Broad Street for ‘Philly is Charlottesville’ rally Aug 16 – 9:34 PM Rizzo statue egged, N.J. man arrested Aug 16 – 1:58 PM Flowers: Do not rip Rizzo’s presence from our public consciousness Aug 15 – 6:54 PM Spikol: Tear down the Frank Rizzo statue now Aug 15 – 12:57 PM Published: August 18, 2017 12:43 AM EDT | Updated: August 18, 2017 8:56 AM EDT We recently asked you to support our journalism. The response, in a word, is heartening. You have encouraged us in our mission to provide quality news and watchdog journalism. Some of you have even followed through with subscriptions, which is especially gratifying. Our role as an independent, fact-based news organization has never been clearer. And our promise to you is that we will always strive to provide indispensable journalism to our community. Subscriptions are available for home delivery of the print edition and for a digital replica viewable on your mobile device or computer. Subscriptions start as low as 25 per day. We’re thankful for your support in every way.

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August 23, 2017   Posted in: Black Power  Comments Closed


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